Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-07-01-Speech-2-056"
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"en.20030701.1.2-056"2
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".
Mr President, Prime Minister, I will be very brief, not least because, as you have rightly pointed out in the House, Mr President, you are anxious to move on to new activities. There are two points on which I would like to focus, however, for I feel that they are particularly important and supplement the Members’ speeches and Prime Minister Simitis’ response.
The first point concerns immigration. I have noted that this subject has attracted the attention of a large number of Members of Parliament and I am therefore anxious to stress the long-term principles which the Commission intends to apply in this sensitive, key area. Firstly, close, ongoing cooperation with third countries. We cannot solve the problem of illegal immigration just by clamping down at this end: that is a sure, confirmed fact and it is the basis of our initiative, but our partners will have to cooperate responsibly in this initiative of ours. Secondly, solidarity between Member States. This is a problematic point because of the different perceptions, the different attitudes – which the Greek Prime Minister has already highlighted – but we must remember that, after Schengen, the issue of immigration became a European issue, which must be resolved, which can only be resolved in a European context. We are an economic area: we have to learn to become an area of freedom and security too – there is no alternative. Thirdly, we need to facilitate and simplify legal immigration. Europe must continue to be a land which welcomes the stranger, but with strict regard for the law. There can be no tolerance of modern-day slave traders. Lastly, we must not confuse rigour with inhumanity. There must be no deviation from the pursuit of our values of equilibrium and respect: it is a question of civilisation and of European identity.
My second point is equally brief. Mr Wurtz raised the issue – most appropriately, it would appear, seeing as it was picked up on in other speeches – of relations with the United States, foreign policy and Europe’s role on the world stage. I would like to make just one point in this regard. The bilateral meeting with the United States, with President Bush, was extremely interesting and extremely friendly, and both parties outlined their positions clearly. I was struck by one aspect, namely that where Europe is able to act in a united fashion – as Mrs Maij-Weggen said in her speech – the United States is ready to listen to us and to follow us. I can bear witness to the way Mr Bush was impressed by our account of the economic dimension of the Union, of the number of citizens there will be following enlargement, of the nature of enlargement itself, of the way we have conducted the negotiation process with due regard for democracy – the way we have discussed with each individual country, with all the parliaments, chapter by chapter, the components, the statutes of our democracy, in order to create a genuinely shared democratic vision. This has been and continues to be a European vision that nobody can take away from us. This is progress. It is a way of extending democracy that we can pursue in the world. In this regard, we are listened to with great respect, for nobody has ever carried out an experiment of this kind.
The other thing which has made a lasting impression on President Bush is the role of the euro. So many of the issues and questions which we are addressing today derive precisely from the fact that we are starting to see the results, the effects of the euro. We expected this but many sceptics did not believe it would happen: the truth is plain to see. When, as in the discussion with the United States, I point out that well over half of transactions with Russia and other countries are now carried out in euros – for the euro is a driving force, it can only go on to be used in sectors currently outside its scope such as energy or other sectors because we are being carried that way by the momentum – then Europe is heeded, then Europe is a genuine political entity and not only an economic entity, even though we are talking about purely economic matters.
Lastly, we were heeded when we outlined the future strategy for the Balkans, to resolve once and for all an issue to the solution of which the United States has contributed greatly, although it stopped when it reached a certain point because it could go no further. At that point, Europe has put forward the definitive solution: it has provided the political solution, the solution which brings to a close one of the most serious issues of contemporary history.
At these times Europe is strong, when it succeeds in making its voice heard, in matters on which we stand united. That is why the Convention must take these facts into consideration, promoting majority decision-making in order to give Europe the ability always to speak with one voice. It is important that it has become clear and is being accepted – albeit in a light-hearted manner, with a half-smile – that neither the wisdom of Old Europe nor the youthful ardour of the United States is alone sufficient to save world peace: both are necessary. That is why, as I see it, the guarantee of peace lies precisely in a strong, close relationship with the United States. However, this relationship can only be maintained through dignity and strength, and we have dignity and strength only in those areas where there is no right of veto, in those areas in which we can establish our will, as happens in all other democracies.
There you are: these are the comments I wanted to make. I would like to end by thanking Mr Simitis once again. Sophocles’
contains the sentence, ‘
’. I do not know if my – now hazy – memory of Greek has reproduced it accurately, but it means something very precise: that the exercise of power puts a man’s nature to the test. Mr President-in-Office – Prime Minister – your nature has passed that test with flying colours."@en1
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"Antigone"1
"Αρχή άνδρα δείκνυσι"1
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