Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-11-05-Speech-3-204"

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". Mr President, thank you for your warm reception and this invitation to speak at the cradle of the European Union's representative democracy. I am the first leader of Lithuania to have an opportunity to address the European Parliament. Among the Members of this House there are many devoted friends of Lithuania who supported my country's independence. Our plans to become party to the Schengen Agreement and European Monetary Union between 2005 and 2009 may seem ambitious, yet they are an important part of our agenda and they will be implemented. This new stage in the history of Lithuania opens up vast possibilities to promote and implement our national interests. I am sure that Lithuania is ready to be an effective and reliable partner of other Member States. Our country has 2.5 million inhabitants, territory twice as big as Belgium, and we have the best roads in eastern Europe. Our greatest asset, however, is the people of Lithuania who, regrettably, have been through too much suffering. Although World War I was a great blow to Lithuania, in the inter-war period we managed, in two decades, to reach a level of economic development that was equal to that of Denmark. Presently, however, we are a model for the whole of the region. The volume of financial investment is currently growing rapidly. The private sector and free enterprise account for over 80% of GDP which, last year, grew by 7%. Our aim is to complete land reform next year. We already have a number of large farms that are working productively. We are a country of rapidly developing advanced technologies. IT sector growth in 2002 was as much as 30%. There is no truth, however, that one learns by comparing and I admit that Lithuania and other post-Communist states are moving towards membership in the European Union in the face of a big gap in economic development between 'old' and 'new' Europe. This gap has never been as great in previous enlargements and this cannot be masked by declarations or resolutions. This gap is also reflected in the transitional periods that are enshrined in the Accession Treaties. We take this as a reality but we are not intending to give in to it. Our primary goal is to bridge the gap in economic development between the old and new Member States. The sooner the new Member States catch up with the older ones, the greater the competitiveness of Europe will be, and the stronger Europe will be. To achieve this without the support of the present Member States would take too long and that is why it is a duty for us to use the support promised to us to the best advantage for our people. On the other hand, we must actively take advantage of the benefits of the single market and the four freedoms. We have no transitional periods as far as the freedoms are concerned, with the exception of free movement of labour and I would like to express my thanks to those countries who are going to open up their labour markets to Lithuanian citizens in a few months' time. The development of the single market will not be affected if we fail to link up the telecommunications, energy and transport networks. Investment in infrastructure is of special importance here. We have made some progress in this area: we have implemented the Via Baltica project, and that and the power bridge between Poland and Lithuania have been included in the list of priority projects. This would become an important element in the Baltic region's economic development strategy. The decisions on how to develop the Baltic Sea region must be taken now, and I expect European Parliament support in this matter. It would be a big mistake to see a difference drawn between the core of Europe and the periphery of Europe and I am talking not in terms of geography, but in terms of economic and social development. I am sure that the new Member States will be able to contribute to the implementation of the Lisbon Strategy. The European Union is and will remain a very important factor in building Lithuania as a welfare state. That is why it is important to provide measures in the European Union to bridge not only the economic gap but also the gap in social development. Lithuania supports simple and transparent principles for the formation of the EU budget. In the discussion on the new financial perspective, Lithuania will seek to ensure that its interests are taken into consideration. We will be responsible for one-fifth of the new external borders of the European Union and we also have a neighbour in the form of the Kaliningrad Region. The same is true about the specific features of Lithuania's agriculture. I am sure that, if we use the possibilities of regional cooperation, the region of the Baltic Sea has a good chance of becoming a centre of a fast-growing economic entity. The new neighbours initiative may also contribute considerably to the development of that region. Lithuania will be responsible for one-fifth of the external border of the European Union. As Head of State I will do my best to ensure that this border is secure and transparently controlled. Our experience in dealing with our neighbours will be transferred to the older Member States. History tells us that without good neighbours a Union cannot be strong. The European Union must open up to the countries east of the new borders. It should do so to the extent that these new Members are ready to align their legislative frameworks with those of the European Union. The greatest achievement of Lithuania in the past decade has been to achieve good neighbourly relations in the region. We recently marked the anniversary of European Parliament resolutions which prevented the world from forgetting the struggle for freedom of Lithuania and the Baltic States during the Cold War. Your support inspired us when we were making the first steps towards membership of the European Union and I thank you for your support. My personal thanks go to Mr Cox, the President of Parliament, who, among other things, also contributed to the success of the referendum for membership of the European Union. Let me emphasise, separately, the importance of Russia as a strategic partner of the European Union. The Kaliningrad Region has a special place in this partnership. Although quite a lot has been said about the would-be strategy for the Kaliningrad Region, it has not yet been prepared. I suggest that we focus on the social and economic development of the Kaliningrad Region, and we are ready to share our experience gained in dealing with Kaliningrad and also with the whole north-western region of Russia. We must not forget the Ukraine either, nor the states in the South Caucuses. They have to be offered a vision of relations with the European Union. I have written to President Cox and other leaders of the European Union about this. The draft Constitutional Treaty proposed by the European Convention provides a good democratic and institutional balance which is acceptable to Lithuania. This document, however, still needs to be amended and made more precise. We must find solutions to sensitive and open issues and also launch a discussion on issues that were not discussed by the Convention. The main challenge faced by the IGC is agree on the institutional reform of the Union. If we fail to do that, the European Union of 25 Member States will not be able to become a strong leader. Europe is not just about votes in the Council of Ministers, or equal status Commissioners from every state. It is also about a spirit of compromise. It is necessary to find a balance. Every state must have equal rights and possibilities in the Union. The search for compromise, which is a characteristic feature of the European Union, will be particularly important in the enlarged Union. It is important that we base our existence on common values, democracy, respect for human dignity and transparency. We must respect each other's culture and identity. All of this will serve to guarantee long-term success for the European Union. A reference to Christian roots in the preamble to the Constitution would have a unifying and symbolic meaning, because modern Europe was formed on the basis of specific values. Alongside institutional issues, the IGC faces an important discussion on common foreign security and defence issues. We must avoid any duplication of the existing NATO structures. The political developments in the world and the Iraqi crisis have demonstrated that, in the area of foreign policy, Europe must be able to coordinate its actions and speak with one voice. It is of particular importance that we maintain the viability and indispensability of the transatlantic link. The future security strategy of the European Union must enshrine these principles. In February 2003, while being sworn in as President of Lithuania, I outlined the main strategic goals of the Lithuanian State. I promised the Lithuanian people that our country not only seeks shelter in Europe but will participate in deciding the destiny of Europe. I also said that, while in Europe, Lithuania will expand the area of stability and security. I can subscribe to these words today. To conclude, I should like to remind you of the words of Robert Schuman, the father of the European Union, in his book . He wrote that 'Europe is searching for itself. It knows that its future lies in its own hands. Never again will it be that near to achieving its aim. It should not allow the hour of its fate to slip away it is its only chance for delivery'. These words not only summarise the underlying notions and philosophy behind the unification of Europe, but also help to perceive the spirit of Europe. I welcome the observers from the acceding countries here in the European Parliament. Although you represent different nations and different political parties, you have managed to integrate smoothly into the family of parliamentarians. I hope that our states, too, will equally successfully join the family of Member States. In the church of Saint Pierre-Le-Jeune in Strasbourg there is a fresco depicting the march of nations towards Christianity. It depicts a march towards the cross, and the cavalcade of nations is led by Germania, which is followed by Gallia, Italia and Anglia. The last in this column of nations is Litavia that is, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For us, this reflection of fifteenth century Europe is an important and symbolic sight. Metaphorically speaking, this means that Lithuania integrated into the European Union hundreds of years ago. This summer, during the celebrations for our state's 750th anniversary, we unveiled a monument to the first and only king of Lithuania, King Mindaugas. I am proud of his ability to see the future and, therefore, I would call him Lithuania's first European. The Grand Duke of Lithuania, Gediminas, followed in Mindaugas' footsteps and invited craftsmen and artisans to come to Lithuania from all over Europe. Throughout the history of Lithuania we were fated to go through two occupations, the first lasted for more than the whole of the nineteenth century, while the second covered 50 years of the last century. After World War II, freedom fighters in Lithuania resisted the occupying forces for 12 long years. The struggle, which demanded a huge sacrifice, helped preserve, in the conscience of the people, their aspiration for freedom. During the decisive moments in Lithuanian history, our nation has been helped by its ability to mobilise itself. In January 1991 unarmed civilians succeeded in defending the newly-regained independence in the face of a brutal attack by the occupying forces. In spring 2003 90% of those voting in the referendum came out in favour of Lithuania's membership of the European Union. We are moving towards membership of the European Union with a clear vision of Lithuania as an active and responsible member of the European family. Our goal is to create a democratic state, and this is enshrined in this strategy for the country's development, approved by Parliament. External and internal security of the state and the wellbeing of the citizens are the cornerstones of our membership of the EU. I have been taught a painful lesson over the past few days, but this will only give me additional energy to pursue progress and democracy in Lithuania. By no means should successful integration into the Euro-Atlantic structures be slowed down."@en1
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