Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-03-12-Speech-3-160"
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".
My thanks to the honourable Members for their comments and opinions. I should like to start by saying that, as far as procedure is concerned, the Council fully respects its obligations under the Treaty to inform and involve Parliament in CFSP issues.
I agree with Mr Swoboda that Mr Djindjic took courageous decisions as regards both the ΙCΤΥ and democratic reform and, recently, as regards Kosovo; discussions were due to begin not on the final status of Kosovo, but on important practical arrangements between Belgrade and Pristina, between Mr Djindjic and the leadership in Kosovo. I think that, following his death, we should make a commitment to continue to support the forces of reform, the forces of democracy in Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro and help them move towards Europe.
I should also like to point out, in response to Mr Swoboda, that luckily an example is being set in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia of proper cooperation between the institutions of the European Union. There is proper coordination between us, as I am sure Mr Patten will agree, and not only between our internal institutions, but also between the European Union and the United States and other organisations such as the ΟSCE and the Council of Europe. This proves there is a need for multilateral cooperation, for close cooperation in dealing with crisis at international level. Where we have this sort of cooperation, this sort of coordination, we are, I think, more efficient.
I have taken Mr Laschet’s comments on the parliamentary assembly of the Western European Union on board. I too am in contact with the upper echelons of the Western European Union and these are issues that will be discussed during the debate on the future of Europe.
I should also like to comment on two or three questions raised by Mr Laschet, Mr von Wogau and Mr Van Orden about our cooperation with the United States and European Union/NATO decision-making mechanisms and the danger of operations. First of all, the European Union’s decision-making mechanism, the ESDΡ mechanism, is being tested for the first time, especially as regards military operations. However, we have every faith in the efficacy of our agreed procedures and the fact that this first operation will be carried out using NATO assets and capabilities has helped to speed up the decision taking, as has the fact that one Member State – France – has been selected as the framework nation, thereby safeguarding the unity and command structure of the operation.
As regards the military operation and any dangers inherent in it, naturally unavoidable dangers are inherent in any military operation. However, as far as this specific operation is concerned, as I said in my statement, we shall continue to cooperate with ΝΑΤΟ and there are plans to use NATO reserves if the situation deteriorates. The ΝΑΤΟ staff in Skopje will continue to operate, as will KFOR Rear. This being the case, and given the assessments made so far, we consider the risk to be relatively low.
Finally, to the funding of the mission. As you know, spending on defence is not covered by the Community budget and the operation in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia will therefore be funded by the Member States. Of course, it would be useful if future operations under the ESDP could be funded from the Union budget, but that requires institutional reform.
On that note, Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to thank you for listening. Rest assured that I am at your disposal, time permitting, and I fully intend to keep you abreast of any procedures, decisions or developments in this area.
We believe in the important role of the European Parliament and in transparent, informative relations. That is precisely why I am here today as President-in-Office of the Council and why Commissioner Patten is here today; to report in detail to Parliament on the planned operation in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, before we take up our duties.
I should like to address Mr Brok, whose comments I have taken on board, and assure him that we shall examine every possibility under the provisions of the Treaty for more efficient and more appropriate briefings to Parliament and of course, for responsible briefings to the citizens of Europe via Parliament.
I agree with Mr Wiersma that the political and military operation we are undertaking will be an important test for the European Union, which is precisely why we are taking every precaution to ensure it is both credible and successful.
In reply to Baroness Ludford, I agree with much of what she said; the problems in the Balkans are not at an end and, as Mr Patten said, the European Union has indeed managed to formulate a strong, single policy for the region. There are no differences between us, between the Member States or the other basic institutions of the European Union, as regards the strategy or, I think, the application of that strategy. I think this shows that our common foreign policy has come of age, in this region at least, and will be important as we develop it further.
I should also like to emphasise that the problems in the Balkans are very complicated. The issue of organised crime, to which Baroness Ludford referred, cooperation with the ΙCΤΥ, the rule of law, corruption, regional cooperation, the necessary networks, transport, energy, IT; all these are vital to the stability and development of the region and to the region’s common progress towards the European Union.
Both the Commission and the presidency are organising the Thessalonika Summit along these lines, precisely with the objective of continuing and furthering progress in these countries towards integration into the European family and generating new momentum, a new contract between us, if you like, whereby we require them to make stable progress and to focus on European preconditions and real progress, with specific measures, specific reforms and specific changes and, as Baroness Ludford said, to address problems such as organised crime and can, for our part, confirm the prospects we offered them at a number of summit Councils of becoming members of the European Union at some point in the future.
I should also like to say something in my capacity as Greek Minister for Foreign Affairs. As far as the name is concerned, none of us is happy with the name the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. However, what I would say is that this name is the product of compromise and negotiation within the UN and the UN has adopted this as the official name of this country and international organisations have adopted this as a temporary name. This name does, of course, need to be finalised as quickly as possible and negotiations are in fact under way at the UN. I quite agree and would like to say that we are ready and willing to continue and step up negotiations with the other side, in order to satisfy sensitivities on both sides and find a solution which, as I said, satisfies both sides.
In reply to Mr Gollnisch, however, who said something that is not wholly accurate, that the name does not imply any territorial claim, I would say that, unfortunately, the whole problem is that historically, the name was used for territorial claims. Unfortunately the idea of ‘Great Macedonia’ existed until recently and hence the term ‘Macedonia’ had clear connotations of changing borders and assimilating territory from neighbouring countries. Fortunately, this has been dealt with; we have gone beyond this historical aspect at least. More importantly, there has been a spectacular improvement in bilateral relations between Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia over recent years. We invest more than anyone else in FYROM and we have consistently supported its territorial integrity, prosperity and progress towards Europe during every difficult stage it has been through over recent months and years."@en1
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