Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-05-14-Speech-3-120"
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"en.20030514.5.3-120"2
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".
Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the prospect of completing the enlargement procedure with the ten new Member States gave rise last year to a new initiative regarding the European Union's relations with its new geographical and political environment, its new neighbours. Essentially, over and above naming issues, what we see here is a new debate on how the European Union should see the future of its relations with a series of countries which encircle it.
As far as the Mediterranean partners are concerned, the legal structure of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation has essentially been completed and most of these partners have been integrated into the procedure for the gradual establishment of a free trade zone with the European Union. The liberalisation of trade will also prove to be a catalyst to economic reform.
The third objective is to safeguard peace and prosperity inside and outside the Union. Within this framework, it is advisable for us to examine the possibilities for closer cooperation on important international issues, such as terrorism, organised crime, the Petersberg tasks, environmental protection, development aid and immigration. Enlargement is creating new opportunities, but also new challenges, especially as regards our neighbours to the east. The Petersberg tasks and reinforced cooperation with Russia and the Ukraine are an important tool in the direction we want. Reinforced cooperation on combating dangers such as the threat of environmental and nuclear disaster also has major possibilities. On our new eastern borders in particular, combating these threats must be fundamental and must have the position it deserves in our priorities.
Within the framework of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, we must reinforce political dialogue with a sense of security and create an area of peace and stability. It is advisable to strengthen this dialogue both on a bilateral basis and within the framework of the Barcelona process. On the political side of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, measures need to be taken that will improve mutual understanding between the partners, lead to the prevention of misunderstandings and, ultimately, create the preconditions for promoting cooperation in the security sector as well. Following an initiative by the European Parliament, we are promoting the development of the parliamentary dimension of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation by creating the Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly.
The objective of creating an area of common prosperity through sustainable and balanced economic and social development is linked to five more specific elements. First element: the establishment of a free trade zone and environmental protection are complementary, not incompatible. We consider that it is advisable for the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean environmental integration strategy adopted at the Euro-Mediterranean Conference of Environment Ministers in Athens to guide our development actions.
Second element: the strengthening of the rule of law. The objective of the current framework adopted at the Euro-Mediterranean conference in Valencia is to implement a regional cooperation programme in the field of justice, combating narcotics, organised crime and terrorism and cooperation in dealing with issues to do with the integration of immigrants, immigration itself and the movement of persons.
Third element: the development of cross-border cooperation and the integration of our neighbouring countries into the trans-European networks, especially the transport, telecommunications and energy networks. On our eastern borders especially, it has proven difficult to coordinate the elements of cross-border cooperation with the tools we already have, Phare, Tacis, Interreg, and the possibility of creating a single special tool which will have all the elements of cross-border cooperation of the existing programmes is under serious examination and we await the relevant proposals of the European Commission with interest.
Fourth element: close cooperation in the energy sector. Many of our neighbours are important suppliers and our policy will focus on the energy security of the Union, again in keeping with the principle of differentiation.
Fifth element: adequate criteria for progress with reforms. The Union's position as regards what these countries should expect once they meet the criteria set must be clear cut. The ultimate objective must be attractive, such as the conclusion of an enhanced agreement. We must examine the issue of the name especially carefully. Often, symbolism can prove to be a useful tool and incentive for essential reforms. And here the principle of differentiation must be carefully applied.
These are the thoughts I wanted to present to you on this subject. Thank you for listening.
This debate, which has been given the name 'Wider Europe – New neighbours', was basically inaugurated last year with interventions and contributions from the Member States. I refer to the letter from Jack Straw, Mrs Lindh and Mr Pagrotsky, the Minister for Trade, followed by a joint letter from Mr Solana and Mr Patten. The Council discussed and adopted conclusions on the new neighbours initiative on 19 December 2002 for the Ukraine, Moldavia and Belarus, asked for specific proposals to be formulated for the endeavour and widened its limits to other neighbouring areas. Thus, the Council stated its intention to create an ambitious, long-term and integrated approach for each of these three neighbouring countries. This approach is based on the principle of differentiation, taking account of the conditions which characterise each country, its political and economic power, its performance and the Union's objectives for each.
Today, approximately one year after it started, completion of the enlargement procedure has strengthened our prospect of such an approach, in that it tables the wider fabric of relations between the Union and its neighbours, thereby managing to spread basic principles such as peace, security and prosperity, which are hugely important to the citizens of Europe. The objective of combining this sort of policy with continuing and deepening enlargement is to create a ring of friends around the European Union.
The Copenhagen Council talked about common political and economic values, it talked about preventing the creation of new dividing lines and about promoting peace and stability inside and outside the Union's borders. These thoughts were debated in depth in April, when the strengthening of cooperation between the European Union and its eastern and Mediterranean neighbours and how to evaluate their progress was examined. The same issue was examined at the European Conference held at head of state and government level in Athens on 17 April and it will be discussed at the next Euro-Mediterranean Conference on 26 and 27 May 2003. In particular, the European Conference on 17 April provided an opportunity to start the dialogue on the general principles of the overall initiative and to issue a statement specifying its common objectives, objectives which are accepted by the new Member States, which are accepted by the associated countries, the EFTA countries, the countries of the western Balkans, Ukraine, Moldavia and Russia.
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, the New Neighbours initiative is an attempt by us to give new momentum to a framework which already exists and concerns relations with our neighbouring countries to the south and east. It does not, of course, concern candidate countries or potential candidate countries, the countries of the western Balkans. Its scope may be reviewed in the future, depending on developments. The situation is also being monitored in other areas which are not very far away, in the southern Caucasus, which also does not at present come under the initiative, and I should like to point out that Russia is a special case and that needs to be reflected in its relationship with this initiative.
The principle of differentiation to which I referred concerns the means, the preconditions and the time frame which will be set to achieve our objectives, which are to promote the new political and economic values, prosperity and peace. As regards the political values, these constitute the basis for improving political relations and are a necessary component for internal political stability and economic prosperity. Promoting the political values will also contribute to the creation and operation of a responsible and efficient administration. The Union can learn important lessons from its enlargement process and can also extend programmes on which it has acquired experience to neighbouring countries.
For the Mediterranean countries in particular, we also have a variety of religions and cultures and this can constitute a source of creativity rather than an obstacle to Euro-Mediterranean cooperation. On the contrary, we need to find ways to bridge the communication gap which different languages, religions, customs and behaviours create, so that we respect cultural diversity at the same time.
That brings me to common economic values. Here too, the ultimate objective for neighbours not contemplating accession is participation in the European area in which common movement of goods, services and capital will apply, the European Economic Area. This is a prospect which can also constitute a medium-term alternative in other cases. The integration of Russia and the Ukraine in the global economic system is of particular importance. In addition, the procedure which we have already started up with Russia to create a common European Economic Area can also be examined for the other three eastern neighbours, including of course Belarus once conditions allow.
Membership of the World Trade Organisation will remain the
to the conclusion of a free trade agreement with Russia and the Ukraine. Preparations for concluding this sort of agreement with Moldavia, which has already joined the World Trade Organisation, will continue. Nor should the prospect of establishing a regime for the free movement of people be completely excluded today, even as a long-term objective. Provided that it is linked to strict conditionality, it could give us a powerful weapon in our effort to persuade our neighbours to the east to proceed with the necessary reforms. It would also demonstrate that the European Union is resolved to prevent the creation of dividing lines on account of enlargement and, in all events, it would give us flexibility in our handling."@en1
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