Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-07-01-Speech-2-047"
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"en.20030701.1.2-047"2
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"Mr President, Mr President-in-Office, Mr President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, when we review the Greek Presidency we can say with complete justification that it is hard to see how a permanent Council President could have done better. After this presidency we will clearly have to explain to the public what additional benefit Europe is supposed to derive from the creation of a new post such as that of Council President, a president appointed from the ranks of the Council.
Obviously the Convention, which has already been mentioned here several times, has resulted in a compromise and the Intergovernmental Conference, too, will ultimately result in a compromise. Nevertheless, the Convention's weak points should not be overlooked, even if the worst has been avoided. There is however still the issue – which the President of the Commission, Mr Prodi, mentioned – of the dual presidency of the European Union. Even if the Council President has no legislative competence, that person will still represent the European Union to the outside world and it will be their personality that will determine what they make of the office. This may give rise to conflicts within the EU.
On the arduous path to a Common Foreign and Security Policy, a post of common foreign minister has now also been created, which is supposed to combine the two functions carried out by the previous agents. This undoubtedly constitutes progress, but creating a post does not yet mean that a common policy has been created. The foreign minister – who is yet to be appointed – will embody the schizophrenia of the European Union.
Above all, however, subdividing the Commissioners into those with voting rights and those without is a real structural defect, particularly where the Commission remains a collective body. I can certainly understand that, when faced with an EU of 25 or more Member States, some may long for the times when there was a Community of six. But artificially scaling down the European Union by dividing it into a core Europe and the rest undermines the European Union's cohesion and also public trust in the European institutions. This weakness should therefore be remedied."@en1
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