Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-03-13-Speech-2-055"
| Predicate | Value (sorted: default) |
|---|---|
| rdf:type | |
| dcterms:Date | |
| dcterms:Is Part Of | |
| dcterms:Language | |
| lpv:document identification number |
"en.20070313.7.2-055"2
|
| lpv:hasSubsequent | |
| lpv:speaker | |
| lpv:translated text |
".
Mr President, honourable Members, thanks to the work of your rapporteur, Mr El Khadraoui, and to the members of the Committee on Transport and Tourism, the European Parliament has the opportunity today to make its voice heard regarding what I consider to be a major draft agreement between the European Union and the United States.
I should like to explain to you why, at the end of the final round of negotiations, this agreement is more favourable to Europe. I shall not go into detail about the freedoms of air transport – the fifth freedom, the seventh freedom – as derived from the 1944 Chicago Convention. They are important, but they are technical. Any technician will see that, where these famous freedoms are concerned, the European Union has gained more than it has conceded.
My speech is going to focus on the airlines’ problems regarding ownership, investment and capital. Firstly, investment in the United States. US law, which Congress will not be reviewing in the short term due to intense political controversy, stipulates that foreigners cannot hold more than 25% of the voting shares in a US airline and that they cannot control it.
Against the backdrop of these two constraints, we have secured the right for European investors to hold more than 50% of the total capital, without, however, that being presumed to mean their having control of the airline. We have succeeded in having the US authorities process investments in a fair and expeditious manner. We have also secured the right for European investors to enter into franchise agreements. Lufthansa will be able to add its name, its brand, its colours and sell its know-how to a US airline for US domestic transport. This is not a theoretical arrangement. The Virgin group, which freely sells its books and CDs in New York, is currently trying to sell its brand in order to create Virgin America in San Francisco. The operation has come up against some serious obstacles. The commitments entered into by the United States specify what action is possible precisely for this type of investment.
With regard to the provisions of the US reform, which failed in 2006 in the wake of some very strong opposition, and which some of you followed closely, it will not be possible to undermine the rights that we have negotiated. These new rights are set in stone in the agreement and will not be subject to unilateral changes in the United States. That is all I have to say about investments in the United States.
Secondly, US investment in Europe. Since the United States cannot change its 25% rule, we have retained the option to limit US investment in European airlines to the same level. This is about restoring the balance.
Thirdly, European investment in third countries. Under the current rules, we cannot invest and control a third-country airline without running the risk of undermining its traffic rights for flights to the United States. For example, Virgin has invested in Nigeria. The United States disapproves of Virgin Nigeria’s operations to the United States because the airline no longer has the right nationality. With our agreement, the United States will no longer be able to oppose Community investment in European countries outside the European Union – such as Switzerland – and in 18 African countries. There will be no comeback from the Americans on this point. They will accept the fact that these third-country airlines may receive substantial investment from European airlines.
Fourthly, third-country investment in European airlines. In line with what I just said, the United States will not challenge European-operated flights to the United States if European countries such as Iceland invest in their capital. That will enable us to attract European investment in our airlines and to standardise the air transport industry.
That is why, ladies and gentlemen, this agreement is more balanced, and it is more balanced in the interests of Europe. We must not overlook this first stage, because we need to complete a first stage before embarking on a second one, in order to lead us to the ultimate objective of an open aviation area.
Admittedly, some of the agreement’s detractors fear that there will never be a second stage because the United States will have gained in all areas during the first stage, which is inaccurate. You are right to request a mechanism that guarantees a shift to the second stage: well, I have obtained it! The negotiations will start in January 2008 at the latest. If we do not reach a second-stage agreement by the middle of 2010, we will be able to suspend the elements of the agreement.
Above and beyond reprisals, I personally am convinced that the momentum that we have created will break down the last remaining resistance with regard to ownership and control.
I am talking about the aviation agreement reached ten days ago between the US and European negotiators, in Brussels. In less than ten days’ time, I will be submitting this draft agreement for a political decision to the EU transport ministers.
We did not build the internal market in one go. We built it in three stages, but in less than 10 years. Therefore, ladies and gentlemen, these 11 negotiating sessions have really made progress possible. What is at stake behind this agreement? In five years’ time, between EUR 6 billion and EUR 12 billion profit. One might also say, over the next five years, 80 000 jobs on both sides of the Atlantic, and, finally, 26 million passengers who will have the opportunity to travel between Europe and the United States, in addition to the 50 million passengers who already take advantage of transatlantic flights. Thus, in five years, the number of passengers is likely to increase from 50 million to 75 million. These estimates are the outcome of serious studies.
I shall conclude, therefore, by saying, ladies and gentlemen, that this agreement is clearly important and that it may be very valuable where Europe is concerned. I should like to add that this morning’s sitting will also help me to better perceive your expectations, to perhaps answer your questions and, once again, I would say that I am confident that we will be able to overcome this first stage and be secure in the knowledge that the second stage is now also in sight.
There you have, ladies and gentlemen, the information that I wished to communicate to you.
Your involvement has come at a crucial moment, and you can thus make the voice of Europeans heard, not only at the Council, but also within the US institutions themselves.
These negotiations have been long and complex. There have been four years of negotiations since the Court judgments in the so-called open skies affair. There have been 11 negotiating sessions, which have caused disruption and turbulence. However, this long negotiation can enable us to strengthen the transatlantic relationship and to make a positive contribution to the Lisbon Strategy.
Within our reach is the possibility for a European airline to fly from any European location to any US destination, without any restrictions, and the nationality of the European airline does not matter.
Today, if you wish to fly between Brussels and Washington, you can only travel with a US or Belgian airline. Since Sabena went into liquidation, the absence of a Belgian carrier on that route has meant that you can only fly to Washington with a US airline.
That is why the Court of Justice ruled that these bilateral agreements were illegal. These agreements discriminate against our European airlines on the grounds of nationality. With this agreement, we are changing the way in which things are done. The United States recognises the European nature of our airlines.
All too often we forget that not just anyone can fly to the United States. Sixteen countries have open skies agreements, but eleven do not. You cannot fly directly from the Baltic countries to the United States, and the number of routes to the United States from Spain, Ireland and Greece, in particular, is strictly limited. We are therefore going to open up new possibilities to these countries.
However, from the beginning, the problem has been the balance of the agreement between Europe and the United States. In November 2005, the Council paid tribute to the progress made, progress regarding the approximation of the European and US rules on State aid, competition and security, and progress in terms of market access, but the Council also requested greater access to the US market."@en1
|
Named graphs describing this resource:
The resource appears as object in 2 triples