Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-02-12-Speech-3-009"
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".
Mr President, Mr Yiannitsis, ladies and gentlemen, one month ago I presented our Spring Report to you and, today, I am here to listen and to discuss the main points in the report.
In addition, we need to review the European Employment Strategy. In this regard, the Commission welcomes the proposal put forward by a number of countries for a task force of high-level experts to assist it in its work. At the initiative of Commissioner Diamantopoulou, whom I would like to thank heartily for taking this on, the task force will be set up as soon as possible. Above all, however, we must bridge the gap between Community legislation adopted and its implementation at national level. The number of decisions adopted but not yet transposed into national law is still too large – and, quite frankly, it is actually increasing – in the field of reforms connected with the Single Market, employment and social protection.
Ladies and gentlemen, in view of these considerations, my message to you today, the message which, in the light of today's debate, I intend to deliver to the Spring Council, is this: Europe can still succeed. Europe can meet the challenge of modernisation and innovation and it can show that the European economic and social model is a model example for the world. Those objectives, however, cannot be met without far-reaching changes in our societies. Far-reaching changes that call for political decisions, a shared outlook and rules. Let us not delude ourselves that market mechanisms or the pride of researchers and scientists suffice to meet the challenge of modernisation: what are needed are decisions we agree on and a common will.
Each year's Spring Council is also a time to look at the economic strategy, what we call the governance of Economic and Monetary Union. Our fellow citizens need to understand the nature of our project and how our monitoring and decision-making system functions, how it uses all the instruments available to us today, in particular the Broad Guidelines for Economic Policies, the Employment Strategy and the Internal Market Strategy. We need to explain that these instruments, together with the Stability and Growth Pact, form a coherent and effective whole. This is the aim of our recent proposals for a new interpretation of the criteria for applying the Stability Pact. This interpretation pays more attention to the different economic situation of each country and the need to finance the reforms planned under the Lisbon Strategy.
Lastly I feel it is important today to stress our action in the field of education, research and innovation as well. This calls for governments to reform their regulatory and tax frameworks to eliminate the obstacles to establishing and developing enterprises. The Commission will do its part: to this end, we have just adopted an action plan to simplify and update the Community acquis, making it clearer and more precise.
Encouraging changes in the way research is organised and opening it up is the basic aim of the European Research Area. Exploiting the advantages that a shared vision – a genuine common research culture – can bring in universities and enterprises is vital to this end. Over and above the economic aspects, we must not, indeed, neglect the social impact, particularly in terms of jobs created, participation and cohesion, that a coherent education and research strategy can yield.
Our national education systems may differ widely but they are all faced with clear challenges, and these can only be met if we tackle them together. Thus, the work programme on the matter up to 2010 needs to be implemented quickly and coherently to make our education systems more effective and more coordinated. That means we must invest better and invest more in research and education. In this regard, we cannot put off establishing major scientific centres of excellence at European level any longer if we want to make Europe an absolute world leader in research. This is a line we have been exploring for many months and I believe that it is now time to proceed with it and place it on the table, for if we cannot attract the best brains on the planet we will certainly not be able to put the Lisbon Strategy into effect. According to the Lisbon Strategy, we have to be world leaders. In order to be world leaders, we have to have the best brains in the world. We will only be able to attract the best brains in the world if we have major research centres which are the best in the world. It is a simple, ambitious strategy, which the Commission is going to propose not least because I believe that, without it, we will have no chance of achieving the goals we ourselves have set.
If we genuinely, seriously want to lay the foundations for a knowledge-based society, we must, lastly, and this is my last point, take the target literally from now on and invest 3% of GDP in research. This too is a goal we ourselves set. If, however, we look at the budgets of the various Member States, we see that, this year, there has been a shift away rather than towards the figure of 3%. Therefore, either we change the goals or we must endeavour to pursue them consistently. This is the goal and there is no getting away from it: we said 3%, and 3% means 3%. There is no leeway.
Lastly, it is not just a matter of spending more but of spending better, as regards both research and education. I would point out that we cannot afford to let one young person out of five abandon their studies without obtaining a qualification. These are human resources which are a drain on our society. This means we must rethink the way we prepare our young people for the labour market and the world of industry, which are growing tougher by the day. Unless we take these practical steps, we will not be able to make up for the lost time we regret. Building a knowledge-based society is the only way to become a world leader.
This strategy is already bringing positive results, but we are still not harnessing the Union's full potential in terms of growth and innovation. Of course, this phase of the economic cycle is not helping us, as Mr Yiannitsis said, nor is the current international political situation. On top of the endogenous causes of Europe's economic slowdown are the uncertainties and fears associated with the risk of a conflict and the difficulty of ascertaining the timeframes and consequences. This continues to have a considerable impact on the overall strategies and individual decisions of enterprises and investors. There is a prevailing sense of insecurity. Clearly, this situation will continue until we are in a new phase that offers brighter prospects, which is vital for new business and investment strategies.
The issues we are discussing today are of the utmost importance for Europe's future and for the type of Union we want to leave future generations, but the Iraq crisis is, of course, uppermost in our minds. I am still convinced that war is not inevitable and I continue to hope it can be avoided
by applying strict, stringent controls to the Iraqi dictatorship and, at the same time, maintaining and strengthening the international alliance against terrorism. At this time, we must all strive to find common ground so Europe's diplomats can take action. No one can predict the consequences of a conflict. Military intervention, even under the United Nations – the only legitimate framework for any action to counter threats to world peace and security – must remain a last resort, to be used only after all other options have been found to be impracticable. If war breaks out, it must mean that all political options have been exhausted.
This crisis highlights the contradiction between the need for joint action from Europe, which is the basis for the work of the Convention, and the total lack of a European common policy. This is a problem which affects us all directly. Yet if Europe fails to pull together, all the individual States will disappear from the world scene. Unless Europe speaks with a single voice, it will be impossible to continue working closely with the United States on an ongoing basis while retaining our dignity. And unless Europe and the United States work together, it will be impossible to preserve world peace and stability. It is the behaviour people see in times of crisis that they remember and take as a model, an example for the future. At such times, trust is won or lost.
What is at stake is our determination to make Europe an influential leading player on the world stage with its own values and traditions, its interests and its vision of the world. Today, both the old and the new Member States need to show and apply that determination, committing themselves to the common cause in the knowledge that they are helping to create a political player that will keep faith with its allies and be mindful of its responsibilities and role in the world.
In the current international context, which is by no means favourable to economic recovery, we need to show greater political will and coherence if we want to achieve the Lisbon objectives and fulfil the pledges we gave at EU summits in practical terms. Indeed, I am convinced that the Lisbon Strategy is the best way, even in the current circumstances, to bring our citizens greater prosperity and greater social cohesion. It is also the only strategy that can bring a strong recovery and ensure these benefits are sustainable for future generations. It is my – and the Commission's – fundamental task to continue, steadfastly and tenaciously, to give more impetus to the implementation of our strategy. I wrote to the Heads of State and Government to this effect about three months ago, drawing attention to certain points I consider necessary for the success of the forthcoming Spring Council. I know I can rely on the Greek Presidency's backing in this, as was clear from what you said just now, Minister.
The gap between political objectives and legislation I referred to a year ago has now been narrowed to a certain extent, but only to a certain extent. Progress has been made in energy, financial services, the Single Sky and research. Nevertheless, more political determination is needed to get things moving on the Community patent, which has now become a symbol of the Union's ability – or inability – to achieve its goals. We must also achieve satisfactory agreements on the Directives on take-over bids, the prospectus and pension funds."@en1
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