Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2005-09-28-Speech-3-377"

PredicateValue (sorted: default)
rdf:type
dcterms:Date
dcterms:Is Part Of
dcterms:Language
lpv:document identification number
"en.20050928.27.3-377"2
lpv:hasSubsequent
lpv:speaker
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:translated text
". Mr President, I would like to begin by thanking the Members from the different political groups whose amendments have contributed to improving my report, as well as the Committee on Development and the Committee on International Trade for their opinions and, of course, the officials of this House, whose work has ensured its success. I quite frankly believe that that influential daily newspaper is being fanciful. I did not know that good luck was an active determining factor for the economy. The fact is – and I shall end here – that India is making progress, as is its strategic relationship with the Union. My five-minute speech has no room for any more. My intentions are laid out in detail in the Explanatory Statement and in the Motion for a Resolution. I would simply like to remind the Indian Government and society of certain issues such as the following: the death penalty must be abolished, the United Nations Convention against Torture must be ratified, it must sign up to the International Criminal Court and it would also be a good idea to sign up to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, as should Pakistan and Israel, by the way. My starting point was the Commission’s Communication on a strategic partnership between the European Union and India, of June 2004, and the excellent and well-researched response of the Indian Government in its strategic document of August of the same year. I have taken account of the various meetings held since then by Indians and Europeans and, of course, the 5th bilateral Summit in The Hague, of November of last year, the cornerstone that officially launched the strategic partnership and which accords India the status of privileged partner, similar to that granted to other important countries. Finally, where possible, I followed the preparations and meetings prior to the 6th bilateral Summit in New Delhi, on 7 September of this year, which gave the green light to the expected joint action plan of the strategic partnership. I believe that, in certain areas of the report, I am going further than the Commission and the Council and there can sometimes be a degree of disagreement between my position and theirs, though more because of omissions rather than concrete actions on their part. Nevertheless, I believe that, if my report is approved during tomorrow’s sitting, we will be justified in saying that the three Institutions mentioned – Parliament, Commission and Council – fully share the desire to promote, consolidate and enrich our relationship with the largest democracy in the world, in a manner that benefits both parties mutually. We cannot forget that we are talking about a country, India, which is in fact the largest democracy in the world. Furthermore, it is worth pointing out, as I do in the text, that some of the objectives indicated in the Council’s Communication and in the recent joint action plan require specific funding which, if we are serious in our intentions, we must not avoid. Otherwise there will be little point to any political dialogue. In this chapter, I propose that Parliament express its support for the strategic partnership prioritising political dialogue, although I would stress that the achievement of the Millennium Objectives and the effective fight against poverty must continue to be the central elements of the Union’s strategic commitment to India. The latter is in itself a political act, because without the political will to approve the appropriate financial resources, no development objectives can be achieved. India is faced with the task of completing the great development project that is already underway. I am working on the basis that she and the Union share the view that trade, investment and free competition are key factors for development, but also that, in order for this to be harmonious and equitable, fundamental social requirements must be taken into account which strengthen economic and social cohesion, the environment and the rights of consumers. I would therefore like to call upon New Delhi to deal rigorously with these factors. The day before yesterday – I would like to tell you – the editorial of an influential British daily newspaper said that the honeymoon between the Indian Government and the private economic-financial sector is over and it accused the Indian Government of having allowed the leftist allies – and I quote – of the governmental coalition to block the promised reforms. In spite of this, the daily newspaper explicitly recognises that the Indian economy has the wind behind its sails, growth may exceed 7% this year, business profits are increasing, the information technology sector is growing in strength, the stock exchange is buoyant and huge amounts of capital are still pouring in – end of quote. Nevertheless – according to that newspaper – the Indian Government cannot take credit for any of these achievements, which are due – it says – purely to good luck, past reforms and the efforts of the private sector."@en1

Named graphs describing this resource:

1http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/English.ttl.gz
2http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Events_and_structure.ttl.gz
3http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/spokenAs.ttl.gz

The resource appears as object in 2 triples

Context graph