Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2011-09-14-Speech-3-362-000"
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"en.20110914.27.3-362-000"2
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"Madam President, Presidents, I would like to talk about Libya, Syria and also the Middle East, because as I see it, everything is somewhat interlinked at present.
In the case of Libya, the European Union’s position is actually very simple. After some initial hesitation, the European Union has taken action: as has just been said, the European Parliament did push for recognition, which was a good move. We now need to maintain very open and honest discussions with the new National Transitional Council that is going to be appointed, because the real problem at present – and it is the same in Egypt and Tunisia – is knowing what Libya’s future constitution will look like. It is a very thorny problem.
I believe that we cannot impose our democratic model, but at the same time the European Union does clearly have a positive role to play in providing economic aid, investment and technical – rather than ideological – assistance as Libya begins to create a State that does not yet exist.
It is true that there are no political parties. It is a political desert: there are small groups, individuals and fighters. How do you turn fighters into civilians? In my view, this is where the European Union must bring its influence to bear: in the post-war period of establishing civil order. Of course, that is difficult, as is apparent in all the countries. How does one take possession of the weapons? How does one reorganise society around a democratic mechanism?
Sooner or later, Parliament, the Commission and the Council will need to have an in-depth discussion on the failings of our countries and our policies over the last five years, on how our relations and links with dictatorships have failed. Sooner or later we will have to learn from what we did and establish what we owe these countries.
On the subject of Syria, I believe that Parliament needs to impose further sanctions. As I see it, Aleppo is the real focus of the struggles in Syria. Those involved in international trade – and not just the oil industry – know that they no longer have a future with President Assad. That is why further sanctions are needed. The situation in which we find ourselves has some parallels with the situation in South Africa: the business world needs to understand that there can be no future with President Assad, who will survive one way or another. Aleppo is the key. That is why oil sanctions are needed and why European companies can no longer do business in today’s Syria.
Let me conclude with the Middle East. Baroness Ashton will try to persuade the Palestinians not to request recognition of their State in the United Nations. This is a serious matter. You should ask all those who are telling the Palestinians not to request this and tell us, here and now, what is the solution? Do not talk to them about negotiations, because there are none at present. Israel is not willing to negotiate. We need to be careful, because in the next couple of years, maybe in six months’ time, or in a year, the Palestinian territories might turn the process on its head. The Palestinian Authority might slip the key under the door and pass it to the Israelis, saying: ‘It’s yours. All this is Israel. Call it Israel-Palestine.’ Then they will begin to fight for one man, one vote, which Israel will be unable to accept because the Palestinians will make up the majority, so Israel will be forced to create an apartheid State. At which point we will be compelled to agree sanctions against Israel.
The future is not rosy. By making a choice today to tell the Palestinians to wait and see, we need to tell them what to look for. That has been clear for months. At present, despite President Obama’s efforts, no one has succeeded in bringing the Israelis back to the negotiating table. I do not see much hope for the Palestinians while Mr Lieberman is the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Israel."@en1
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