Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-03-12-Speech-3-049"

Predicate	Value (sorted: default)
rdf:type	lpv_eu:Speech2
dcterms:Date	"2003-03-12"^^xsd:date2
dcterms:Is Part Of	lp_eu:Iraq2
dcterms:Language	"fr"^^xsd:language2
lpv:document identification number	"en.20030312.1.3-049"2
lpv:hasSubsequent	lp_eu:2003-03-12-Speech-3-0502
lpv:speaker	lp:Philippe Morillon2
lpv:spokenAs	member_of_the_bureau; EPP-ED (2002-03-08--2004-07-19)3 member; Members from the European Parliament to the Joint Parliamentary Assembly of the Agreement between the African, Caribbean and Pacific States and the European Union (ACP-EU) (2002-02-06--2004-07-19)3 substitute; Committee on Development and Cooperation (2002-01-17--2004-07-19)3 member; Conference of Delegation Chairs (2002-02-07--2004-07-19)3 member; Committee on Foreign Affairs, Human Rights, Common Security and Defence Policy (2002-01-17--2004-07-19)3 chair; Delegation for relations with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly (2002-02-07--2004-07-19)3 unknown; Union pour la démocratie française (1999-07-20--2004-07-19)3
lpv:translated text	"Mr President, will we have to resort to arms in order to make Saddam Hussein give up his programmes for the development, manufacture and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction once and for all and prove that he has done so? I am one of those who still hope that we can avoid doing so and, like Mr Pasqua, I should like to say here and now that I applaud the efforts that France and its government are making to this end. I also share the opinion of those who maintain that, if we had to envisage this last resort, it could only be with a mandate from the United Nations, the only organisation which is entitled to legitimise such action, and that, Mr Barón Crespo, would betoken a radical change in the behaviour of the international community, which until now has always supported the idea that the use of armed force can only be envisaged in the case of legitimate defence, and therefore in response to an actual attack … Ladies and gentlemen, we initiated the reflection on this subject in our previous debates. Obviously, we have not found a final answer to this question. However, I should like to remind you that it was on this subject, namely the legitimacy or illegitimacy of any preventive or pre-emptive military action, that our group was unwilling to support the majority position expressed by this House in its last resolution. In other words, President-in-Office of the Council, how can we stand up to the new challenge posed by international terrorism except by applying, in this field as in any other, the precautionary principle which is now unanimously recognised? Personally, I believe that any Head of State or Government who is warned of a serious threat to the lives of thousands of his fellow citizens, and who does not take all measures necessary to protect them from it, will be held guilty in their eyes. Weapons of mass destruction constitute a real threat to the survival and health of populations. Every time that the existence of such a threat is confirmed, I believe that it will be the duty of the authorities to remove it, without waiting for it to be implemented, by preventive, diplomatic, economic and political measures and, if those measures are not enough, by the ultimate recourse to the use of military power. This is what we are all, together, trying to achieve in Iraq, and what it will probably be necessary for us to do tomorrow in North Korea, and it is with that conviction in mind that I would like to repeat, here and now, that our current differences are much more apparent than real."@en1

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