Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2005-11-16-Speech-3-139"
| Predicate | Value (sorted: default) |
|---|---|
| rdf:type | |
| dcterms:Date | |
| dcterms:Is Part Of | |
| dcterms:Language | |
| lpv:document identification number |
"en.20051116.16.3-139"2
|
| lpv:hasSubsequent | |
| lpv:speaker | |
| lpv:translated text |
".
Mr President, Mr Straw, ladies and gentlemen, as Mr Straw pointed out, we can be satisfied with the results of this Informal Summit. I am keen to share with you my delight that it was possible for the voice of the European Parliament to make itself heard at the Summit, thanks to Mr Borell’s participation in all of the discussions. I can only congratulate Mr Blair on the way in which he contributed to creating a positive atmosphere and a climate of confidence. I am particularly proud of the role played by the Commission in the success of this Summit.
Hampton Court showed once again why the European Union matters in a globalised world. Never before has European integration been so much in question, but never before has it been so necessary. Europe has the scale and the range of policies to maximise the benefits of globalisation for its citizens and to minimise the threats. It is European legislation which enables a terrorist suspect to be transferred from Italy to London within 50 days. A process that once took years now takes weeks because we have an instrument at European level and because we have European legislation that enables us to do that. It is Europe that can provide answers to the challenges of more expensive and scarcer energy. It is also Europe which will help manage the border crossing in Gaza, a very important recent development. It is Europe which is leading the world in aid for Africa. So there is a need for this European dimension.
We agree – and we have done a great deal to achieve this with better regulation – on the need for sensible legislation to avoid bureaucratic measures. However, that does not mean a minimalist Europe – and I want to be totally clear about that. Not at all. It means that Europe should do less in some areas and should make the lives of our citizens and businesses easier. Nevertheless, at the same time, there are areas where we have to do more, not less. It is a very important to avoid the idea of a minimalist Europe.
It is the responsibility of all of us European leaders – at Council level, Parliament level and Commission level – to explain this and to avoid the demagoguery and populism that is sometimes levelled against Europe. Because, in this globalised world, we need a strong Europe more than ever. But all these policies – from external relations, to security, to migration, to energy, to research, to universities – need money; they cost money.
When I was a child my mother told me never to speak about money because it is impolite. But now I have to speak about money. Because without money, we cannot deliver on those policies, we need the resources to go ahead with our policies.
Distinguished members of the Council, you cannot ask the Commission and the other European institutions to deliver and not give them the means to deliver on those policies.
The positive atmosphere, the signs of a stronger European political will that we saw at Hampton Court, must now be turned into action, turned into an agreement on the financial perspective next month. This is the defining issue of the British Presidency; it is the test of whether Europe is on the move, and we need Europe on the move.
In respect of prosperity, solidarity and security, all we can do is give our citizens the means to achieve them. I know the British Presidency is working hard for a deal; the cost of failure would be high. It is hard to see how our positions will converge within a few months. So there is a real risk of no agreement next month, leading to delays in money coming on-stream for the new Member States, a risk that the Community will not be able to deliver on crucial international commitments, including commitments for the poorest.
Without the financial perspective, how can the European Union make medium-term commitments to global funds for HIV/AIDS? How can we respect the commitments we made at the United Nations for the Millennium Development Goals? How can we support the Caribbean countries in adjusting to the changes in the European Community banana regimes, for instance? How can we keep our commitments to African peacekeeping? How can we go ahead with the so-called new policies, the policies for the future? Indeed, if there is no agreement we will keep the policies of the past; we will not have the means for the policies for the future.
I also think we all agree that an enlarged, more diverse European Union needs more investment. I do not say ‘the costs of enlargement’ because I do not like the word ‘costs’ when we speak about enlargement. But now that we are a much bigger Europe and we are a much more diverse Europe we need more investment for those new Members. We have to share the burden of this investment.
We have a duty of solidarity to the new Member States who look to the European Union for support in their rapid and remarkable progress in modernisation and reform. This is a win-win situation for all Member States. This is not a zero-sum game and it is precisely because we have to bridge this gap that I came up with some proposals, including a proposal now being taken into consideration by the British Presidency – I thank the British Presidency for that – linking cohesion and competitiveness. In our thinking there is no contradiction between cohesion on one side and competitiveness on the other, on the contrary. The cohesion and support for the new Member States is also a way for them to improve their competitiveness and for Europe as a whole to be more competitive.
Our debates at Hampton Court resulted in a consensus based on a fundamental idea and on five key areas. The fundamental idea is as follows: in order to preserve our values, we have to modernise our policies. There are no contradictions between a project of economic reform to modernise Europe and the commitment to a political Europe and a social Europe. The five key areas are, briefly: first, a consensus on the analysis and the nature of the challenges confronting us, which follows on from the contribution made by the Commission – and, while we are on this subject, Mr Straw, I thank you for what you said about the quality of our document. Secondly, the importance of practically implementing ambitious reforms that foster growth and employment. All the Member States have applied themselves to this task, and the Commission will draft a report on the national programmes developed in order to implement the Lisbon conclusions at the very beginning of next year. Thirdly, the development of the practical work done on the political responses to be provided in relation to globalisation and our ageing populations, focusing on specific areas such as research and development, universities, energy and demographics, including the issue of immigration. Fourthly – and this specifically relates back to my last point - a new priority for immigration policy, simultaneously covering legal immigration, which undoubtedly meets the needs of our economy, the securing of our borders, which our people are waiting for, and effective integration policies, which are crucial in our multicultural societies. Fifthly, new initiatives with a view to examining how our external action can be enhanced, so that we can respond more effectively to globalisation and to the new security threats that do not stop at national borders.
So I hope that those proposals will be taken into account in the final agreement so in the end it will also be clear that what we are proposing is not money for an old concept of Europe, it is money for a more competitive and more modern Europe, but a Europe that at the same time keeps its strong values in terms of cohesion.
We need a fair sharing of this burden. No Member State can do enlargement on the cheap. I trust in the common sense of the British Presidency to deliver a fair and balanced agreement next month. I hope that we will achieve this by strengthening, and not reducing, the Commission and Parliament’s ambition for an enlarged Europe. Because we have to say very frankly that the financial perspectives represent an agreement between the Council, Commission and the Parliament, and the position of Parliament and the Commission should be taken into consideration in the final agreement.
Hampton Court was indeed a success. Hampton Court was the first very important step in a new consensus for a dynamic, modern Europe. I hope that the positive spirit of dynamism and openness which everyone showed there can be turned into agreement on the budget now. I give my full support to the Presidency in its efforts to achieve that and I wish the Presidency and all the Member States the very best.
We must now move on with our work. I hope that we will be able to do so in close cooperation with Parliament and with the current and forthcoming Presidencies of the Council.
In order to sustain the momentum for promoting long-term growth and employment, the Commission proposes to give new impetus to research and development and to present ways of reorganising the education systems in Europe and universities. We will report back to the Council and to the European Parliament on these matters before the spring European Council.
Searching for the resources to better tackle the demographic challenge: as from the beginning of next year, we will present the results of the consultation launched at the beginning of the year by issuing a Green Paper on demographics.
Establishing a coherent energy policy: next year we will present a strategy for Europe. All the options must remain open. This fresh recognition of the fact that we must work together in an area which, until very recently, was considered as an area reserved for the Member States, is very important.
As regards migration, work is already under way. Several proposals have already been submitted to Parliament and, before the end of the year, a document should enable us to enhance our thoughts and actions concerning legal and illegal immigration.
Finally, security confronts us with a two-fold challenge. We have not only to work together more effectively in tackling the cross-border crime that we encounter in Europe, but also to make our commitment to combat international terrorism more resolute. On that point too, important proposals by the Commission are on the table, and a strategy for combating terrorism is in the process of being completed. Yet, we also need to make greater efforts to ensure that the European Union fully takes its place in the debate on the responses to be provided in relation to globalisation. That is why the Commission will present a concept paper, examining the way in which we, the European Commission, together with the Council and Parliament, can contribute to strengthening the external coherence of the Union.
It is clear that we can do more to promote the coherence of our external action, not only in relation to foreign policy and common defence, but also in relation to the various internal policy instruments with an external dimension, as well as in areas in which the Commission has a special role to play, such as development aid, international trade and the neighbourhood policy, for instance."@en1
|
| lpv:unclassifiedMetadata |
Named graphs describing this resource:
The resource appears as object in 2 triples