Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2000-11-15-Speech-3-249"
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"en.20001115.16.3-249"2
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". – Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, is there any political institution before which we could talk more openly and sincerely about the historic wishes and political aspirations of a small European people than the European Parliament? Europe is lucky to have such a representative body elected directly by citizens, although, for the time being, we are talking about a rather small number of countries. It is also a great pleasure to lay before such a forum, even in this brief address of mine, the internal problems of a country that, having gone through its own historic storm, has finally made out the coast of peace and freedom on the horizon. There is no better landmark for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in its state recovery and social development than the European Union. It is crystal clear that it will take time before our country will be truly able to become a member of this grandiose transnational establishment. But now, in the wake of the decisive political turn of 24 September, or the even more decisive shift of 5 October, the major goal in Yugoslavia's foreign policy is to approach in a comprehensive manner a family of nations comprising the European Union and then join it.
It will take a lot of patience and wisdom for us to identify, through talks in the republican and federal parliaments and a wide public and expert debate, the best solution for restructuring the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia into a good, operational, rich and just state that cares about the interests of its citizens, and safeguards the full equality of the nation-building traditions of Montenegro and Serbia.
It is important to say that Muslims and Albanians inhabit Serbia and Montenegro in significant numbers. There is not a single good reason for them not to be a factor of integration in Yugoslavia. A democratic joint state makes it possible for Muslims and Albanians in Montenegro and Serbia to live in a single state, and enables us to join forces in building our equally joint state.
Support from Europe is essential in our effort to seek solutions through sincere dialogues only and with respect for full democratic procedure, without pressures and ultimatums on any part. On the other hand, we would like to be given a chance to prove to Europe that we are able to develop the constitutional equality of Serbia and Montenegro within Yugoslavia on our own, by recognising the genuine principles of democracy.
Development and local self-rule inYugoslavia is the issue we pay special attention to. We are aware that it is the very core of any democratic system, and it is with due consideration that we are analysing European and our own experiences in developing local self-government.
The grave situation in the Yugoslav economy has been discussed at length. The humanitarian aid to our country that has been initiated is priceless, but we hope that Europe will replace it with investment programmes that would make it possible for us to work and earn enough for a normal life.
Bearing in mind all these enormous problems, it is clear that our road to rightful entry into Europe, in which Serbia and Montenegro used to have places worthy of them, will be a long one. Yet it is certain that our chances today are much more realistic than they were a mere month and a half ago. Perhaps the citizens of the European Union can understand that best if they evoke their historic memory and those long-past years after World War II, when the prospects for the Continent and European civilisation itself were extremely uncertain. Then your brave predecessors embarked on an uncertain project that bore historic fruit. You, the representatives of the European Parliament, who directly represent the citizens of its member countries, the citizens of Europe, are best placed to understand why the very possibility of entry into Europe seems extremely uncertain to us, the citizens of the present-day Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Therefore, as the first democratically elected President of Yugoslavia, I am turning to you not so much because of much needed assistance in the reconstruction of the country as because of your support and understanding of the situation our people and our state are in. After all, Europe is a home we all share.
It is precisely the European Union's experience that sets a shining example not only for European countries that have yet to join, but also the whole world, when it comes to a direction mankind should take if it wishes to leave behind force, wars and domination as the means to achieve particular national interests. Having created this community of nation states, the European Union has opened the perspective of a new era for all mankind. And not only in terms of the results achieved, but, perhaps even more so, in terms of the way in which they were achieved. Thereby Europe has demonstrated the vitality of its civilisation within the framework of world history, and its capacity for creative political imagination for its future development. Just as the onset of the new century coincided with Europe's invention of a new political forum, the nation state, whereby it overcame the crisis of medieval particularism, in this post-modern time of ours Europe has invented a higher form of political organisation, a transnational community which helped it meet the challenges of globalisation.
The European Union model is a double challenge for Yugoslavia as a Balkan country. First of all, we in principle prefer a non-coercive way of integration into European economic, cultural and political courses, given that we have encountered different domination strategies devised by great powers throughout our contemporary history.
Secondly, the step-by-step approach Western European countries have taken towards integration is a model we should adopt in the Balkan processes of integration in order to qualify for entry into the European Union. We are aware that none of the Balkan countries will be able to join the European Union on its own, which makes it clear we have to develop good neighbourly relations, free trade and collective security structures first. We are certain that the European Union will support precisely that kind of development of South-Eastern Europe, and contribute to overcoming the historic shortcomings of those countries through the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe and in other ways.
It is because of our firm commitment to step on the soil of European development that we wish to sign the Association Agreement with the European Union as soon as possible, and use the provisions of the agreement to direct our political and economic recovery, and subsequent development, towards European integration. We are aware that in that desirable case we would have to change many of our habits and institutions of political and economic life, both as a people and as a state. Not only should we build democratic institutions, a task we have already embarked on, we should also imbue them with the democratic spirit, which may prove much more difficult. Not only are we to carry out privatisation of our centralised economy, but also create a legal system that would guarantee the freedom of business operations and the entire economic process. Not only are we to create the internal system of freedom and peace, but also harmonise it with the rules and customs that the European Community and the European Union have maintained for decades. Simultaneously with building the confidence of our citizens in our state institutions, we have to persuade them to trust the European institutions that, in nearly fifty years of their existence, have brought to their citizens lasting peace and prosperity.
The democratic changes that began in Yugoslavia on 5 October have produced at miraculous speed extraordinary results on the international political plane. Yugoslavia has regained its seats in the United Nations and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, joined the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, while proceedings for its admission to the Council of Europe have been initiated. Our most important task now is to begin to settle democratically internal relations in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Kosovo, of course, is unquestionably our most difficult problem. There cannot be any doubt that the issue of Kosovo's status is a democratic issue. We have proceeded from the point that the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 offers possibilities of intensifying many important humanitarian and democratic processes. We need European assistance and support in securing the return of Kosovo refugees to their hearths as soon as possible in the spirit of the best democratic traditions. Of course, we need great help in rehabilitating their destroyed homes so that the refugees have somewhere to return. We call upon Europe to come resolutely to our aid in creating security and the economic conditions to help the exiled feel completely safe on return to their homes. I believe Europe has both the strength and the will to help us exercise the fundamental right of each and every human being to live in his own home.
Also, we will need Europe's assistance in establishing and resolving the great ecological problems caused by the use of depleted uranium in the bombing of Yugoslavia.
We are ready to begin open dialogue with Albanian parties about political, humanitarian, security and all other key issues of relevance to a democratic solution to Serbian-Albanian relations in Kosovo.
When it comes to relations between Serbia and Montenegro within the federal state, the former, non-democratic organisation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia seriously threatened the functioning of the state. The first step ahead of us in a bid to restructure the federal state constitutionally is to define a framework for the broadest possible democratic dialogue about the character of relations between the two republics."@en1
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"Kostunica,"1
"President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia"1
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