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"Mr President of the European Parliament, Mr President of the European Commission, ladies and gentlemen, I come before you today for the first time as President of the European Council. The Czech Republic has assumed leadership of the EU after France, which I consider to be more than symbolic. France played an important role in the birth of the modern Czech state. The French court is where our greatest king, Charles IV, Holy Roman Emperor, grew up, and, following the model of the Sorbonne in Paris, he founded the university in Prague, one of the outstanding institutions of European learning. We are linked to France, then, both through the fulfilment of our national aspirations and in the promotion of universal European values.
2009 will also be the 30th anniversary of the first direct elections to the European Parliament which you represent. Of the triangle of EU institutions, it is Parliament that we consider to be the source of direct political legitimacy. The European Parliament is the only directly elected body of the EU, and with repeated calls for a reduction of the so-called ‘democratic deficit’, its authority has increased over the decades.
Finally, this year marks 60 years since the founding of NATO, which is the most important Transatlantic defence alliance. NATO is the manifestation, at security level, of the Euro-Atlantic ties that confirm the validity of our European civilisation’s values on both sides of the ocean.
2009 will not only be a year of significant anniversaries, but also a year of important and difficult challenges. We must continue to resolve institutional issues. The international role of the EU will be tested not only by the still-unresolved conflict in Georgia, but also by the new escalation of tensions in the Middle East. Finally, the issue of energy security once again demands our urgent attention. In addition to our scheduled tasks we shall, like the French presidency, have to face new events. Further surprises can never be ruled out.
The country holding the presidency cannot influence the EU’s long-term agenda or the emergence of new problems. What it can and must influence is the selection of presidential priorities; and, as is customary, I intend to set out these priorities here.
Our primary effort has been to ensure that these priorities not only represent the Czech point of view, but also reflect the continuity of developments in the EU, and the positions and ideas of individual Member States and political tendencies. This has been a broad and consensual task, not a confrontational and one-sided one. Even though it is of course impossible for everyone to be 100% satisfied with these priorities, I believe that all of you can find something in our programme that you can identify with.
At the same time, I am certainly not hiding the fact that for the Czech Republic, just like every other Member State, the presidency provides an opportunity to draw attention to areas where our specific know-how enables us to contribute something to Europe. What are those areas?
As a country dependent on oil and gas imports and as a former Eastern Bloc country, we are well aware of the importance of energy security as a requirement not only for economic wellbeing, but also for a free and independent foreign policy.
As a new Member State with experience of totalitarianism, our membership of the Community means a great deal to us, and we consider it our moral duty to strengthen cooperation with those who are left outside. Just as France put its know-how to use in relation to the Mediterranean, we want to convince the EU of the importance of the Eastern Partnership.
The third contribution that I want to mention here is our experience with the crisis in the banking sector which we went through at the end of the 1990s. We can contribute to the current debate with our recommendations and our experts. Due to the stabilisation of financial institutions we are one of the very few countries today that have not had to pump taxpayers’ money into rescuing banks affected by the financial crisis.
Our priorities for the presidency reflect Czech know-how, respect the continuity of EU development and are in fact well-matched to the existing problems.
Just as it was not easy to found a university in Bohemia to compare with the Sorbonne, it is not easy to take over the EU presidency from France. I see only one way of fulfilling this task honourably. It is no accident that I have chosen a medieval monarch as an example of our links with France and with European values. Charles IV, in his policies, could not uphold a narrowly Czech stance; on the contrary, he had to integrate and represent a whole diverse empire.
As you probably know, the motto of our presidency is ‘Europe without barriers’. I would add to that the subtitle ‘a Europe of rules’. This vision gains new importance in today’s troubled political and economic situation. We believe that only a Europe that makes full use of its economic, human and cultural potential can hold its own, economically and politically, in global competition. This is doubly true in times of crisis.
The full development of Europe’s potential is hindered by a number of internal barriers that we should try to remove. I am thinking, for example, of the last remaining obstacles to the full exercise of the four basic EU freedoms by all Member States – the unnecessary administrative burden for entrepreneurs, or the lack of connections between energy networks, which is an obstacle to increased energy security and the development of the internal energy market.
On the other hand, a Europe without barriers cannot be a Europe without rules and borders. The removal of internal barriers must go hand in hand with protection against illegal activities that threaten the safety and interests of Europeans, especially in the areas of protection of intellectual property, and illegal immigration. Only clearly set boundaries will enable us to play a more active role in breaking down external barriers, for example in international trade, so that we can make better use of the potential, and the comparative advantages, of European countries.
During the six months of its presidency, the Czech Republic will aim for these overarching objectives through the implementation of three main programme areas, the ‘Three Czech E’s’: 1. Economy, 2. Energy, 3. The European Union in the World. With slight exaggeration, it could be said that these 3 E’s have been transformed, at the beginning of the year, into 2 G’s: Gas and Gaza. In physics, E means energy and G is the symbol of gravitational acceleration. For anyone in need of exercise, 2 Gs is plenty of exertion.
I shall say straight away that I could speak for hours about individual priorities and tasks; but more important than any words are the results of the Czech presidency so far. Today is the 14th of January, which means we have held the presidency for two weeks. Within this time, we have managed to find a political solution to the complicated problem of Russian gas, and to negotiate an agreement between the two sides in the dispute. We have also led a European delegation to the area of the Middle East conflict. The delegation completed a difficult round of talks with all the parties involved, and achieved the first successes in opening a humanitarian corridor to Gaza.
All this has come at a time when we have faced a difficult situation at home, with a government reshuffle, and have been subjected to attacks from the opposition, which has been irresponsibly torpedoing the Czech presidency of the EU and holding the country’s foreign commitments to ransom in a domestic political dispute. I think the results we have achieved in spite of this are a more than adequate response to the doubting voices that said that the Czech Republic, for objective and subjective reasons, was not up to the task of leading the EU.
Turning, now, to individual areas in more detail:
The first E: Economics
The Czech presidency will press mainly for the full implementation of the conclusions of the G20 Summit Declaration of November 2008 and the European Council conclusions of December 2008. In accordance with these conclusions the key requirement for success is to prevent excessive regulation and to avoid protectionism – or in other words, to abide by primary EU law, to abide by established rules. The EU must not close itself off from the world; on the contrary, it must strive for the greatest possible openness in world trade and draw the maximum benefit from it.
Here, the words of my friend Joseph Daul of the PPE-DE Group are very much to the point:
The current economic crisis is not a defeat for capitalism, but rather the result of political mistakes and a lack of rules for the oversight of financial markets.’
In a sense, the European Union follows on from this medieval universalism – if nothing else, in the fact that it prefers a common moral code and common legal basis over local power interests. There is also talk of a second European Union, bureaucratic, technocratic and soulless, but I believe in that first Europe: the Europe of freedom, justice, ideas and rules.
The priority tasks will be a review of the directive on capital adequacy of investment companies and lending institutions, the completion of talks on the directive regulating insurance, a regulation on the activities of ratings agencies, and a directive on electronic money institutions. The presidency will also press for a review of the regulation on payments in euros, and, last but not least, for prompt and thorough implementation of the roadmap of the Economic and Financial Affairs Council, which was adopted in response to the crisis on the financial markets. At the same time, it is essential to thoroughly analyse the possibilities offered by the legislation currently in force, and to make full use of these.
Only an economically strong and influential EU can manage to resolve the important questions of global policy, security, trade and the environment. The presidency must therefore devote itself to the realisation of the European Economic Recovery Plan, with emphasis on its incorporation into the Lisbon Strategy framework: after short-term tools for strengthening our economies, the tools for medium- and long-term structural reforms will come into play.
An example of these important structural reforms is the common agricultural policy. The key lies in setting equal terms for all EU Member States in the making of direct payments – both in terms of the amounts paid, and in terms of the payment system (removing historical disparities, making allowance for the diversity of individual Member States’ agriculture). The Czech Republic wants to incorporate this dimension into the debate on the future of the common agricultural policy after 2013.
In the long term, the best protection against the devastating impact of future crises is to strengthen the EU’s competitiveness. As I have said before, this is about the full assertion and exercise of the four basic freedoms on which the EU is founded. To these, I would add a ‘fifth freedom’ – the free movement of knowledge, which is something of a return to the medieval universalism I have mentioned.
An important factor for improving competitiveness is an improvement in the quality of regulation, including a decrease in the regulatory burden, to make doing business easier, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises. The Czech Republic is taking a very high profile in this area.
In the area of foreign trade, the presidency is focusing on a revival of discussions at the WTO. Here, we attach great importance to successful completion of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA). The DDA represents an effort to achieve a transparent liberalisation of trade at multilateral level, which will bring long-term benefits. If the talks on the DDA are suspended, the presidency will attempt to set in motion some thinking on multilateral trade tools and will support a step-up of discussions within the framework of the other WTO agendas.
We must not forget investments in education, research, development and innovation, alongside the need to improve the regulatory environment and reduce the administrative burden. Here I shall quote the Chairman of the Socialist Group in the European Parliament, Martin Schulz: ‘Europe cannot successfully compete with other regions of the world on low wages and social standards, but on technological innovations, higher quality of work and the competence and knowledge of its people.’ I fully endorse this view.
The second E: Energy
The second priority, like the first, fits into the context of current developments. Even more urgently and compellingly, I would say. The global crisis may weaken Europe in the short term; but the energy shortage that threatens us would immediately, and in the long term, destroy not only the European economy, but also our freedom and security. The Czech presidency will definitely continue its efforts to provide secure, competitive and sustainable energy for Europe.
In the area of energy security, we would like to focus on three aspects: firstly, completing the Second Strategic Energy Review, including an analysis of medium-term energy demand and supply in the EU and, based on this, the identification of appropriate infrastructure projects. Secondly, completing the directive on the maintenance of minimum stocks of crude oil and petroleum products, where we support an increase in the mandatory minimum stocks from 90 to 120 days. Thirdly, reforming the Trans-European Energy Networks (TENs-E); here, the energy security legislation package approved by the Commission in November 2008 also includes the Green Paper on European energy networks. No less important is the strengthening of infrastructure on the Member States’ territory, including the existing trans-border connections, and implementation of new energy network connections. In all related legislative acts, we hope to have the European Parliament’s support.
In that universe of values where the law is promoted above the individual, the size of the country does not matter. What matters is the ability to serve a common idea. The role of the country holding the presidency is neither to promote its interests nor to make decisions. Its role is to moderate and inspire debate. Today I do not stand before you as the Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, but as the President of the European Council. The views which I shall be representing here, over the next six months, will not be my personal views or those of the Czech government. They will be the consensus of 27 countries, embodied in the conclusions of the European Council.
Naturally, we are also interested in diversifying the supply and transport routes. It is clear that the construction of the Nabucco gas pipeline, for example, is an issue of the highest priority, and support for construction of new oil pipelines is equally important. Further, we must make efforts to diversify the energy mix, including the rehabilitation of nuclear energy and investment in new technologies.
As an example of our ability to achieve energy security in practice, we would point to the agreement we have brokered on the creation of a monitoring mechanism for the transit of Russian gas. The goal was to restore basic trust between the Russian Federation and Ukraine, and to introduce elementary transparency to the issue. We have managed to get Russia and Ukraine to sign a single document, so that renewal of supplies to the EU becomes possible.
Now the EU must take decisions and measures to ensure that in future there is no repeat of this crisis with its impact on the Member States. Transparency in the gas business must be increased, and the supply routes and suppliers must be diversified. The EU countries’ energy mix must be diversified. We need to think seriously about developing safe nuclear energy. The building of infrastructure in the EU must be implemented rapidly, in order to provide effective connections between Member States as a prerequisite for building an effective gas market.
In the area of the internal market and infrastructure, we must make efforts to achieve effective coordination of transmission system operators, to complete the building of a unified internal market for electricity and gas, and to ensure that the gaps in the transmission and transport system are eliminated.
On the question of legislative priorities in this area, we want to conclude the third package on the internal energy market, which means completing the review of two directives and two regulations on electricity and gas whose goal is to complete the liberalisation of the electricity and gas market. We also aim to bring the regulations properly into operation, and to establish an agency for cooperation between energy regulators.
Another area is the increase in energy efficiency, which the Swedish presidency wants to take on in greater detail; this means that the France – Czech Republic – Sweden trio of presidency countries will have tackled the energy issue truly comprehensively and from all sides.
While this priority is called Energy, it is inseparably linked with climate protection policy. In this area, the presidency will try to achieve a globally acceptable agreement on the setting of reduction commitments after 2012. This especially means getting the USA, India and China on board, and it will prepare the way for achieving a broad international consensus at the end of 2009 in Copenhagen. Such a consensus should also reflect current trends in the world economy. In the context of the coming economic recession and the supply crisis, it will be particularly important to harmonise the requirements of the environment, competitiveness and security.
The beginning of the year reminded us that as part of the priority of ‘the EU in the World’, we must also allow for unforeseen urgent tasks. The new escalation of tension between Israel and Hamas requires not only an active approach from the EU itself, but also coordination with important global and regional players. Again it is confirmed that peace cannot be achieved until Palestine begins to function as a fully-fledged state which is able to guarantee law and order in its territory and safety for its neighbours.
For this reason, in addition to current diplomatic activities, the European Union must continue its efforts to build the Palestinian infrastructure, with the training of security forces and reinforcement of the authority of the Palestinian administration. In the process of resolving the conflict, the Czech presidency will want to make use of its good relations with both Palestine and Israel; but it is obvious that without mutual trust, long-term peace in the Middle East is not possible.
I have already mentioned the Eastern Partnership
The Georgian crisis showed how important it is for the EU to have a strategy for that region. The deepening of the eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy, through a strengthening of cooperation with the countries of the region (above all, with Ukraine), and likewise with the countries of the Transcaucasian and Caspian region, is of great importance, not only morally but also practically. This cooperation will enable us to diversify our foreign trade and supplies of energy raw materials.
I cannot imagine coming before you in any other way. You, of course, as the directly elected Members of the European Parliament, have the right to ask me about anything, and, if you are interested, I shall always be happy to give you my opinion or to explain the Czech position; but I myself do not consider this to be essential. The arena for national interests is the European Council, which was conceived as such within the necessarily complex system of checks and balances of European democracy. However, the Council’s primary mission is to seek a meeting-point, a compromise acceptable to all. I shall always rigorously, decisively and correctly uphold that here.
As far as Transatlantic relations are concerned, it is obvious that unless they are strengthened and developed, the EU cannot effectively perform its role as a strong global player, just as the United States is now unable to perform this role independently. In the long term, we can only succeed if we work together. The Czech presidency will therefore place emphasis on intensive dialogue with the representatives of the new US administration in the key areas of economy, climate and energy, and cooperation with third countries (Pakistan, Afghanistan, Russia, Middle East).
Also of fundamental importance for the EU’s standing in the world is the position taken by the Member States when negotiating a new agreement on partnership with Russia. Events of recent years, and especially recent months, raise a number of questions and underline the necessity of a unified approach from the EU as a whole. Prerequisites for this are an understanding of Russia and a common analysis, and we therefore support the cooperation of experts on Russia across the European Union.
Under the Czech presidency, talks will also continue on enlargement covering the countries of the Western Balkans and Turkey. The Western Balkans must not be forgotten because of our economic problems and current international crises. In the case of Croatia, the presidency will do all it can to ensure that this country joins the EU as soon as possible. The positive example of Croatia is a necessary condition for maintaining the European prospects of other Western Balkan countries. We shall certainly do everything possible to support their progress within the Stabilisation and Association Process.
As part of this project, the Czech presidency is also prepared to continue developing a southern dimension to the European Neighbourhood Policy and improving relations with partner countries. This includes strengthening EU-Israel relations and the Middle East peace process in general – the current dramatic events in that region must not deter us. On the contrary, they underline the necessity of finding a peaceful solution.
Last but not least, the priority of Europe in the World includes the area of internal security. This is because current security threats, by their nature, increasingly intrude into internal security. The building of a space of freedom, security and law is a common interest of the EU that touches the lives of all its citizens. In this context, the presidency will make efforts towards further progress in Schengen cooperation, in police and customs cooperation, and in cooperation between Member States in civil and criminal matters.
We are aware that the end of our presidency will be marked by elections to the European Parliament, a more intense political atmosphere, and the need to complete the legislative process for selected legislative acts, so that they do not fall by the wayside. Also on our agenda is the start of discussions about the new form of the European Commission.
It is also up to the Czech presidency to continue the debate with Ireland on the fate of the Treaty of Lisbon. I am convinced that it is necessary to conduct these talks sensitively and with respect for the sovereignty of Irish citizens. Besides, if a referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon were to take place in the Czech Republic, all the signs are that it would not pass there either. It is necessary to find a solution that a majority of the Irish will be able to accept. This will undoubtedly help us in our internal political debate as well.
I began by saying that the Czech question is also a European question. Probably no other nation has devoted so much space, effort and time to a debate on its own identity as the Czechs have. What the European Union is going through now, a search for its form and the purpose of its existence, is something we know very well from our own history. In our role as the country holding the presidency, we therefore offer the Community our two hundred years of experience in seeking our own historical role, our own place in the family of European nations.
The Czech relationship to Europe was well described more than seventy years ago by the critic and philosopher František Václav Krejčí: ‘We do not see the Czech lands as ‘the heart of Europe’ in a geographical sense so much as in a cultural and intellectual sense. We are in the deepest heartland of the continent, where influences from all its parts converge; we feel surrounded by all European nations, if not directly, then through the imaginative power of cultural works. We say this because we are at the crossroads of intellectual currents, and it follows that it is our mission to mediate, and especially to mediate between east and west.’
I think these words are an inspiration at the beginning of 2009, when the task facing the Czech Republic over the next six months is to be the moderator of debate in the European Union. Thank you for your attention.
In the EU, they say the Czechs are always dissatisfied with something. That we are among the grumblers that others should be afraid of, that we are a nation of Hussites and hotheaded chauvinists. I fundamentally disagree with this type of criticism. Like our first president, T.G. Masaryk, I am convinced that the ‘Czech question’ is in fact a European question, and that it has always developed within a pan-European context, in accordance with common European values and in conjunction with developments in other countries.
As Masaryk wrote a hundred years ago in the second edition of his ‘Czech Question’: ‘Our national literary and language revival took place at the same time as revivals and new developments in all European nations. This means that our revival was not as isolated and miraculous as it is usually said to have been, but was fully part of the Europe-wide trend.’
I believe these words are still relevant now, when the European Union as a whole, and its individual states, are seeking out a new face for Europe. A face in which traditional European values will be reflected, and which will also look boldly ahead into the third millennium. A face in keeping with the Union motto, ‘
’, an expression of unity and at the same time diversity. Just as in the 19th century, the Czechs are entering this debate as a young and small Member. Just as then, however, we consider ourselves a long-standing part of the great family of proud European nations.
Over the next six months we shall have the opportunity to demonstrate fully our attitude towards European integration. The Czech presidency comes in a year significant for a number of reasons. This year is the fifth anniversary of the historically largest EU expansion, in 2004, which was the symbolic and practical culmination of the successful process of reunifying a previously divided continent; and this year Europe celebrates 20 years since the fall of the Iron Curtain, which enabled the countries of the former Soviet bloc to return to freedom and democracy."@en1
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