Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2008-01-16-Speech-3-007"
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"It is my honour and pleasure to be with you here today, and indeed also a matter of pride. I feel pride as a Slovene whose country is the first of the new EU Member States to be entrusted with the presidency of the European Council and also as a European whose Union is entering 2008 with a signed Lisbon Treaty and an enlarged Eurozone and Schengen area.
In that time Slovenia has established a democratic parliamentary system and a market economy and become an independent, internationally recognised country and is now a member of the European Union and Nato and part of the Eurozone and the Schengen area. In 1988, 20 years ago, we had an income of around EUR 4 000 per capita in purchasing power, whilst in 2007 the figure was EUR 22 000. We have reached 91% of the European Union average, last year our economic growth exceeded 6%, and we have the lowest unemployment rate in history and one of the lowest in the European Union. The level of poverty is the second lowest in the Eurozone, we are the third least indebted member of the Eurozone, and we rank among the first six Member States on the European Union reform barometer.
Following the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the democratic changes similar great progress has also been made by the other former Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe which are now members of the European Union.
Following the removal of the Schengen border between Italy, Austria, Hungary and Slovenia in December last year tens of thousands of people in Slovenia and on the other side of the former border spontaneously celebrated this symbolic act. Those of you who were with us at that time – the President of the European Commission was there and there was great rejoicing in other places too despite the cold weather – were able to see that people's reactions were very emotional. The situation was the same everywhere on the former borders of the one-time Iron Curtain from the Baltic to the Adriatic.
On that occasion I met an elderly Slovene couple among the happy crowd at the former border crossing. Both had tears in their eyes. They told me about the hardships they had endured for decades living on the hard border and later the humiliation they had suffered almost every time they had crossed the border. The lady said she hardly dared to believe that all this was happening and that the border would practically no longer exist and that something was emerging which she had not even dared dream of 20 or even 15 years ago.
I wish that the members of the European Parliament who supported enlargement of the European Union and the Schengen area could have been there that December evening. They would have found it very gratifying. However, as it was not possible for all of you to be there, may I take this opportunity here to say 'thank you'.
Thank you on behalf of that elderly couple on the vanishing border at the former border crossing, on behalf of thousands, tens of thousands and millions, on behalf of the over 100 million Europeans of Central and Eastern Europe who 20 years ago where still on the other side of the Iron Curtain, some in prison with no political and many human rights who are now together in a united Europe, with genuine opportunities for a better life and opportunities the likes of which were never available to our predecessors.
You may not even be aware how immense the consequences have been of your decision to support our aspiration for freedom and show solidarity with us. The decision is probably unprecedented in the entire history of human kind, a decision which would bring so much good to so many people. I thank you on behalf of those of us who are here because you stood with us. You were in no way forced to take such an unselfish decision – freedom and solidarity triumphed because you cared.
Those of us who belong to generations that were not born in the European Union probably have a more emotional view of everything that has occurred in recent years and decades. For us, the European Union is not something to be taken for granted. We know that another, far worse, alternative exists and that is another reason why we are prepared to do everything to ensure that the European Union is preserved, developed and strengthened.
Our principle objective is for Europe to make progress in as many areas as possible in the next six months. We defined these key areas some time ago when we drew up the 18-month presidency programme together with Germany and Portugal. It was a unique experience and working as a trio was excellent, as was the contribution of the European institutions. This Parliament has been informed of the programme and the significant progress which our partners in the trio achieved last year in implementing the joint programme.
Slovenia will make every effort to complete everything that remains to be done. Therefore, our starting point remains the abovementioned programme since we wish to maintain the continuity of European Union policies. At the same time we will also devote ourselves to any new challenges. As the final country in the trio we will ensure a smooth transition to the next trio.
I assure you that in the months leading up summer I will be delighted, if you invite me, to come here more often, and certainly after each meeting of the European Council. I look forward to close and constructive cooperation with the European Parliament throughout the six-month period.
The main achievement in implementing the programme thus far was the agreement on a new EU Treaty which was signed in Lisbon in December last year. Let me express my appreciation of the personal commitment of Chancellor Angela Merkel and Prime Minister José Sócrates which has led to this result. Let us remember the uncertain and difficult circumstances in which the German Presidency took on this project a year ago. The Berlin Declaration and the agreement in principle, contained in it, that the European Union should be given a new treaty basis, was the first breakthrough on the road to Lisbon. Following successful agreement on the mandate for an intergovernmental conference at the European Council in June, the work of the German Presidency was successfully continued by our Portuguese colleagues. Under their leadership the intergovernmental conference was successfully concluded and we gained the new Lisbon Treaty.
On this occasion I would like to highlight the important role and contribution of the European Parliament, in particular your representatives at the intergovernmental conference, in drawing up the new treaty. I would also like to highlight the important role of the European Commission in reaching agreement on the new treaty. I have followed this work closely. I am familiar with it and can therefore speak from first-hand experience. The President of the Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering, and the President of the Commission, José Manuel Barroso, demonstrated great personal commitment in offering strategic assistance to both presiding countries last year. The synergy of the efforts made by all three key institutions of the European Union made possible the success and the signing of the Lisbon Treaty.
This Treaty will ensure greater effectiveness and democracy in the functioning of an enlarged European Union. It will facilitate decision-making in many new areas and strengthen the role of the European and national parliaments.
However, our task was not ended by the signing of the Treaty. We have entered the ratification period which – as we know from the 2005 experience – is the most sensitive stage in enacting a new treaty. I should stress that ratification is an exclusive area of competence and responsibility of each Member State. In that respect I would like to offer particular congratulations to Hungary which has already completed this process. We hope that by the end of our presidency most Member States will have followed this example. The Slovene Parliament will take a decision on ratification by the end of this month.
The objective is to enact the Treaty on 1 January 2009. That means, amongst other things, that we will have a great deal to do as regards all the necessary preparations. We are working closely with the next presiding country, France, to ensure that everything is ready in time to enact the Treaty. In that connection we will also work closely with the European Parliament.
Ladies and Gentlemen, the progress of the European Union in the fields of economic reform in the Member States and the construction of the internal market has been encouraging in recent years. During that period the EU economy has strengthened and productivity and employment have increased substantially.
During the next three-year cycle of implementation of the Lisbon strategy for growth and employment we must, above all, continue along the same lines as before and focus on investment in people, modernisation of labour markets, increasing entrepreneurial potential, providing reliable and affordable sources of energy, and protection of the environment. In order to launch the new three-year cycle effectively at the European Council in spring, it is necessary to adopt, in good time, integrated guidelines for which the EU institutions are responsible. Distinguished Members of the European Parliament, at this juncture I would like to reiterate the importance of constructive inter-institutional cooperation.
Implementation of well-planned reforms in the Member States with support from the institutions at European Union level, where the implementation of common policies means added value, is key to sustaining economic growth. There are many problems which could challenge such growth and thus there is a need for constant reform and adaptation. At present we are faced with a number of difficult challenges, key amongst them being the increase in oil and food prices and the prevailing turmoil on the financial markets caused by events on the mortgage market in the United States. The Slovenian Presidency will devote all the necessary attention to alleviate the consequences of it. To that end, a comprehensive programme of EU activities to strengthen the stability of financial markets will be laid down during the first half of the year. There is a need for greater market transparency, strengthened supervisory mechanisms, and closer cooperation at international level.
Investment in people, knowledge, research and new technologies remains one of the bases of the Lisbon strategy. A society based on creativity and knowledge is increasingly becoming a necessity for modern Europe. However, investment in knowledge alone is not enough. This year we have an opportunity for an in-depth debate on the kind of EU single market we want to see. We must ensure that there will be no obstacles to the flow of ideas and knowledge. At the European Council in spring we therefore wish to add a fifth freedom – the free flow of knowledge – to the four freedoms of the European Union where exceptional progress has been made thus far. Greater mobility of students, researchers and lecturers will contribute to this. The advantages of the EU internal market must become more accessible to consumers and small and medium-sized businesses. Further rapid progress in actually establishing an internal market in services and innovation is key to implementing the European Union's reform strategy. We intend to do our utmost to make progress in liberalising the internal energy market. At the end of our presidency I would gladly report to you that agreement has been successfully reached on this matter. We hope that we will succeed in taking the necessary steps towards a better, cheaper and reliable supply of energy for our citizens and businesses.
Distinguished Members of the European Parliament, as regards the future of the EU we must refer to the enlargement process which is not yet completed. Enlargement is one of the most successful policies of the European Union. In 2006 the European Commission demonstrated conclusively in its communication 'Enlargement – Two Years After' that the greatest enlargement to date, namely that in 2004, benefited both the old and the new Member States of the European Union.
Today is a historic day in many respects. Slovenia is presenting its priorities for the presidency in the European Parliament as the first new Member State, as the first Member State from behind the former Iron Curtain, and also as the first Slavic country to lead the Council of the European Union.
A glance at the map of Europe confirms our impression that enlargement is an unfinished story. It is vital that this process should continue in accordance with the undertakings entered into and on the basis of fundamental principles, primarily the principle that the membership criteria must be met. The Slovenian Presidency will endeavour to continue the accession negotiations with Croatia and Turkey on these bases.
The countries of the Western Balkans are a case in themselves. When the EU presidency was last held by a country bordering on that region, namely Greece, the foundations for the integration of the countries of the Western Balkans were laid down in the Thessaloniki Agenda. We consider that now, five years later, is the right time to confirm and consolidate the prospects of these countries joining the EU. The presidency intends to promote their progress in this direction. I should stress that we are not advocating lowering the criteria or providing a short cut. Not at all. We want the European Union to intervene more actively in this area and to step up its involvement in assisting these countries in their reform processes.
We should not forget that a firm and tangible prospect of EU membership is an essential lever for bringing about the necessary changes and reforms in these countries. We therefore wish to strengthen that prospect, also by means of specific steps in a range of areas.
At the very core of the Western Balkans lies Kosovo. In the 1970s Kosovo gained autonomy and became part of the federal system of the former Yugoslavia. The status of Kosovo was virtually the same as that of the federal republics. Fifteen years later Milošević unilaterally removed that status and then attempted to carry out ethnic cleansing which was only stopped by the international community. Following that intervention peace was restored but the question of Kosovo's permanent status has remained unresolved.
Today this is one the most demanding questions facing the European Union. It would, of course, be desirable for the issue of Kosovo's status to be resolved in a manner which was entirely acceptable to the two parties directly involved. Regrettably, the lengthy negotiation process shows that the possibilities for such an outcome have been exhausted. Furthermore, it appears unlikely that it will be possible to reach agreement on the issue in the UN Security Council in the foreseeable future.
On the other hand, we all know that further delay in resolving the issue could drastically destabilise a large part of the Western Balkan region. That would be the worst possible outcome. Kosovo is above all a European issue. The Slovenian Presidency will build on the decisions of the European Council in December. We have the foundations on which to build consensus, we have the European Union's political agreement in principle to deploy a civilian mission to Kosovo, and we agree that maintaining the status quo is unsustainable and that the issue of Kosovo is a particular problem which cannot be applied to any other situation in the world. Within this framework the presidency will coordinate solutions which enjoy the broadest possible support within the European Union and at the same time ensure long-term stability in the region.
However, Kosovo is not, of course, an island in this region. All the countries of the Western Balkans are important to Europe, to the European Union. It is more important to Slovenia than to many other Member States of the European Union as it lies in our direct vicinity and the present situation in the Balkans is an unfinished story in the geopolitical transformation following the end of the Cold War. We would like it to have a happy ending. We as the European Union bear responsibility for it and owe it to the nations and cultures of this region. The stability of the region is extremely important to the European Union as a whole and attainable only within a European perspective.
Serbia has traditionally played an important role in the Western Balkans. It is vital that we encourage Serbia on the road to Europe through an appropriate approach and in spite of the short-term turbulence and wavering.
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia was granted candidate status back in 2005 but has still not been given a date for the start of negotiations. It has implemented many successful reforms but still has to implement others and we must help it in that respect. It must not become hostage to the wider situation in the region. The earliest possible resolution of Kosovo's status is also very important to its internal stability.
We should also mention the role of Albania which had a distinct history after the Second World War but we now value for its contribution to stability in the region and its constructive approach to resolving the issue of Kosovo's future status. We can also place in the same category Montenegro, which has also seriously embraced reform with a view to inclusion in the Thessaloniki Agenda.
This would not have been possible without the profound changes that have occurred on the European continent in the past quarter of a century. They have enabled Europe to become united to a large degree, that is to say united in a union of peace, freedom, solidarity and progress. All this was unimaginable to millions of Europeans only 20 years ago.
The post-Dayton structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina with an international presence and internal political instability has shown us in recent months that this country requires special attention. Much has already been done and support for its EU membership is strengthening, but further assistance is required. We should not forget the refugees who have still not returned to their homes and the serious crimes that have as yet gone unpunished. Punishment of these crimes against humanity, peace and reconciliation are of fundamental importance to the European future of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
There are numerous reasons for further strengthening our cooperation with neighbours, strategic partners and others. I have today already mentioned the external border of the European Union. Beyond that border we have important and valuable partners whom we must involve more in our various activities.
The European Neighbourhood Policy is a welcome tool for strengthening the area of stability and prosperity beyond our borders. The eastern and Mediterranean dimension are equally important. We should we forget Ukraine, Moldova, the Southern Caucasus and North Africa. We need intensive dialogue and new circumstances repeatedly call for new forms of specific cooperation. They are very welcome.
We would like to see strengthening of institutions and processes such as the Barcelona process and Euro-Med. What we do not need is duplication or institutions competing with EU institutions which cover part of the European Union and part of the neighbouring area at the same time. The EU is a whole and only as a whole can it be sufficiently effective in establishing peace, stability and progress in the neighbouring area and beyond.
We will also strengthen cooperation with our strategic partners in the world. During our presidency we will organise four summit meetings: with the United States, the Russian Federation, Japan and the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. We will establish cooperation with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean with the aim of achieving sustainable development and combating climate change and poverty. During the Slovenian Presidency we would like to consolidate and, if possible, formalise our partnership and cooperation with the Russian Federation.
During the Slovenian Presidency the European Union will provide reliable support for the Middle East peace process. The EU will cooperate in fulfilling the obligations entered into in Annapolis and Paris. We want both Israelis and Palestinians to live secure, free and successful lives and will commit ourselves to the coexistence of two peaceful countries.
Ladies and Gentlemen, the time is coming for the European Union to have a new, strengthened role in the world. Europe is entering 2008 with a signed Lisbon Treaty, an enlarged Eurozone and Schengen area, solid economic growth, a stable Euro and over three and a half million more jobs than at the beginning of the previous year. Therefore, we have many reasons to conduct the European Council with ambition, with optimism and – I hope my French friends will not take this amiss – with vision. Such vision is always necessary. Because if you don't know how to adjust the rudder, every wind is the wrong wind. There is a great deal of wind, in particular the wind of change. The last two decades of change have not only affected Europe, the whole world has changed. Moreover, in recent years it has done so faster than before.
Some changes have already occurred but have not been fully assessed. We have much to say about the economic rise of India and China. In 2005, at the beginning of the UK Presidency, I listed to a speech by British Prime Minister Tony Blair given in this esteemed chamber. He pointed to these changes and to the growing strength of two new economic superpowers, India and China. Incidentally, this week those two countries signed a number of bilateral economic and trade agreements. These new players are rapidly investing in knowledge, research and development and enhancing their competitiveness. It has correctly been concluded that the European Union is compelled to reconsider and take steps to ensure that its competitive situation does not deteriorate. In recent years we have listed all our deficiencies and spoken about measures to remedy them. Many of those measures have been carried out, some, unfortunately, have not. However, I do not wish to speak again about the objectives and obligations stemming from the Lisbon Strategy.
Finally, I wish to say that it is not sufficient to address the changes facing the European Union in a global world solely in terms of competitiveness and the fight against terrorism. Both responses are correct, but not sufficient.
At a global level the European Union faces the following key challenges to which, sooner or later, it will have to provide answers in addition to those we have heard so far.
In May this year exactly 20 years will have passed since a very particular and personal experience of mine. Allow me to share it with you since it is very symbolic of the changes I have just referred to.
The first challenge is the issue of UN reform and the establishment of a new world order. The European Union can play a key role in this reform.
The second challenge is combating poverty. This is one of the absolute priorities. The international development aid provided by the European Union is substantial but not always used effectively. If it is to be more effective, we primarily need to do two things: one, focus on education, that is to say raising educational levels in poor societies, and, two, purchasing food and other goods to be donated as development aid in the countries and regions at which the aid is targeted. That is the only way we can effectively help strengthen their agriculture and economies and root out the causes of poverty in the long term. As regards international development aid, the word 'competitiveness' must be replaced with the word 'cooperation'. We should be heartened by the fact that the less developed countries are becoming more developed and the poor are becoming richer. The more countries are developed, the more they will be able to help combat poverty.
The third challenge is combating climate change. With the conclusions of last year's European Council the European Union became a global leader with increased credibility and much stronger influence. We must retain this role. We will achieve this also by ensuring, when negotiating with our global partners, that the same criteria we apply internally are also applied externally as regards sharing the burden in the fight against climate change.
The fourth challenge is, of course, intercultural dialogue. It is needed more than ever before. In the long run the conditions for world peace and a response to the greatest security threat to the modern world cannot be created without it. Therefore, we are pleased that 2008 is also a year in which the European Union is devoting great attention to intercultural dialogue. We are also pleased that the President of the European Parliament was able to attend the opening ceremony in Ljubljana at the beginning of the month and that the European Parliament is to organise a large number of important events in that connection. You are making a very significant contribution, firstly, to reinforcing awareness of the need for such dialogue and, secondly, to us taking genuine steps forward.
From time to time we hear that the above issues are not really true priorities of the European Union and that we should deal with domestic problems, but I am convinced that that is too narrow a view because the establishment of peace and security for our citizens, stable and secure EU energy supplies and the management of migration pressures on the European Union largely depend on how we resolve these four key issues in future and how the European Union exercises its increased role and influence in a global world.
The more the European Union is capable of acting as a global player on these bases, the greater guarantees it citizens will have of peaceful and secure lives and stable economic and social development.
Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me to conclude by assuring you that Slovenia will take on, or has taken on, this task before it with complete responsibility and after three years of intensive preparations. Our presidency may not be on such a large scale as the French and as high-profile as the German, and perhaps our civil servants do not have such long-standing and excellent traditions as the British. We may make mistakes, say something too directly or quite naively. However, we promise to work responsibly and apply ourselves to the substantive issues. We will not compete for the spotlight. That is not important to us. We know where we started from 20 years ago when Slovenia was underestimated by many. We are aware of what we have had to do to be successful and to be here today.
It is our greatest wish that our contribution will, each month, create more satisfied Europeans so that one day any person walking down the street in any town in Europe will answer immediately, when asked whether he is concerned about the future of the European Union, 'I care about the future of Europe because I know Europe cares about me.'
Ladies and Gentlemen, we are perhaps not there yet, but we are not far off and clearly on the right track. Thank you.
In 1988, two other journalists and I, along with a non-commissioned officer, were arrested, imprisoned, tried and convicted before a military court because we had criticised the then totalitarian Communist regime in Yugoslavia, and in particular, the militaristic aspirations of the then Yugoslav army. There were no fundamental rights of defence, no right to a lawyer, and no public presence. We were tried in the middle of Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, at that time still a republic of Yugoslavia, and tried in what was for us a foreign language.
Despite the trial being held in secret and the threats of intervention by the Yugoslav army, tens of thousands of people took to the streets and squares in peaceful protest. They demanded respect for human rights and democracy. They brought about the beginning of the changes.
Almost exactly 20 years later I stand before you today in this esteemed chamber, in the European Parliament, in the middle of Strasbourg, which I am able to reach without stopping at borders. As the Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia and the President of the European Union, I can address you in my mother tongue.
If anyone had told me this was possible 20 years ago in my cell of the military prison I would obviously not have believed a word of it. But it did happen and after only 20 years in the life of the same generation."@en1
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