Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2001-12-12-Speech-3-137"

PredicateValue (sorted: default)
rdf:type
dcterms:Date
dcterms:Is Part Of
dcterms:Language
lpv:document identification number
"en.20011212.4.3-137"2
lpv:hasSubsequent
lpv:speaker
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, Madam President-in-Office of the Council, Commissioner, I must say that these two speeches and also the Council's decision this week demonstrate how seriously we have to approach this problem, and that the European Union, both in the observations that have been made here, and also in this resolution, has sent a clear signal as to what is to be supported. We in Parliament would like our recommendation to contribute to the European Union's ability to be an intermediary in this region, finding an opportunity to achieve a peaceful solution. If I might put it in cautious terms, we will assuredly be able to achieve a balanced text within the framework of the resolution, that is, during tomorrow's procedure. There is no need for me to analyse the situation now, and I wish to support what Chris Patten said – that there is no point whatever in looking for questions of guilt among the issues currently facing us. What we do know is that the situation has got worse since Arafat refused to give way at Camp David and Sharon went to the Temple Mount. Moreover, 11 September did not contribute to a more reflective mood. Instead, things have worsened since then, and what is now at stake is the breaking of the cycle of violence. There comes a point where it no longer makes sense to ask who is guilty and who innocent, because the cycle of violence no longer has a discernible beginning or end. As Europeans, we not only have a great interest in peace being genuinely established in this region, but it is in our most fundamental interest, as the whole issue of the Mediterranean and the issue of terrorism defy solution unless the conflict in the Middle East is resolved. I am not saying that the Middle East conflict is at the root of these issues, but it serves as an excuse for many of the things that cause us grave concern, and it is for this reason that the resolution of this problem in our neighbourhood is in our own fundamental interest. Having, as Chris Patten rightly said, given this amount of financial help to date, we therefore want to take this situation as our starting point in joining the United States in playing an active political role in this region. It is clear that we are working with two basic presuppositions. As far as the first is concerned, it is absolutely clear that Israel's citizens must be able to live within frontiers that are secure and recognised. That is an absolute requirement. It is not even up for discussion, as Israelis have a right to it for reasons which I, as a German, do not need to justify in detail, and which are obvious. The second point is that the Palestinian people, too, must be able to look forward to a state of their own in which they can shape their own future. What this means is that we must make an attempt at progressive removal of the factors that work against this. Settlements and occupation do not help the Palestinians to develop in an appropriate way. Terrorism on the part of the Palestinians does not contribute to a feeling of security in Israel and to Israeli withdrawal. I do think we can now clearly see that Arafat is, for this reason, in a position to act against Hamas and Islamic Jihad. It would, then, have made sense for him to do so at an earlier stage, but if it is to be done now, that should be enough, and combating them with all vigour should be seen as a precondition, just as much as Israel’s refraining from hampering subsequent development by riddling the infrastructure in Palestine with bullet holes. It must, though, be clear to us in exactly the same way that the return of the refugees must not be used as a means towards imperilling the existence of the State of Israel. The Arab states must also see that keeping people in camps is not the right way either. With our financial support, the whole of the Arab world must help young people to come out of the camps and to have enough of a chance to grow up. The Council and the Commission are well aware that Parliament is ready to contribute financially, too, to significant solutions, if it would help to achieve peaceful development. We believe that our position on the guaranteeing of human rights must be seen in the right context, both by the Palestinian Authority and in the State of Israel. We have seen three winners of the Sakharov Prize here today – a Muslim, a Jewish woman and a Christian, thus representing the three monotheistic religions. This, I believe, is where the starting point is to be found. These three religions, which have so overwhelmingly given the world its shape over the past millennia, must find in themselves the strength to achieve a peaceful solution in that centre which was their source, so that people adhering to these three faiths may be able to live together in the city that is holy to them all, Jerusalem. I believe that this is what our actions must accomplish. I believe this to be one of the tasks for us in our day, perhaps the central one."@en1
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata

Named graphs describing this resource:

1http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/English.ttl.gz
2http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Events_and_structure.ttl.gz
3http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/spokenAs.ttl.gz

The resource appears as object in 2 triples

Context graph