Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2009-03-25-Speech-3-277"
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"en.20090325.27.3-277"2
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".
Mr President, I apologise for being a bit late due to a meeting of the Conference of Committee Chairs here. In fact I arrived only this morning from Washington. I would like to thank you for your invitation to participate in this important and timely debate on transatlantic relations and to thank in particular the rapporteur, Mr Millán Mon, for the valuable and wide-ranging report that I read during my trip with great interest. There is much in the report with which the Presidency, and the Council, can agree.
Thirdly, Afghanistan is a key issue for both Europe and the US. This is a joint problem – terrorist attacks in both the US and Europe have their origins in the region. It is an important, and uneasy, challenge for all European political leaders to explain to their citizens that their own security must be defended in Kabul. Afghanistan was also the main subject of an informal meeting of the EU Troika with Vice-President Biden in Brussels on 10 March. The Vice-President expressed the hope that Afghanistan would remain at the top of the EU agenda. He was clear that the US was looking not just for our support for the overall strategy in Afghanistan, but also for commitment to match that support with concrete resources. Knowing that the question of security of Afghan citizens is of major concern, we have undertaken to increase the size of our police mission in the country. In addition to the EUPOL civilian mission, military police are needed, the ‘gendarmeries’ which we are talking about. In this respect, sending gendarmerie trainers on site, as an EU contribution to the NATO mission, is an option which the Presidency has been discussing with the freshly appointed Special Envoy for Pakistan and Afghanistan amongst EU countries. I have met Pierre Lellouche from France, for example, and we are also discussing this with Dick Holbrooke. We must also ensure that the conditions are in place for the Presidential elections in Afghanistan to be a success and we must keep the regional aspect in mind, in particular by giving further assistance to the development of sustainable civil government in Pakistan. So this regional dimension is very important and we are taking account of this in addition to the national dimension and then the global one.
Fourthly, a multilateral response will be crucial to address the risk of proliferation of the weapons of mass destruction. The EU and the US have expressed growing concerns about the nuclear activities of Iran in particular and its failure to comply with its international obligations in the nuclear area. The EU and the US together need to ensure that the development of nuclear technology is limited to legitimate, civilian purposes. The best way of achieving this is to establish strong, internationally binding rules, backed by credible verification mechanisms. At the same time the EU and the US are ready to engage with Iran in constructive approaches to this and other problems in the region.
A further challenge that we face is how to work together to strengthen the practical applications of rules-based multilateralism based on our shared values. There is much that we can do together here. I agree with President Obama’s sentiment, underlined by both Secretary Clinton and Vice-President Biden, that any choice between security and ideals is a false one. In this respect I welcome President Obama’s intention to move towards closure of Guantánamo.
We also welcome President Obama’s early engagement in addressing the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the appointment of George Mitchell as the special envoy for the region. A lasting peace that addresses the aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians is of vital importance to the people of the region and remains a key objective for both the EU and the US. A peace deal also has the potential to deliver wider benefits, not least greater understanding between the West and the wider Islamic world.
I have read with interest the many recommendations in your report regarding the institutional structure of the transatlantic relationship. I very much agree that the institutional links between the EU and US should reflect the importance of the relationship. The initiatives taken by the Czech Presidency serve to underline this point. We have engaged with the US, and the new Administration, at every level from the outset. And in 10 days’ time the Presidency will welcome President Obama to Prague for an informal summit with EU heads of state and government. As I have said, this will be an opportunity to assess a number of dimensions of the transatlantic relationship and to confirm our willingness to work together. These discussions will continue, for example, by holding regular informal meetings of the EU and US foreign ministers. I also believe that there is a merit in more regular and close contacts between the European Parliament and the US Congress.
I am grateful to this Parliament for its continuing support for the development of the transatlantic relationship, and in particular for your report. We have a new opportunity this year to develop the relationship further. For this Presidency, and for the Council, the transatlantic partnership has always been of strategic importance to Europe as a whole.
I can assure you that the Czech Presidency is committed to ensuring that it remains at the heart of our wider external strategy and will play a determining role in addressing the many challenges and problems which confront us globally today.
Whatever our political background, we all know that the transatlantic relationship is vital to our future, to the future of Europe. For six decades, the solid transatlantic partnership has been the leading force for peace, stability and prosperity for Europe and North America, and for the entire world. I claim that this is not just history. This is the best possible agenda for the 21st century, too. The transatlantic relationship allows us to achieve together results which neither partner alone can deliver. I would quote here Vice-President Joe Biden during his first trip to Munich, when he clearly said that America needs Europe and Europe needs America. I think that we can fully understand this kind of statement. When we agree, we can set the terms of the global agenda. When we disagree, it is difficult to take forward any agenda, so the transatlantic relationship allows us to achieve together results which we cannot achieve alone.
Last November’s US Presidential election generated an unprecedented degree of enthusiasm, expectation and interest here in Europe. This is because the choice of US President matters to Europeans. President Obama has indicated a new approach to the challenges we face. Many in Europe were attracted to this change and the spirit of change. High expectations were created on both sides of the Atlantic. These expectations represent an opportunity for our mutual cooperation at times when we most need it. But they need to be carefully managed because nothing would be more damaging for our relationship than unfulfilled hopes – and the higher the hopes are, the harder it is to satisfy them.
The new Administration has made an energetic start. As expected, much of the President’s agenda has focused on the economic and financial crisis. It was encouraging to see early decisions on Guantánamo – we were talking about that here just a few weeks ago – a renewed commitment to engage on the Middle East, and the convening of the conference on Afghanistan, which will be held on 31 May in The Hague. All these initiatives are what many in Europe have been calling for.
The dialogue with the US has been reinvigorated. From my contacts with the new Administration, including the meetings with Vice-President Biden and Secretary of State Clinton here in Brussels, it is clear that the US wishes to set a new tone with the EU and our partners. I welcome the pragmatic approach which has characterised these early contacts.
While the change of tone is important, it does not of course in itself deliver concrete outcomes. If we are to work constructively together we must review together our policy priorities, and reassess the way in which the transatlantic partnership functions. Your report is a valuable contribution to that process. It is, of course, a process which began on the EU side last year when the foreign ministers discussed transatlantic relations at the two informal meetings in Avignon and Marseille. I think some thanks are due here both to the French Presidency for initiating that and to Portugal, which also played a role. It is a process which will need to continue to be developed over the coming months. An excellent opportunity will present itself next week at the informal meeting of heads of state and government with the US President in Prague. The transatlantic relationship is rich and varied and includes a number of policy areas. I cannot touch on all of them but I would like to highlight those that we would like to address in particular at the forthcoming meeting in Prague.
Firstly, energy security and climate change. These interconnected topics are of concern to a great many Europeans. Energy security is a key priority which needs to be pursued via a comprehensive strategy covering energy efficiency and the promotion of renewable energy resources as well as the diversification of energy supplies, sources and routes. Wherever possible and necessary the EU and US should cooperate in these areas and promote a common agenda. On climate, this year will be critical. The United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen in late December presents a historic opportunity to revise and widen the application of binding international targets to address climate change.
The EU has established ambitious energy and climate change commitments in advance of the conference. President Obama’s statements and appointments in relation to climate change appear to signal an important policy shift, but much hard work lies ahead here. Of course, support from the US on this issue is vital, but it is not enough. We must also secure backing from advanced developing countries such as China.
Secondly, the economic and financial crisis. The current crisis is both severe and global and requires a strong policy response at all levels and across the world. The EU and the US have a particular responsibility in this context, both in terms of the measures they take at home and in terms of international coordination. We must cooperate with the US to ensure that we deliver a coordinated response to the current global crisis and financial problems. We must work together to address the issue of the supervision of the financial system and the reform of international financial institutions. We must also coordinate our policies for enhanced growth and employment. We must make sure that the approaches we choose are compatible and do not give rise to distortions of competition in the transatlantic market place. Much of this will take place in groups such as the G8 and G20, in particular during the G20 summit in London with which President Obama’s visit to Europe will start. But it is clear that the transatlantic relationship will be key in setting the wider global agenda."@en1
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