Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-06-07-Speech-4-009"
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".
Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@en4
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"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@cs1
"Fru formand! Det kommende Europæiske Råd vil være en meget vigtig test for EU's evne til at imødegå nye og vanskelige udfordringer og se ambitiøst på fremtiden. Det vigtigste spørgsmål, som for alvor vil sætte det tyske formandskab på prøve, er løsningen af forfatningsspørgsmålet, men formandskabet vil med rette også komme ind på en række andre spørgsmål i sine konklusioner. Det er vigtigt at vise, at EU er indstillet på at gennemføre de rigtige politikker til gavn for borgerne direkte og gennem opbygning af et effektivt og demokratisk Europa. Disse tiltag er alle led i bestræbelserne på at komme tættere på borgerne og tjene almenvellets interesser.
Som bemærket har det tyske formandskab allerede gjort en enorm indsats i løbet af de seneste par måneder for at skabe en ny konsensus blandt medlemsstaterne. Berlin-erklæringen mindede os om, hvad vi forsøger at opnå i fællesskab, hvor meget vi har til fælles, og på hvilken måde EU har gjort og vil gøre en forskel for borgerne i EU.
Formandskabet har efterfølgende lyttet til Parlamentets, Kommissionens og de enkelte medlemsstaters holdninger. Alle har vist vilje til at finde en løsning, der sikrer en videreudvikling af EU.
Kommissionen er ikke i tvivl om udgangspunktet for en ny forfatningsaftale. Set i relation til borgere i EU og opfyldelsen af deres behov er denne diskussion ikke en teoretisk institutionel debat, idet formålet med institutionerne er at imødegå borgernes behov, gennemføre målsætninger og skabe resultater. De har brug for passende arbejdsmetoder og passende standarder for demokrati, gennemsigtighed og ansvarlighed. Vi kan ikke gennemføre vedtagne politikker, hvis vi er bundet på hænder og fødder. Vi er nødt til at råde over handlemuligheder i et forandret Europa i en globaliseret verden.
Hvad betyder dette for Rådet? Det betyder, at vi har brug for en retfærdig og afbalanceret løsning, der kan skabes reel enighed om. Hvis det mislykkes igen, kan dette få dramatiske konsekvenser for opbygningen af Europa.
Dette indebærer imidlertid også, at vi er nødt til at fastholde et højt ambitionsniveau. En løsning baseret på laveste fællesnævner skaber muligvis harmoni på kort sigt, men den vil også skabe problemer på et senere tidspunkt. Det vil ikke være tilstrækkeligt blot at indføre mindre ændringer i Nice-traktaten.
Kommissionen glæder sig over bestræbelserne på at finde en løsning, og der bør først og fremmest tages udgangspunkt i forfatningstraktaten. Det meste af indholdet i traktaten er fortsat gyldigt. De ændringer, der indføres gennem forfatningstraktaten, er stadig relevante, og de skal gennemføres og ikke drages i tvivl.
Fællesskabsmetoden skal beskyttes, herunder Kommissionens initiativret. En fælles søjlestruktur og status som en enkelt juridisk person vil forøge EU's reelle muligheder for at tale med én stemme og handle i en globaliseret verden. Parlamentets styrkede rolle og bestemmelserne om udvidet brug af kvalificeret flertalsafstemning bør fastholdes.
Vi mener, at forfatningstraktaten også sikrer en meget god løsning af spørgsmålet om inddragelse af nationale parlamenter, en løsning, der sikrer den rigtige balance mellem de nationale parlamenters rolle og Europa-Parlamentets rolle. På samme måde vil vi forsvare retsgyldigheden af chartret om grundlæggende rettigheder, der udgør en integrerende del af den pakke, som blev vedtaget af Det Europæiske Konvent og af regeringskonferencen.
Vi anerkender, at der skal indføres visse ændringer, og vi respekterer alle, der har udtrykt deres holdninger i denne forbindelse. Vi vil ikke forsøge at undgå en seriøs diskussion af tekstens form, EU-symbolerne og andre områder, der er blevet lagt op til diskussion. Med hensyn til tekstens form vil vi gøres vores yderste for at sikre, at en ny tekst vil være læselig og tilgængelig. Vi vil indtage en ambitiøs og fast holdning under forhandlingerne.
Jeg vil også gerne tilføje et punkt, der hænger tæt sammen med vores debat om forfatningsløsningen. Vi har ikke blot brug for, at institutionerne og medlemsstaterne når til enighed, idet vi ligeledes har brug for en ny fortælling, en ny måde at forklare borgerne, hvad der står på spil. Vi skal forklare, hvorfor det udvidede EU har brug for en traktat, der i højere grad sikrer demokratiet og en sammenhængende politik, og et EU, der er stærkt nok til at opfylde borgernes forventninger.
Hr. Steinmeier har givet et omfattende overblik over dagsordenen for Det Europæiske Råd, og jeg vil derfor blot berøre tre spørgsmål.
EU's borgere glæder sig over EU's vilje til at imødegå nutidens vigtigste politiske udfordringer såsom klimaændringer, migration, energi - de områder, som hr. Steinmeier allerede har nævnt. Det forventer de, men det er endnu ikke lykkedes os at overbevise dem om sammenhængen mellem effektiviteten på disse områder og en passende forfatningsløsning. Borgerne føler stadig alt for ofte, at debatten om traktaterne og forfatningen er forbeholdt en temmelig lille klike i Bruxelles. Vi er nødt til at vise, at det er et spørgsmål om at have de rigtige redskaber, således at vi kan opfylde vedtagne politiske målsætninger. Vi er nødt til at fortsætte drøftelserne om, hvordan vi opfylder disse målsætninger.
Parlamentet og Kommissionen har ydet et vigtigt bidrag i fællesskab gennem plan D-strategien. Selv om tænkepausen er forbi, betyder det ikke, at vi bør nedtrappe vores bestræbelser på at inddrage civilsamfundet og borgerne i en debat om Europas fremtid. Det vil være af afgørende betydning for Det Europæiske Råd at vise, at borgerne vil drage reel og direkte fordel af en løsning, i forbindelse med regeringskonferencer og i ratifikationsfasen.
Det glædede mig at høre, at de fleste medlemsstater tydeligvis er enige i formandskabets strategi om indkaldelse af en kort regeringskonference med et klart og præcist mandat til at forhandle et meget begrænset antal spørgsmål. Kommissionen agter fortsat at udfylde sin rolle fuldt ud som talerør for EU's fælles interesser.
Det har ikke altid været nemt at nå frem til en løsning af forfatningsspørgsmålet, men vi er forhåbentlig tilbage på sporet. Hvis vi bevarer roen og fortsat fokuserer på behovet for et effektivt og demokratisk Europa, vil vi skabe et EU, der kan imødegå udfordringerne i det 21. århundrede med selvsikkerhed.
Med hensyn til migration skal vi for det første udvise reel solidaritet i forbindelse med håndteringen af de voksende udfordringer og muligheder som følge af den internationale migration. De seneste begivenheder har understreget betydningen heraf. Vi er derfor nødt til at erkende, at der er behov for en bedre koordinering, hvis vi skal tackle de stadig stigende migrationsstrømme ved vores grænser og i vores farvande, og hvis arbejdsmarkedet og samfundet som helhed skal få det fulde udbytte af fordelene ved migration. Ulovlig migration og menneskehandel er samtidig et voksende problem, som kræver vores umiddelbare opmærksomhed.
Det Europæiske Råd vil blive opfordret til at anvende en samlet migrationsstrategi på de østlige og sydøstlige regioner, der grænser op til EU. Det Europæiske Råd bør også være opmærksom på behovet for at styrke forvaltningen af vores ydre grænser. Ordningen vedrørende de hurtige grænseindsatshold vil blive igangsat meget snart.
For det andet vil Det Europæiske Råd på ny fokusere på den vigtige hiv-/aids-problematik. Hiv-/aids-epidemien er et meget vigtigt folkesundhedsmæssigt problem i Europa. Vi kan kun løse dette problem i fællesskab ved at sikre politisk lederskab på højt niveau og civilsamfundets inddragelse på alle niveauer. Der skal derfor sættes fokus på forebyggelse, forskning, overvågning, behandling, pleje og støtte i EU og i nabolande. Jeg glæder mig over, at det tyske formandskab har fastholdt dette spørgsmål på dagsordenen, selv om dette sjældent fremgår af mediernes rapporter.
Jeg vil for det tredje gerne sige et par ord om klimaændringer. Det vil ikke være et centralt punkt under topmødet i juni, men efter G8-mødet kan Det Europæiske Råd ikke være tavs omkring dette spørgsmål. Jeg vil gerne forsikre Parlamentet om, at Kommissionen arbejder meget hårdt på at opfylde Parlamentets og Det Europæiske Råds forventninger og at fastholde en ambitiøs og dynamisk politik, både internationalt og i EU.
Kommissionen vil vedtage særlige lovgivningsforslag i efteråret, og vi agter at udnytte EU's troværdighed og ledende rolle i bekæmpelsen af klimaændringer.
Dette er nogle af de vigtigste politiske spørgsmål, som Det Europæiske Råd vil behandle. Som vi alle ved, er det vigtigste spørgsmål imidlertid at finde frem til en løsning af forfatningsspørgsmålet.
Jeg behøver ikke understrege spørgsmålets hastende karakter eller betydning for Europas fremtid. Vi drøftede dette spørgsmål i går i Parlamentet, og efter vores drøftelse af Brok og Barón Crespo-betænkningen er der ingen tvivl om, hvad der står på spil. Jeg mener, at vi kan være forsigtigt optimistiske med hensyn til udfaldet, selv om jeg er klar over, at vi måske ikke bør hæve forventningerne yderligere."@da2
".
Frau Präsidentin! Der nächste Europäische Rat wird ein sehr wichtiger Test sein, ob die Europäische Union in der Lage ist, die neuen und schwierigen Herausforderungen zu bewältigen und ehrgeizig in die Zukunft zu blicken. Das allerwichtigste Thema, das eine echte Prüfung für die deutsche Ratspräsidentschaft darstellen wird, ist die Einigung über den Vertrag, wobei es in den Schlussfolgerungen – zu Recht – auch um mehrere andere Themen gehen wird. Wir müssen zeigen, dass die Union gewillt ist, die richtigen politischen Strategien für ihre Bürger direkt anzuwenden und ein effizientes und demokratisches Europa zu schaffen. All das ist Teil der Bemühungen, bürgernäher zu werden und dem allgemeinen Interesse zu dienen.
Wie bereits gesagt wurde, hat der deutsche Ratsvorsitz in den letzten Monaten enorme Anstrengungen unternommen, um innerhalb der Mitgliedstaaten einen neuen Konsens herbeizuführen. Die Berliner Erklärung hat uns an das erinnert, was wir gemeinsam zu erreichen versuchten, wie viel wir gemeinsam haben und wie viel Europa für seine Völker verändert hat und verändern wird.
Seit der Berliner Erklärung hört sich die Präsidentschaft den Standpunkt des Parlaments, der Kommission und jedes Mitgliedstaats an, die alle ihre Bereitschaft bewiesen haben, eine Lösung zu finden, um Europa voranzubringen.
Für die Kommission ist der Ausgangspunkt für eine Einigung hinsichtlich eines neuen Vertrags klar. Was die Politik im Dienste der Bürgerinnen und Bürger betrifft, so ist diese Diskussion keine theoretische Diskussion über die Organe und Einrichtungen: Ihre Aufgabe ist es, auf die Bedürfnisse der Bürger einzugehen, die politischen Ziele zu verwirklichen und Ergebnisse zu erzielen. Sie brauchen die richtige Arbeitsweise und die richtigen Standards in Bezug auf Demokratie, Transparenz und Rechenschaftspflicht. Wir können unsere gemeinsam vereinbarten Strategien nicht in die Tat umsetzen, wenn uns eine Hand auf den Rücken gebunden ist. Wir brauchen die Fähigkeit, in einem veränderten Umfeld, im Europa einer globalisierten Welt zu handeln.
Was bedeutet das für den Europäischen Rat? Es bedeutet, dass wir eine gerechte und ausgewogene Lösung brauchen, die zu einem echten Konsens führen kann. Ein erneutes Scheitern könnte dramatische Folgen für das europäische Aufbauwerk haben.
Es bedeutet aber auch, die ehrgeizigen Ziele beizubehalten. Eine Lösung, die auf dem kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenner basiert, könnte zwar kurzfristig zu Harmonie führen, aber auch Probleme für die Zukunft anhäufen. Es wird nicht ausreichen, einfach geringfügige Änderungen am Vertrag von Nizza vorzunehmen.
Die Kommission begrüßt die Bemühungen um eine Lösung und ist der Ansicht, dass Lösungen zuallererst im Verfassungsvertrag zu finden sind. Inhaltlich behält der größte Teil dieses Werks seine Gültigkeit. Die durch den Verfassungsvertrag eingeführten Änderungen sind noch immer relevant und müssen umgesetzt und nicht in Frage gestellt werden.
Es muss die Gemeinschaftsmethode geschützt werden, die auch das Initiativrecht der Kommission umfasst. Eine Struktur mit nur einer Säule und eine einzige Rechtspersönlichkeit würden die Fähigkeit der Union, mit einer Stimme zu sprechen und in einer globalen Welt tätig zu werden, erheblich verbessern. Die verstärkte Rolle des Parlaments und die Fortschritte bei der qualifizierten Mehrheitsabstimmung sollten gewahrt werden.
Unserer Ansicht nach hat der Verfassungsvertrag auch eine sehr gute Lösung herbeigeführt, was die Einbeziehung der nationalen Parlamente betrifft, und zwar eine Lösung, die Ausgewogenheit zwischen der Rolle der nationalen Parlamente und der Rolle des Europäischen Parlaments schafft. Ebenso werden wir die Rechtsverbindlichkeit der Charta der Grundrechte verteidigen, die ein unerlässlicher Bestandteil des von Konvent und Regierungskonferenz vereinbarten Pakets ist.
Uns ist klar, dass einige Änderungen vorgenommen werden müssen, und respektieren alle, die sich hierzu geäußert haben. Wir werden eine ernsthafte Diskussion über die Gestalt des Textes, die Symbole der EU und andere Bereiche, die erörtert werden sollen, nicht scheuen. Was die Gestalt des neuen Textes betrifft, so werden wir unser Möglichstes tun, um dafür zu sorgen, dass der neue Text lesbar und zugänglich ist. Wir werden bei den Verhandlungen eine ehrgeizige und feste Position einnehmen.
Hinzufügen möchte ich auch noch einen Punkt, der in engem Zusammenhang mit unserer Aussprache über die Regelung des Vertrags steht. Wir brauchen nicht nur eine Abmachung zwischen den Organen und Mitgliedstaaten, sondern auch eine neue Art und Weise, den Bürgern zu verdeutlichen, worum es geht. Wir müssen erläutern, warum die erweiterte Union einen neuen Vertrag braucht, der mehr Demokratie, mehr Kohärenz und eine Union bringt, die stark genug ist, die Erwartungen der Bürger zu erfüllen.
Herr Steinmeier hat einen umfassenden Überblick über die Tagesordnung des Rates gegeben, weswegen ich nur drei Themen ansprechen möchte.
Die Bürger Europas begrüßen das Engagement der EU, die wesentlichsten politischen Herausforderungen der heutigen Zeit zu bewältigen, als da wären Klimawandel, Migration, Energie – die Herr Steinmeier bereits genannt hat. Das ist es, was die Bürger erwarten, aber es ist uns noch nicht gelungen, sie zu überzeugen, den Zusammenhang herzustellen zwischen der Effektivität in diesen Bereichen und einer angemessenen Regelung des Vertrags. Viel zu oft haben die Unionsbürger noch immer den Eindruck, dass die Diskussion um die Verträge und die Verfassung einer eher kleinen Clique in Brüssel vorbehalten ist. Wir müssen zeigen, dass es eine Frage der richtigen Instrumente ist, die vereinbarten politischen Ziele zu erreichen. Wir müssen uns weiterhin darauf konzentrieren zu erörtern, wie diese Ziele verwirklicht werden können.
Parlament und Kommission haben durch die Plan-D-Strategie gemeinsam einen wesentlichen Beitrag geleistet. Wenn die Reflexionsphase vornüber ist, heißt das nicht, dass wir unsere Bemühungen um die Einbeziehung der Zivilgesellschaft und der Bürger in eine Diskussion über die Zukunft Europas einschränken sollten. Im Europäischen Rat, bei der Regierungskonferenz und in der Ratifizierungsphase wird es unerlässlich sein zu zeigen, dass eine Regelung den Bürgern real und direkt zugute kommt.
Ich habe mit Freude vernommen, dass die meisten Mitgliedstaaten dem Vorgehen der Präsidentschaft ganz klar zustimmen, eine kurze Regierungskonferenz mit einem fest umrissenen und eindeutigen Mandat für die Verhandlung einer eher begrenzten Themenliste einzuberufen. Was die Kommission betrifft, so werden wir unsere Rolle als Stimme des gemeinsamen europäischen Interesses weiterhin mit Nachdruck spielen.
Der Weg zu einer Einigung in Bezug auf den Vertrag war mitunter steinig, aber jetzt gibt es hoffentlich keine Hindernisse mehr. Wenn wir die Nerven behalten und weiterhin nicht aus den Augen verlieren, was ein effektives und demokratisches Europa braucht, wird das Ergebnis eine Europäische Union sein, die die Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts zuversichtlich meistern kann.
Erstens, die Migration: Die wachsenden Herausforderungen und zunehmenden Chancen der internationalen Migration müssen im Geiste echter Solidarität angegangen werden. Wie wichtig das ist, haben die jüngsten Ereignisse verdeutlicht. Das bedeutet, dass wir anerkennen müssen, dass eine bessere Koordinierung erforderlich ist, um die immer größer werdenden Einwandererströme an unseren Grenzen und auf unseren Meeren bewältigen zu können, aber auch um die Vorteile der Migration für den Arbeitsmarkt und die gesamte Gesellschaft nutzen zu können. Zugleich sind auch die illegale Einwanderung und der Menschenhandel auf dem Vormarsch und erfordern unsere sofortige Beachtung.
Der Europäische Rat wird gebeten werden, an den östlichen und südöstlichen Grenzen der EU ein umfassendes Migrationskonzept anzuwenden. Er sollte auch der weiteren Verbesserung der Verwaltung unserer Außengrenzen besondere Aufmerksamkeit schenken. Die Soforteinsatzteams für Grenzsicherungszwecke sollten sehr bald ihre Arbeit aufnehmen.
Zweitens wird sich der Europäische Rat erneut mit dem gravierenden Problem von HIV/AIDS befassen. Die HIV/AIDS-Epidemie ist ein äußerst wichtiges gesundheitspolitisches Thema für Europa. Wir können das Problem nur gemeinsam angehen, indem wir eine politische Führung von oben und die Einbeziehung der Zivilgesellschaft auf allen Ebenen gewährleisten. Das erfordert Aufmerksamkeit in den Bereichen Prävention, Forschung, Überwachung, Behandlung, Pflege und Unterstützung innerhalb der Union und in den Nachbarländern. Ich möchte dem deutschen Ratsvorsitz meine Anerkennung dafür aussprechen, dass er dieses Thema auf der Tagesordnung belassen hat, auch wenn dies in den Medienberichten über den Rat oft nicht gewürdigt wird.
Drittens möchte ich ein paar Worte zum Klimawandel sagen. Er wird zwar nicht ganz oben auf der Tagesordnung des Juni-Gipfels stehen, aber im Zusammenhang mit dem G8-Gipfel kann der Europäische Rat dieses Thema unmöglich ignorieren. Ich möchte diesem Hohen Haus versichern, dass die Kommission alles daran setzt, die Erwartungen des Europäischen Parlaments und des Europäischen Rates zu erfüllen und sowohl auf internationaler als auch auf EU-Ebene eine ehrgeizige und dynamische Politik beizubehalten.
Im Herbst wird die Kommission konkrete Legislativvorschläge annehmen, und wir haben vor, uns dabei auf die Glaubwürdigkeit der Europäischen Union und ihre Führungsstärke bei der Bekämpfung des Klimawandels zu verlassen.
Das sind einige der wichtigsten politischen Fragen, um die es im Europäischen Rat gehen wird. Doch wie wir alle wissen, wird das Hauptthema darin bestehen, eine Regelung des Vertrags anzusteuern.
Ich muss hier nicht wiederholen, wie dringend diese Sache oder wie wichtig sie für die Zukunft Europas ist. Wir haben gestern darüber gesprochen und in unserer Diskussion des Berichts Brok und Barón Crespo wurde ganz eindeutig klar, was hier auf dem Spiel steht. Meiner Meinung nach können wir vorsichtig optimistisch sein, was die Ergebnisse betrifft, auch wenn wir unsere Erwartungen vielleicht nicht unbedingt noch höher schrauben sollten."@de9
"Κυρία Πρόεδρε, το προσεχές Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο θα αποτελέσει πολύ σημαντική δοκιμασία της ικανότητας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης να αντιμετωπίζει νέες και δύσκολες προκλήσεις και να προετοιμάζει το μέλλον με φιλοδοξία. Το κεντρικό θέμα, το οποίο θα δοκιμάσει πραγματικά τις ικανότητες της γερμανικής Προεδρίας, είναι η συμφωνία σχετικά με τη συνθήκη, όμως στα συμπεράσματα θα θίγονται και αρκετά άλλα θέματα, όπως είναι άλλωστε αναμενόμενο. Είναι σημαντικό να δείξει η Ένωση ότι είναι πρόθυμη να εφαρμόσει τις κατάλληλες πολιτικές προς όφελος των πολιτών της κατά τρόπο άμεσο και δημιουργώντας μια αποτελεσματική και δημοκρατική Ευρώπη. Αυτό εντάσσεται στην ευρύτερη προσπάθεια μεγαλύτερης προσέγγισης με τους πολίτες και εξυπηρέτησης του κοινού συμφέροντος.
Η γερμανική Προεδρία, όπως έχουμε επισημάνει, κατέβαλε ήδη τεράστιες προσπάθειες τους τελευταίους μήνες για την επίτευξη νέας συναίνεσης μεταξύ των κρατών μελών. Η δήλωση του Βερολίνου μάς υπενθύμισε τον κοινό μας στόχο, τα πολλά στοιχεία που μας ενώνουν και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους η Ευρώπη έχει προσφέρει και θα συνεχίσει να προσφέρει απτά αποτελέσματα προς όφελος των λαών της Ευρώπης.
Έκτοτε, η Προεδρία παρακολούθησε τις θέσεις του Κοινοβουλίου, της Επιτροπής και όλων των επιμέρους κρατών μελών. Όλες οι πλευρές επέδειξαν προθυμία να αναζητήσουν μια λύση με την οποία η Ευρώπη θα κινηθεί προς τα εμπρός.
Κατά τη γνώμη της Επιτροπής, το σημείο εκκίνησης για την επίτευξη συμφωνίας σχετικά με μια νέα συνθήκη είναι σαφές. Από την άποψη της εξυπηρέτησης των συμφερόντων των πολιτών της Ευρώπης, αυτή η συζήτηση δεν είναι μια θεωρητική συζήτηση για θεσμικά θέματα: τα θεσμικά όργανα υπάρχουν για να ανταποκρίνονται στις ανάγκες των πολιτών, για να υλοποιούν στόχους πολιτικής και να προσφέρουν αποτελέσματα. Πρέπει να μπορούν να λειτουργούν με ορθό τρόπο, σύμφωνα με τα ενδεδειγμένα πρότυπα δημοκρατίας, διαφάνειας και λογοδοσίας. Δεν μπορούμε να υλοποιήσουμε τις πολιτικές επί των οποίων έχουμε συμφωνήσει με το ένα μας χέρι δεμένο πίσω από την πλάτη. Πρέπει να έχουμε τη δυνατότητα να δράσουμε σε ένα διαφοροποιημένο περιβάλλον στην Ευρώπη της παγκοσμιοποίησης.
Τι σημαίνει αυτό για το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο; Σημαίνει ότι χρειαζόμαστε μια δίκαιη και ισορροπημένη λύση, ως προς την οποία θα μπορούν να συναινέσουν πραγματικά όλες οι πλευρές. Μια δεύτερη αποτυχία ενδέχεται να έχει τραγικές επιπτώσεις για το ευρωπαϊκό οικοδόμημα.
Ωστόσο, σημαίνει επίσης ότι δεν πρέπει να μειώσουμε τις φιλοδοξίες μας. Μια λύση η οποία θα κατατείνει στον ελάχιστο κοινό παρονομαστή μπορεί να προσφέρει βραχυπρόθεσμη αρμονία, όμως μπορεί επίσης να προκαλέσει προβλήματα στο μέλλον. Δεν αρκεί να επιφέρουμε ήσσονος σημασίας αλλαγές στη Συνθήκη της Νίκαιας.
Η Επιτροπή χαιρετίζει τις προσπάθειες εξεύρεσης λύσης, και η πρώτη κατεύθυνση προς την οποία πρέπει να στραφούμε είναι η Συνταγματική Συνθήκη. Επί της ουσίας, το μεγαλύτερο τμήμα του εν λόγω κειμένου διατηρεί αμετάβλητη την αξία του. Οι αλλαγές που προτείνονται με τη Συνταγματική Συνθήκη παραμένουν επίκαιρες και πρέπει να καταστούν πραγματικότητα – όχι να αμφισβητούνται.
Η κοινοτική μέθοδος πρέπει να προστατευθεί, περιλαμβανομένου του δικαιώματος πρωτοβουλίας της Επιτροπής. Η διάρθρωση σε έναν μόνο πυλώνα και η απόκτηση ενιαίας νομικής προσωπικότητας θα ενίσχυαν με απτό τρόπο την ικανότητα της Ένωσης να εκφράζεται με ενιαίο τρόπο και να δραστηριοποιείται στο παγκοσμιοποιημένο διεθνές περιβάλλον. Ο ενισχυμένος ρόλος του Κοινοβουλίου και οι πρόοδοι όσον αφορά την ψηφοφορία με ειδική πλειοψηφία πρέπει να διατηρηθούν.
Κατά τη γνώμη μας, η Συνταγματική Συνθήκη προσέφερε επίσης μια πολύ καλή λύση όσον αφορά τη συμμετοχή των εθνικών κοινοβουλίων, η οποία επιτυγχάνει την κατάλληλη ισορροπία μεταξύ του ρόλου των εθνικών κοινοβουλίων και του ρόλου του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου. Στο ίδιο πλαίσιο, θα υπερασπιστούμε τον νομικά δεσμευτικό χαρακτήρα του Χάρτη Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων, ο οποίος αποτελεί αναπόσπαστο τμήμα της δέσμης που συμφωνήθηκε από τη Συνέλευση και τη ΔΚΔ.
Αναγνωρίζουμε ότι πρέπει να υπάρξουν ορισμένες αλλαγές και σεβόμαστε όλες και όλους όσοι εξέφρασαν τις απόψεις τους προς αυτήν την κατεύθυνση. Δεν θα φοβηθούμε τον σοβαρό διάλογο σχετικά με τη μορφή του κειμένου, τα σύμβολα της ΕΕ ή άλλους τομείς που αναφέρθηκαν στη συζήτηση. Όσον αφορά τη μορφή του νέου κειμένου, θα καταβάλουμε κάθε δυνατή προσπάθεια, ώστε το όποιο νέο κείμενο να είναι προσιτό και ευανάγνωστο. Η θέση μας στις διαπραγματεύσεις θα είναι φιλόδοξη και σταθερή.
Επιτρέψτε μου επίσης να προσθέσω μια πτυχή η οποία είναι στενά συνδεδεμένη με τη συζήτησή μας σχετικά με τη συμφωνία για μια νέα συνθήκη. Δεν χρειαζόμαστε απλώς μια συμφωνία μεταξύ των θεσμικών οργάνων και των κρατών μελών· χρειαζόμαστε εξίσου μια νέα αφήγηση, έναν νέο τρόπο για να εξηγήσουμε στους πολίτες μας τα όσα διακυβεύονται. Πρέπει να εξηγήσουμε γιατί η διευρυμένη Ένωση έχει ανάγκη μια νέα συνθήκη η οποία θα προσφέρει περισσότερη δημοκρατία, μεγαλύτερη συνεκτικότητα και μια Ένωση αρκετά ισχυρή, ώστε να ανταποκρίνεται στις προσδοκίες των πολιτών.
Ο κ. Steinmeier παρουσίασε εμπεριστατωμένα την ημερήσια διάταξη του Συμβουλίου, οπότε θα αρκεστώ να θίξω τρία μόνον θέματα.
Οι πολίτες της Ευρώπης χαιρετίζουν τη δέσμευση της ΕΕ να αντιμετωπίσει τις σημερινές καίριες προκλήσεις πολιτικής: την αλλαγή του κλίματος, τη μετανάστευση, την ενέργεια – τομείς τους οποίους ο κ. Steinmeier έχει ήδη αναφέρει. Αυτό προσδοκούν από την ΕΕ, όμως δεν έχουμε κατορθώσει ακόμη να τους βοηθήσουμε να κατανοήσουν τη σχέση μεταξύ της αποτελεσματικότητας σε αυτούς τους τομείς και της επίτευξης της ενδεδειγμένης συμφωνίας όσον αφορά τη συνθήκη. Πολύ συχνά οι πολίτες εξακολουθούν να έχουν την αίσθηση ότι η συζήτηση σχετικά με τις συνθήκες και το Σύνταγμα είναι θέμα που αφορά μια μικρή κλίκα στις Βρυξέλλες. Πρέπει να δείξουμε ότι η επιδίωξή μας είναι να εξασφαλίσουμε τα αναγκαία εργαλεία για την επίτευξη πολιτικών στόχων τους οποίους έχουμε από κοινού συμφωνήσει. Πρέπει να συνεχίσουμε να εστιάζουμε στη συζήτηση των τρόπων επίτευξης αυτών των στόχων.
Το Κοινοβούλιο και η Επιτροπή έχουν συμβάλει σημαντικά από κοινού, μέσω της στρατηγικής του «σχεδίου Δ». Η λήξη της περιόδου περισυλλογής δεν σημαίνει ότι πρέπει να μειώσουμε τις προσπάθειές μας για τη συμμετοχή των πολιτών και της κοινωνίας των πολιτών στον διάλογο σχετικά με το μέλλον της Ευρώπης. Θα έχει καίρια σημασία να καταδειχθεί στο Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο, στην ενδεχόμενη διακυβερνητική διάσκεψη και στη φάση της επικύρωσης ότι η συμφωνία έχει πραγματικά και άμεσα οφέλη για τους πολίτες.
Πληροφορήθηκα με ικανοποίηση ότι τα περισσότερα κράτη μέλη συμφωνούν σαφώς με την τοποθέτηση της Προεδρίας υπέρ μιας σύντομης διακυβερνητικής διάσκεψης η οποία θα έχει σαφή και συγκεκριμένη εντολή για τη διαπραγμάτευση σχετικά περιορισμένου αριθμού θεμάτων. Όσο για την Επιτροπή, θα επιτελέσουμε πιστά τον ρόλο μας ως φωνής του κοινού ευρωπαϊκού συμφέροντος.
Η πορεία για την επίτευξη συμφωνίας ως προς τη συνθήκη δεν ήταν πάντα εύκολη, όμως ευελπιστούμε ότι επανερχόμαστε στον σωστό δρόμο. Αν διατηρήσουμε το σθένος μας και μείνουμε εστιασμένοι στις ανάγκες μιας αποτελεσματικής και δημοκρατικής Ευρώπης, το αποτέλεσμα θα είναι μια Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση η οποία θα μπορεί να ανταποκριθεί στις προκλήσεις του 21ου αιώνα με αυτοπεποίθηση.
Το πρώτο θέμα είναι η μετανάστευση: οι αυξανόμενες προκλήσεις και ευκαιρίες που δημιουργεί η διεθνής μετανάστευση πρέπει να αντιμετωπιστούν σε πνεύμα πραγματικής αλληλεγγύης. Τα πρόσφατα γεγονότα υπογραμμίζουν τη σημασία της αλληλεγγύης σε αυτόν τον τομέα. Αυτό συνεπάγεται ότι πρέπει να αναγνωριστεί η ανάγκη βελτίωσης του συντονισμού για τη διαχείριση των διαρκώς αυξανόμενων μεταναστευτικών ρευμάτων στα σύνορά μας και στις θάλασσές μας αλλά και για την άντληση των οφελών που προσφέρει η μετανάστευση για την αγορά εργασίας και την κοινωνία εν γένει. Συγχρόνως, η παράνομη μετανάστευση και η εμπορία ανθρώπων αυξάνονται και χρήζουν της άμεσης προσοχής μας.
Το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο θα κληθεί να εφαρμόσει μία ολοκληρωμένη προσέγγιση στο θέμα της μετανάστευσης έναντι των ανατολικών και νοτιοανατολικών γειτόνων της ΕΕ. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο πρέπει επίσης να δώσει έμφαση στην ανάγκη περαιτέρω ενίσχυσης της διαχείρισης των εξωτερικών μας συνόρων. Οι ομάδες ταχείας επέμβασης στα σύνορα πρέπει να αναλάβουν δράση πολύ σύντομα.
Δεύτερον, το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο θα επανέλθει στο κρίσιμο θέμα του HIV/AIDS. Η επιδημία HIV/AIDS είναι καίριας σημασίας θέμα δημόσιας υγείας στην Ευρώπη. Μόνον από κοινού μπορούμε να το αντιμετωπίσουμε, διασφαλίζοντας την πολιτική ηγεσία στην κορυφή και τη συμμετοχή της κοινωνίας των πολιτών σε όλα τα επίπεδα. Απαιτείται προσοχή στους τομείς της πρόληψης της έρευνας, της εποπτείας, της θεραπείας, της περίθαλψης και της υποστήριξης εντός της Ένωσης και σε γειτονικές χώρες. Θέλω να αποδώσω εύσημα στη γερμανική Προεδρία για τη διατήρηση του θέματος στην ημερήσια διάταξη, παρότι αυτό δεν αναγνωρίζεται συχνά στις αναφορές των μέσων ενημέρωσης στις δραστηριότητες του Συμβουλίου.
Τρίτον, θέλω να πω λίγα λόγια σχετικά με την αλλαγή του κλίματος. Δεν θα βρίσκεται στο επίκεντρο της ημερήσιας διάταξης στη σύνοδο κορυφής του Ιουνίου, όμως, ενόψει της συνόδου της ομάδας G8, θα ήταν αδύνατον να σιωπήσει ως προς το θέμα αυτό το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο. Θέλω να διαβεβαιώσω το Κοινοβούλιο ότι η Επιτροπή εργάζεται πολύ σκληρά, προκειμένου να ανταποκριθεί στις προσδοκίες του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου και του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου και να συνεχίσει την εφαρμογή μιας φιλόδοξης και δυναμικής πολιτικής, τόσο διεθνώς όσο και στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.
Το φθινόπωρο η Επιτροπή θα υιοθετήσει συγκεκριμένες νομοθετικές προτάσεις, ενώ σκοπεύουμε να στηριχθούμε στην αξιοπιστία και την ηγετική θέση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης για την καταπολέμηση της αλλαγής του κλίματος.
Αυτοί είναι ορισμένοι από τους βασικούς τομείς πολιτικής που θα καλυφθούν από το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο. Εντούτοις, όπως όλοι γνωρίζουμε, το κεντρικό θέμα θα είναι η προσπάθεια επίτευξης συμφωνίας σχετικά με τη συνθήκη.
Δεν χρειάζεται να επαναλάβω εδώ πόσο επείγον είναι το θέμα ή να επικαλεστώ τη σημασία του για το μέλλον της Ευρώπης. Άλλωστε, το συζητήσαμε εχθές σε αυτό το Σώμα, και η συζήτησή μας σχετικά με την έκθεση Brok και Barón Crespo δεν άφησε καμία αμφιβολία όσον αφορά το τι διακυβεύεται. Νομίζω ότι μπορούμε να είμαστε συγκρατημένα αισιόδοξοι ως προς τα αποτελέσματα, αν και κατανοώ ότι είναι ίσως σκόπιμο να μην τροφοδοτήσουμε περισσότερο τις προσδοκίες."@el10
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Señora Presidenta, la próxima reunión del Consejo Europeo será una prueba muy importante de la capacidad de la Unión Europea para enfrentarse a nuevos y difíciles retos y para mirar al futuro con ambición. La cuestión principal, que será la verdadera prueba para la Presidencia alemana, es el acuerdo en torno al Tratado, pero las conclusiones abarcarán algunas otras cuestiones, como debe ser. Es importante demostrar que la Unión está dispuesta a establecer las políticas adecuadas para sus ciudadanos directamente y creando una Europa eficaz y democrática. Todo forma parte del mismo esfuerzo por acercarnos a los ciudadanos y servir al interés común.
Como hemos señalado, durante los últimos meses la Presidencia alemana ya ha hecho enormes esfuerzos por que los Estados miembros lleguen a un nuevo consenso. La Declaración de Berlín nos recordaba lo que estábamos intentando lograr juntos, todo lo que tenemos en común y cómo Europa ha marcado y marcará una diferencia para los pueblos de Europa.
Desde entonces, la Presidencia ha estado escuchando la posición del Parlamento, de la Comisión y de cada Estado miembro. Todos han manifestado su voluntad de encontrar una solución para que Europa avance.
Para la Comisión, el punto de partida para un nuevo Tratado está claro. Desde el punto de vista del interés de los ciudadanos europeos, este no es un debate institucional teórico: las instituciones están ahí para responder a las necesidades de los ciudadanos, para lograr objetivos políticos y para aportar resultados. Necesitan un método de trabajo adecuado y unas normas adecuadas de democracia, transparencia y responsabilidad. No podemos aplicar nuestras políticas acordadas con una mano atada a la espalda. Necesitamos la capacidad de actuar en un entorno nuevo en la Europa de un mundo globalizado.
¿Qué significa esto para el Consejo Europeo? Significa que necesitamos una solución justa y equilibrada, capaz de concitar un verdadero consenso. Un segundo fracaso puede tener consecuencias dramáticas para la construcción europea.
Pero también significa mantener un alto nivel de ambición. Una solución del mínimo denominador común puede traer armonía a corto plazo, pero también podría acumular problemas para el futuro. Introducir cambios menores en el Tratado de Niza no será suficiente.
La Comisión acoge con satisfacción los esfuerzos por encontrar una solución, y el primer lugar para buscar soluciones es el Tratado Constitucional. Respecto del contenido, la mayor parte del trabajo sigue siendo válida. Los cambios introducidos por el Tratado Constitucional siguen siendo pertinentes y hay que traducirlos a la realidad, no cuestionarlos.
El método comunitario debe protegerse, incluido el derecho de iniciativa de la Comisión. Una estructura de un solo pilar y una sola personalidad jurídica mejorarían visiblemente la capacidad de la Unión de hablar con una sola voz y actuar en un mundo globalizado. Es preciso preservar el papel reforzado del Parlamento y los avances en la toma de decisiones por mayoría cualificada.
En nuestra opinión, el Tratado Constitucional también es una excelente solución para implicar a los Parlamentos nacionales, que establece el equilibrio correcto entre el papel de los Parlamentos nacionales y el del Parlamento Europeo. Asimismo, defenderemos el carácter jurídicamente vinculante de la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales, que forma parte del paquete acordado por la Convención y la CIG.
Reconocemos que hay que hacer algunos cambios y respetamos a todos los que han expresado sus opiniones a este respecto. No rehuiremos un debate serio sobre la forma del texto, los símbolos de la UE u otros aspectos que se han mencionado. En cuanto a la forma del texto, haremos todo lo posible por garantizar que cualquier texto nuevo sea legible y accesible. Nuestra posición en las negociaciones será ambiciosa y firme.
Permítanme añadir también un punto íntimamente relacionado con nuestro debate sobre el Tratado. No solo necesitamos un trato entre las instituciones y los Estados miembros; también necesitamos un nuevo argumento, una nueva manera de explicar a los ciudadanos lo que está en juego. Tenemos que explicar por qué la Unión ampliada necesita un nuevo Tratado que proporcione más democracia, más coherencia y una Unión suficientemente fuerte para colmar las expectativas de los ciudadanos.
El señor Steinmeier ha dado una visión exhaustiva de la agenda del Consejo, así que permítanme abordar solo tres cuestiones.
Los ciudadanos de Europa acogen con satisfacción el compromiso de la UE de abordar los retos políticos fundamentales de la actualidad: el cambio climático, la migración, la energía, ámbitos que ya ha mencionado el señor Steinmeier. Es lo que esperan, pero aún no hemos logrado convencerlos de que establezcan la relación entre la eficacia en estos terrenos y un acuerdo adecuado sobre el Tratado. Demasiado a menudo los ciudadanos sienten que el debate sobre los tratados y la Constitución sirve para preservar una pequeña camarilla en Bruselas. Tenemos que demostrarles que se trata de contar con los instrumentos adecuados para lograr los objetivos políticos acordados. Tenemos que seguir centrándonos en debatir las maneras de lograr estos objetivos.
El Parlamento y la Comisión han hecho una importante contribución a través de la estrategia del Plan D. Aunque el período de reflexión haya acabado, no debemos cejar en nuestros esfuerzos por implicar a la sociedad civil y a los ciudadanos en un debate sobre el futuro de Europa. Será crucial demostrar en el Consejo Europeo, en una conferencia intergubernamental y en la fase de ratificación que un nuevo Tratado supone un beneficio real y directo para los ciudadanos.
Me alegro de que la mayoría de Estados miembros apoyan el plan de la Presidencia de celebrar una conferencia intergubernamental corta con el mandato claro y preciso de negociar una lista limitada de cuestiones. En lo que respecta a la Comisión, lucharemos incansablemente por nuestro papel como portavoz del interés común europeo.
El camino a un nuevo Tratado no siempre ha sido fácil, pero espero que vayamos bien encarrilados. Si podemos mantenernos firmes y seguir centrados en las necesidades de una Europa eficaz y democrática, el resultado será una Unión Europea capaz de enfrentarse a los retos del siglo XXI con confianza.
Primero, la migración: los crecientes retos y oportunidades que plantea la migración internacional tienen que abordarse en un espíritu de verdadera solidaridad. Los últimos acontecimientos han subrayado la importancia de ello. Significa reconocer que necesitamos una mejor coordinación para enfrentarnos a los crecientes aflujos de migrantes a nuestras fronteras y nuestras costas, pero también para recoger los beneficios de la migración para el mercado de trabajo y para la sociedad en su conjunto. Al mismo tiempo, la migración ilegal y el tráfico de seres humanos están aumentando y reclaman nuestra atención inmediata.
Se pedirá al Consejo Europeo que aplique un enfoque integral de la migración a los países vecinos orientales y sudorientales de la UE. El Consejo Europeo también debe prestar atención a la necesidad de seguir reforzando la gestión de nuestras fronteras exteriores. Los Equipos de Intervención Rápida en las Fronteras deberían empezar a funcionar muy pronto.
En segundo lugar, el Consejo Europeo retomará la cuestión fundamental del VIH/sida. La epidemia del VIH/sida es una cuestión de salud pública muy importante para Europa. Solo podemos abordarla juntos garantizando un liderazgo político desde arriba e implicando a la sociedad civil en todos los niveles. Exige prestar atención a la prevención, la investigación, la supervisión, el tratamiento, el cuidado y el apoyo dentro de la Unión y en los países vecinos. Quiero rendir homenaje a la Presidencia alemana por mantener esta cuestión en el orden del día, a pesar de que esto no se reconoce muy a menudo en los reportajes de los medios de comunicación sobre el Consejo.
En tercer lugar, quiero decir unas cuantas palabras sobre el cambio climático. No será el eje central de la cumbre de junio, pero tras la reunión del G-8 sería imposible que el Consejo Europeo guardara silencio sobre esta cuestión. Quiero asegurar a este Parlamento que la Comisión está haciendo grandes esfuerzos por colmar las expectativas del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo Europeo y por mantener una política ambiciosa y dinámica, tanto a escala internacional como de la Unión Europea.
La Comisión aprobará propuestas legislativas específicas en otoño y tenemos la intención de apoyarnos en la credibilidad y el liderazgo de la Unión Europea para luchar contra el cambio climático.
Estas son algunas de las cuestiones políticas clave que abordará el Consejo Europeo. Pero, como saben, la cuestión fundamental será avanzar en un acuerdo sobre el Tratado.
No es necesario que repita la importancia de la cuestión o su significado para el futuro de Europa. Lo debatimos aquí ayer y nuestro debate sobre el informe Brok y Barón Crespo no dejan lugar a dudas sobre lo que está en juego. Creo que podemos ser razonablemente optimistas sobre los resultados, aunque entiendo que quizá no debiéramos crear expectativas aún más elevadas."@es21
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@et5
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Arvoisa puhemies, seuraava Eurooppa-neuvosto on hyvin tärkeä testi, jossa selvitetään Euroopan unionin kykyä vastata uusiin ja hankaliin haasteisiin ja suunnata katseensa kunnianhimoisesti eteenpäin. Kokouksen tärkein asia ja Saksan puheenjohtajakauden todellinen testi on perussopimuksia koskeva ratkaisu, mutta päätelmissä käsitellään aiheellisesti myös monia muita asioita. On tärkeää osoittaa, että unioni haluaa toteuttaa oikeat toimet suoraan kansalaistensa hyväksi tekemällä itsestään tehokkaan ja demokraattisen. Tämä kaikki on osa pyrkimystä päästä lähemmäs kansalaisia ja toimia yhteisen edun mukaisesti.
Kuten olemme huomanneet, puheenjohtajavaltio Saksa on tehnyt valtavasti työtä viime kuukausina saadakseen aikaan uuden yhteisymmärryksen jäsenvaltioiden välillä. Berliinin julistus palautti mieliin, mitä olemme pyrkineet saavuttamaan yhdessä, miten paljon meillä on yhteistä ja miten Euroopan unioni on vaikuttanut ja tulee vaikuttamaan Euroopan kansoihin.
Puheenjohtajavaltio on kuullut tänä aikana parlamentin, komission ja jokaisen jäsenvaltion kannat. Kaikki ovat ilmaisseet olevansa halukkaita saavuttamaan ratkaisun, jolla Euroopan unionia saadaan vietyä eteenpäin.
Komissiolle uuden perussopimuksia koskevan ratkaisun lähtökohta on selvä. Euroopan kansalaisten edun kannalta katsottuna keskustelu ei ole teoreettinen toimielimiä koskeva keskustelu. Toimielinten tehtävänä on vastata kansalaisten tarpeisiin, toteuttaa politiikan tavoitteet ja saada aikaan tuloksia. Ne tarvitsevat oikeaa toimintatapaa ja oikeita demokratian, avoimuuden ja vastuullisuuden normeja. Sovittuja toimia ei voi toteuttaa toinen käsi sidottuna. Meillä on oltava valmiudet toimia muuttuneessa ympäristössä, globalisoituneeseen maailmaan kuuluvassa Euroopan unionissa.
Mitä tämä tarkoittaa Eurooppa-neuvoston kannalta? Se tarkoittaa, että ratkaisun on oltava oikeudenmukainen ja tasapuolinen, niin että siitä syntyy aito yhteisymmärrys. Toisen epäonnistumisen seuraukset saattaisivat olla dramaattiset Euroopan yhdentymiskehitykselle.
Se tarkoittaa kuitenkin myös kunnianhimon säilyttämistä korkealla tasolla. Pienimpään yhteiseen nimittäjään perustuvalla ratkaisulla saatetaan saada aikaan lyhyen aikavälin sopu, mutta se vain sysäisi ongelmat tulevaisuuteen. Pienten muutosten tekeminen Nizzan sopimukseen ei riitä.
Komissio on tyytyväinen pyrkimyksiin ratkaista asia. Ensimmäiseksi ratkaisuja on etsittävä perustuslakisopimuksesta. Sisällön puolesta suurin osa siitä pätee edelleen. Perustuslakisopimuksen mukanaan tuomat muutokset ovat edelleen tähdellisiä, ja ne on pantava täytäntöön eikä niitä pidä kyseenalaistaa.
Yhteisömenetelmää on suojattava, samoin komission aloiteoikeutta. Yhden pilarin rakenne ja yhtenäinen oikeushenkilöys vahvistaisivat tuntuvasti unionin kykyä puhua yhdellä yhteisellä äänellä ja toimia globaalissa maailmassa. Parlamentin vahva asema ja määräenemmistöpäätöksiä koskevat edistysaskeleet olisi säilytettävä.
Perustuslakisopimuksessa esitettiin mielestämme erinomainen ratkaisu myös siihen, miten jäsenvaltioiden parlamentit voivat osallistua toimiin. Jäsenvaltioiden parlamenttien ja Euroopan parlamentin asema on siinä oikein tasapainotettu. Puolustamme vastaavasti sitä, että perusoikeuskirjasta tehdään oikeudellisesti sitova. Perusoikeuskirja on oleellinen osa valmistelukunnan ja hallitustenvälisen konferenssin sopimaa pakettia.
Myönnämme, että joitakin muutoksia on syytä tehdä, ja kunnioitamme kaikkia niitä, jotka ovat esittäneet mielipiteensä asiasta. Emme pelkää kunnon keskustelua tekstin muodosta, EU:n tunnuksista tai muista aloista, joita on esitetty keskustelun aiheiksi. Uuden tekstin muodon osalta teemme kaikkemme varmistaaksemme, että uusi teksti on helppolukuinen ja ymmärrettävä. Kantamme on neuvotteluissa kunnianhimoinen ja vankkumaton.
Haluan lisätä vielä yhden kohdan, joka liittyy läheisesti keskusteluun perussopimuksia koskevasta ratkaisusta. Nyt ei tarvita yksinomaan toimielinten ja jäsenvaltioiden kesken tehtävää sopimusta. Nyt tarvitaan yhtälailla uutta kertomusta, uutta tapaa selittää kansalaisille, mistä on kyse. On selitettävä, miksi laajentunut unioni tarvitsee uutta perussopimusta, jolla taataan lisää demokratiaa, lisää yhtenäisyyttä ja riittävän vahva unioni kansalaisten odotuksiin vastaamiseksi.
Ministeri Steinmeier antoi kattavan selonteon neuvoston asialistasta, joten käsittelen vain kolmea kysymystä.
Euroopan kansalaiset ovat tyytyväisiä siihen, että EU on sitoutunut tarttumaan nykypäivän keskeisiin poliittisiin haasteisiin eli ilmastonmuutokseen, maahanmuuttoon ja energiakysymykseen, jotka ministeri Steinmeier jo mainitsi. Tätä he odottavat, mutta toistaiseksi emme ole onnistuneet saamaan heitä vakuuttuneiksi siitä, että tehokkaat toimet näillä aloilla ovat yhteydessä perussopimuksia koskevaan asianmukaiseen ratkaisuun. Kansalaiset ovat edelleen aivan liian usein sitä mieltä, että keskustelu perussopimuksista ja perustuslaista on Brysselin pienen nurkkakunnan yksinoikeus. Meidän on osoitettava, että on kyse siitä, että sovittuja poliittisia tavoitteita varten saadaan kunnolliset välineet. Meidän on keskityttävä edelleen keskustelemaan siitä, miten tavoitteet saavutetaan.
Parlamentti ja komissio ovat saaneet yhdessä paljon aikaan K-suunnitelman avulla. Vaikka harkintakausi olisi ohi, meidän ei pidä vähentää toimia, joilla taataan kansalaisyhteiskunnan ja kansalaisten osallistuminen keskusteluun Euroopan unionin tulevaisuudesta. Eurooppa-neuvostossa, hallitustenvälisessä konferenssissa ja ratifiointivaiheessa on äärimmäisen tärkeää osoittaa, että ratkaisusta on todellista ja suoraa hyötyä kansalaisille.
Olin iloinen kuullessani, että suurin osa jäsenvaltioista on selvästi yhtä mieltä puheenjohtajavaltion esityksestä, jonka mukaan hallitustenvälinen konferenssi kutsutaan pikaisesti koolle ja sille annetaan selkeät ja tarkat valtuudet neuvotella vain muutamista asioista. Komissio jatkaa päättäväisesti tehtäväänsä yhteisen eurooppalaisen edun äänitorvena.
Taival kohti perussopimuksia koskevaa ratkaisua on ollut paikoitellen hankala, mutta toivon mukaan olemme päässeet takaisin raiteille. Mikäli pystymme hallitsemaan hermomme ja keskittymään tehokkaan ja demokraattisen Euroopan unionin tarpeisiin, tuloksena on Euroopan unioni, joka pystyy kohtaamaan 2000-luvun haasteet luottavaisin mielin.
Ensiksi käsittelen maahanmuuttoa. Kansainvälisen maahanmuuton kasvaviin haasteisiin ja mahdollisuuksiin on suhtauduttava aidon solidaarisesti. Viimeaikaiset tapahtumat ovat korostaneet tämän merkitystä. On siis myönnettävä, että koordinointia on parannettava, jotta maahanmuuttajien alati vuolaammaksi käyvä virta voidaan ottaa vastaan rajoillamme ja merillämme ja jotta myös maahanmuutosta koituvat hyödyt saadaan korjattua talteen työmarkkinoilla ja laajemmin yhteiskunnassa. Samaan aikaan laiton maahanmuutto ja ihmiskauppa lisääntyvät ja edellyttävät meiltä välitöntä huomiota.
Eurooppa-neuvostoa pyydetään soveltamaan kokonaisvaltaista lähestymistapaa EU:n itäisiin ja kaakkoisiin naapurimaihin suuntautuvaan maahanmuuttoon. Eurooppa-neuvoston olisi kiinnitettävä huomiota myös siihen, että ulkorajojen valvontaa on vahvistettava edelleen. Nopeiden rajainterventioryhmien olisi aloitettava toimintansa hyvin pian.
Toiseksi Eurooppa-neuvostossa palataan tärkeään hi-virusta ja aidsia koskevaan kysymykseen. Hi-viruksen ja aidsin leviäminen on erittäin tärkeä kansanterveyttä koskeva kysymys Euroopan unionille. Siihen voidaan puuttua vain yhdessä varmistamalla poliittinen johto ylhäältä käsin ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan osallistuminen kaikilla tasoilla. Tämä edellyttää huomion kiinnittämistä ennaltaehkäisyyn, tutkimukseen, seurantaan, hoitoon, hoivaan ja tukeen sekä unionissa että naapurimaissa. Haluan kiittää puheenjohtajavaltio Saksaa siitä, että asia on säilytetty asialistalla, vaikkei sille anneta useinkaan huomiota tiedotusvälineissä neuvostosta kerrottaessa.
Kolmanneksi haluan sanoa muutaman sanasen ilmastonmuutoksesta. Asia ei ole keskeisellä sijalla kesäkuun huippukokouksen asialistalla, mutta G8-maiden kokouksen vanavedessä Eurooppa-neuvoston on mahdotonta vaieta asiasta. Haluan vakuuttaa parlamentille, että komissio tekee lujasti töitä täyttääkseen Euroopan parlamentin ja Eurooppa-neuvoston odotukset ja säilyttääkseen kunnianhimoisen ja dynaamisen politiikan sekä kansainvälisesti että Euroopan unionissa.
Komissio antaa yksittäisiä lainsäädäntöehdotuksia syksyllä, ja aiomme tukeutua Euroopan unionin uskottavuuteen ja johtoasemaan ilmastonmuutoksen torjunnassa.
Tässä oli muutamia keskeisiä kysymyksiä, joita Eurooppa-neuvostossa käsitellään. Kuten kaikki kuitenkin tiedämme, tärkein kysymys on eteneminen kohti perussopimuksia koskevaa ratkaisua.
Minun ei tarvinne toistaa, miten kiireellinen tämä asia on tai miten tärkeä se on Euroopan unionin tulevaisuudelle. Asiasta keskusteltiin täällä eilen, eikä Brokin ja Barón Crespon mietinnöstä käydyssä keskustelussa jäänyt epäselvyyttä siitä, mistä oikein on kyse. Voimme mielestäni suhtautua varovaisen optimisesti tuloksiin, vaikka ymmärrän kyllä, ettei meidän kannattane nostattaa toiveita enää tämän korkeammalle."@fi7
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Madame la Présidente, le prochain Conseil européen sera un test très important pour la capacité de l’Union européenne à relever des défis nouveaux et difficiles et à regarder ambitieusement vers l’avenir. La principale question, qui représentera le véritable test pour la présidence allemande, est celle du Traité, mais les conclusions concerneront plusieurs autres problèmes, à raison. Il est important de montrer que l’Union veut mettre en œuvre les bonnes politiques pour ses citoyens, directement et en créant une Europe efficace et démocratique. Tout ceci fait partie d’un même effort pour se rapprocher des citoyens et servir l’intérêt général.
La présidence allemande, comme nous l’avons remarqué, a déjà fait d’énormes efforts, ces derniers mois, pour trouver un nouveau consensus entre les États membres. La déclaration de Berlin nous a rappelé ce que nous tentons de réaliser ensemble, tout ce que nous avons en commun et comment l’Europe fait et fera une différence pour sa population.
Depuis, la présidence a écouté la position du Parlement, de la Commission et de chaque État membre. Tous ont montré leur volonté de trouver une solution pour faire avancer l’Europe.
Pour la Commission, le point de départ d’un nouveau traité est clair. Pour ce qui est de servir les citoyens européens, ce débat n’est pas un débat institutionnel théorique: les institutions sont là pour répondre aux besoins des citoyens, pour atteindre les objectifs de politique et pour arriver à des résultats. Elles ont besoin d’une bonne façon de travailler et des bonnes normes de démocratie, de transparence et de responsabilité. Nous ne pouvons pas mettre en œuvre nos politiques si nous avons une main attachée dans le dos. Il nous faut la capacité d’agir dans un environnement modifié, dans l’Europe à l’heure de la mondialisation.
Qu’est-ce que cela signifie pour le Conseil européen? Cela signifie qu’il nous faut une solution juste et équilibrée, pouvant faire l’objet d’un véritable consensus. Un deuxième échec pourrait avoir des conséquences dramatiques pour la construction européenne.
Cela signifie aussi, néanmoins, maintenir un degré élevé d’ambition. Une solution qui serait celle du plus petit dénominateur commun pourrait apporter une harmonie à court terme, mais aussi accumuler des problèmes pour l’avenir. Se contenter d’introduire des changements mineurs au traité de Nice ne suffira pas.
La Commission salue les efforts de recherche d’une solution, et le premier endroit où chercher des solutions est le traité constitutionnel. Sur le fond, la plus grande partie de ce texte reste valable. Les changements introduits par le traité constitutionnel sont toujours pertinents et doivent être traduits dans la réalité, pas remis en question.
La méthode communautaire doit être protégée, y inclus le droit d’initiative de la Commission. Une structure à un seul pilier et une personnalité juridique unique renforceraient tangiblement la capacité de l’Union à s’exprimer d’une voix et à agir au niveau mondial. Le rôle renforcé du Parlement et les avancées concernant le vote à la majorité qualifiée devraient être maintenus.
D’après nous, le traité constitutionnel a aussi apporté une très bonne solution quant à la manière d’impliquer les parlements nationaux, qui atteint le bon équilibre entre le rôle des parlements nationaux et le rôle du Parlement européen. De la même manière, nous défendrons le caractère juridiquement contraignant de la Charte des droits fondamentaux, qui fait partie intégrante du paquet convenu par la Convention et la CIG.
Nous reconnaissons que certains changements doivent être apportés et nous respectons tous ceux qui ont exprimé leur avis à ce sujet. Nous ne fuirons pas une discussion sérieuse sur la forme du texte, les symboles de l’UE ou d’autres domaines qui ont été mentionnés parmi ceux à discuter. En ce qui concerne la forme du nouveau texte, nous ferons tout ce qui est en notre pouvoir pour qu’il soit lisible et accessible. Notre position lors des négociations sera ambitieuse et ferme.
Permettez-moi aussi d’ajouter un élément étroitement lié à notre débat sur le Traité. Nous n’avons pas seulement besoin d’un compromis entre les institutions et les États membres: nous avons tout autant besoin d’une nouvelle histoire, d’une nouvelle façon d’expliquer les enjeux à nos concitoyens. Nous devons expliquer pourquoi l’Union élargie a besoin d’un nouveau Traité prévoyant plus de démocratie, plus de cohérence et une Union assez forte pour répondre aux attentes des citoyens.
M. Steinmeier a donné un aperçu complet de l’ordre du jour du Conseil, permettez-moi donc de n’aborder que trois questions.
Les citoyens européens saluent l’engagement de l’UE à relever les défis principaux d’aujourd’hui: le changement climatique, les migrations, l’énergie - soit les domaines que M. Steinmeier a déjà mentionnés. C’est ce qu’ils attendent, mais nous n’avons pas encore réussi à les persuader de faire le lien entre l’efficacité dans ces domaines et un traité approprié. Trop souvent, les gens ont encore le sentiment que le débat sur les Traités et la Constitution est le privilège d’une clique bruxelloise relativement peu nombreuse. Nous devons montrer qu’il s’agit là d’avoir les bons outils pour servir les objectifs politiques convenus. Nous devons continuer à nous concentrer sur le débat relatif à la manière d’atteindre ces objectifs.
Le Parlement et la Commission ont apporté ensemble une contribution importante avec la stratégie du Plan D. Si la période de réflexion est terminée, cela ne signifie pas que nous devions réduire nos efforts pour impliquer la société civile et les citoyens dans un débat sur l’avenir de l’Europe. Il sera d’une importance capitale, au Conseil européen, lors d’une conférence intergouvernementale et lors de la phase de ratification, de montrer qu’un accord représente un avantage réel et direct pour les citoyens.
J’ai été ravie d’entendre que la plupart des États membres étaient clairement d’accord avec l’approche de la présidence, à savoir une courte conférence intergouvernementale ayant un mandat clair et précis pour négocier une liste de questions assez restreinte. Quant à nous, au sein de la Commission, nous poursuivrons avec vigueur notre rôle de voix de l’intérêt général européen.
La route vers un accord sur le Traité n’est pas toujours facile à suivre, mais j’espère que nous sommes remis sur la voie. Si nous pouvons garder notre sang-froid et rester concentrés sur les besoins d’une Europe efficace et démocratique, le résultat nous donnera une Union européenne apte à relever les défis du XXIe siècle avec confiance.
Premièrement, les migrations. Les défis et possibilités croissants représentés par les migrations internationales doivent être abordés dans un esprit de véritable solidarité. Les événements récents en ont montré l’importance. Cela signifie reconnaître qu’une meilleure coordination est nécessaire pour faire face aux flux toujours croissants de migrants à nos frontières et sur nos mers, mais aussi récolter les bénéfices de l’immigration pour le marché du travail et pour la société au sens large. En même temps, l’immigration clandestine et la traite des êtres humains augmentent et requièrent notre attention immédiate.
Il sera demandé au Conseil européen d’appliquer une approche globale de l’immigration aux voisins orientaux et sud-orientaux de l’UE. Le Conseil européen devrait aussi porter attention à la nécessité de renforcer encore la gestion de nos frontières extérieures. Les équipes d’intervention rapide aux frontières devraient entrer en fonction très bientôt.
Deuxièmement, le Conseil européen reviendra sur le problème crucial du VIH/sida. Cette épidémie est un problème de santé publique d’une très grande importance pour l’Europe. Nous ne pouvons l’affronter qu’ensemble, en garantissant une volonté politique venant du sommet et l’implication de tous les niveaux de la société civile. Cela nécessite d’accorder de l’attention à la prévention, à la recherche, à la surveillance, au traitement, aux soins et au soutien dans l’Union et dans les pays voisins. Je voudrais saluer la présidence allemande pour avoir maintenu cette question à l’ordre du jour, malgré le fait qu’elle n’est pas souvent mentionnée dans les comptes rendus que font les médias du Conseil.
Troisièmement, je voudrais dire quelques mots sur le changement climatique. Il ne sera pas au cœur de l’ordre du jour du sommet de juin, mais, à la suite de la réunion du G8, il serait impossible au Conseil européen de demeurer silencieux sur ce point. Je veux assurer à ce Parlement que la Commission travaille très dur pour répondre aux attentes du Parlement européen et du Conseil et pour maintenir une politique ambitieuse et dynamique, au niveau international comme au niveau de l’Union européenne.
Des propositions législatives spécifiques seront adoptées par la Commission à l’automne et nous avons l’intention de nous appuyer sur la crédibilité et le leadership de l’Union européenne dans la lutte contre le changement climatique.
Voici quelques-unes des principales questions politiques qui seront abordées lors du Conseil européen. Cependant, comme nous le savons tous, le problème principal sera de régler la question du Traité.
Je ne dois pas répéter ici que ce problème revêt un caractère urgent et est significatif pour l’avenir de l’Europe. Nous en avons débattu hier et notre discussion sur le rapport Brok et Barón Crespo n’a pas laissé de doute quant aux enjeux. Je crois que nous pouvons être prudemment optimistes quant aux résultats, toutefois il me semble que nous ne devrions peut-être pas accroître nos attentes."@fr8
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@hu11
".
Signora Presidente, il prossimo Consiglio europeo sarà un
molto importante per la capacità dell’Unione europea di affrontare nuove e difficili sfide e guardare al futuro con ambizione. La questione principale, che sarà il vero banco di prova per la Presidenza tedesca, è l’accordo sul Trattato, ma le conclusioni riguarderanno anche diverse altre questioni, ed è giusto che sia così. E’ importante fornire una dimostrazione diretta della volontà dell’Unione di adottare le politiche giuste per i suoi cittadini e creare un’Europa efficace e democratica. Fa parte degli sforzi volti ad avvicinarsi ai cittadini e perseguire l’interesse comune.
Come abbiamo visto, la Presidenza tedesca ha compiuto enormi sforzi negli ultimi mesi per creare nuovo consenso tra gli Stati membri. La dichiarazione di Berlino ci ha ricordato ciò che vogliamo realizzare insieme, quanto abbiamo in comune e come l’Europa abbia fatto e farà la differenza per i cittadini europei.
In seguito, la Presidenza ha ascoltato le posizioni del Parlamento, della Commissione e di ogni Stato membro. Tutti hanno mostrato disponibilità a trovare una soluzione per fare avanzare l’Europa.
Per la Commissione, il punto di partenza per un nuovo accordo sul Trattato è chiaro. In termini di interesse dei cittadini d’Europa, questa discussione istituzionale non è teorica: le Istituzioni esistono per rispondere alle esigenze dei cittadini, realizzare obiettivi politici e conseguire risultati. Hanno bisogno di un metodo di lavoro efficace e di norme adeguate in materia di democrazia, trasparenza e responsabilità. Non possiamo attuare le politiche adottate con una mano legata dietro la schiena. Dobbiamo avere la capacità di agire nell’ambiente mutevole dell’Europa nel mondo globalizzato.
Che cosa significa questo per il Consiglio europeo? Significa che abbiamo bisogno di una soluzione giusta ed equilibrata, capace di raccogliere vero consenso. Un secondo fallimento potrebbe avere conseguenze drammatiche per la costruzione europea.
Tuttavia, significa anche mantenere un alto livello di ambizione. La soluzione del minimo comune denominatore può favorire un’armonia a breve termine, ma può anche serbare problemi per il futuro. Non sarà sufficiente introdurre piccole modifiche nel Trattato di Nizza.
La Commissione accoglie con favore gli sforzi volti a trovare una soluzione e il primo posto in cui cercare soluzioni è il Trattato costituzionale. In termini di sostanza, la maggior parte del lavoro mantiene la sua validità. I cambiamenti introdotti dal Trattato costituzionale sono tuttora pertinenti e devono essere tradotti in realtà, non messi in discussione.
Dobbiamo salvaguardare il metodo comunitario, compreso il diritto di iniziativa della Commissione. Una struttura a un solo pilastro e una personalità giuridica unica rafforzeranno in modo concreto la capacità dell’Unione di esprimere una sola voce e di agire nel contesto globale. Dobbiamo salvaguardare il ruolo rafforzato del Parlamento e i progressi compiuti sul voto a maggioranza qualificata.
A nostro parere, il Trattato costituzionale offre anche un’ottima soluzione sul modo in cui coinvolgere i parlamenti nazionali, garantendo il giusto equilibrio tra il ruolo dei parlamenti nazionali e il ruolo del Parlamento europeo. Analogamente, difenderemo il carattere giuridicamente vincolante della Carta dei diritti fondamentali, che costituisce parte integrante del pacchetto adottato dalla Convenzione e dalla CIG.
Riconosciamo la necessità di alcune modifiche e rispettiamo tutti coloro che hanno espresso il loro parere al riguardo. Non ci sottrarremo a una seria discussione sulla forma del testo, sui simboli dell’Unione o altri aspetti da discutere. Per quanto riguarda la forma del nuovo testo, faremo tutto il possibile per garantire che sia leggibile e accessibile. La nostra posizione nei negoziati sarà ferma e ambiziosa.
Consentitemi di aggiungere un’osservazione strettamente legata al nostro dibattito sulla questione del Trattato. Non abbiamo soltanto bisogno di un accordo tra le Istituzioni e gli Stati membri; abbiamo altrettanto bisogno di una nuova forma di comunicazione, un nuovo metodo per spiegare ai cittadini la posta in gioco. Dobbiamo spiegare perché l’Unione allargata ha bisogno di un nuovo Trattato che garantisca maggiore democrazia, maggiore coerenza e un’Unione sufficientemente forte, in grado di soddisfare le aspettative dei cittadini.
Il Ministro Steinmeier ha fornito una descrizione esauriente dell’ordine del giorno del Consiglio e vorrei quindi trattare soltanto tre questioni.
I cittadini d’Europa sostengono l’impegno dell’Unione ad affrontare le sfide politiche fondamentali di oggi: i cambiamenti climatici, l’immigrazione, l’energia, settori già menzionati dal Ministro Steinmeier. Questo è ciò che si attendono, ma non siamo ancora riusciti a convincerli del legame esistente tra l’efficacia in questi ambiti e una soluzione adeguata sul Trattato. Troppo sovente si ritiene ancora che il dibattito sui Trattati e sulla Costituzione sia dominio esclusivo di una piccola
a Bruxelles. Dobbiamo dimostrare che si tratta di disporre degli strumenti adeguati per realizzare gli obiettivi politici concordati. Dobbiamo continuare a concentrare la discussione sul modo in cui raggiungere questi obiettivi.
Il Parlamento e la Commissione hanno fornito un importante contributo insieme, tramite la strategia basata sul Piano D. Se il periodo di riflessione è terminato, ciò non significa che si debbano attenuare gli sforzi volti a coinvolgere la società civile e i cittadini in un dibattito sul futuro dell’Europa. Al Consiglio europeo, alla Conferenza intergovernativa e nella fase di ratifica, sarà indispensabile dimostrare che una soluzione sul Trattato offre benefici reali e diretti per i cittadini.
Sono lieta di apprendere che la maggioranza degli Stati membri è pienamente d’accordo con l’approccio della Presidenza, che prevede una breve Conferenza intergovernativa, cui affidare un mandato chiaro e preciso per negoziare un elenco limitato di questioni. Per quanto riguarda la Commissione, continueremo a svolgere con vigore il nostro ruolo, quale espressione dell’interesse comune europeo.
La strada verso un accordo sul Trattato non sempre è stata facile, ma ci auguriamo di essere tornati in carreggiata. Se sapremo mantenere i nervi saldi e continueremo a concentrarci sulle esigenze di un’Europa efficace e democratica, il risultato ci darà un’Unione europea in grado di far fronte con fiducia alle sfide del XXI secolo.
In primo luogo, la migrazione: le crescenti sfide e opportunità create dalla migrazione internazionale devono essere affrontate con uno spirito di vera solidarietà. Gli avvenimenti recenti hanno evidenziato l’importanza di compiere rapidi progressi in questo ambito. Ciò significa riconoscere la necessità di migliorare il coordinamento per poter far fronte ai crescenti flussi migratori ai nostri confini e nei nostri mari, ma anche per raccogliere i benefici offerti dall’immigrazione per il mercato del lavoro e per la società in generale. Al tempo stesso, l’immigrazione clandestina e la tratta di esseri umani sono in aumento e richiedono la nostra attenzione immediata.
Si chiederà al Consiglio europeo di applicare un approccio globale in materia di migrazione ai paesi vicini orientali e sudorientali dell’Unione. Il Consiglio europeo dovrà anche prestare attenzione alla necessità di rafforzare la capacità di gestione delle frontiere esterne. Le squadre di intervento rapido alle frontiere dovrebbero entrare in funzione al più presto.
In secondo luogo, il Consiglio europeo tornerà a occuparsi della questione cruciale dell’HIV/AIDS. L’epidemia di HIV/AIDS è un problema di salute pubblica che riveste importanza fondamentale per l’Europa. Possiamo solo affrontarlo insieme, assicurando la
politica dall’alto e la partecipazione della società civile a tutti i livelli. E’ necessario rafforzare la prevenzione, la ricerca, la vigilanza, il trattamento, la cura e il sostegno all’interno dell’Unione e nei paesi vicini. Vorrei rendere omaggio alla Presidenza tedesca per aver mantenuto l’argomento all’ordine del giorno, anche se spesso non vi si dà risalto nelle notizie diffuse dai
sul Consiglio.
In terzo luogo, vorrei fare alcune osservazioni sui cambiamenti climatici. Non sono il punto centrale all’ordine del giorno del Vertice di giugno ma, in seguito alla riunione del G8, sarebbe impossibile per il Consiglio europeo rimanere in silenzio sulla questione. Voglio assicurare all’Assemblea che la Commissione sta lavorando sodo per soddisfare le aspettative del Parlamento europeo e del Consiglio europeo e per mantenere una politica ambiziosa e dinamica, sia a livello internazionale sia all’interno dell’Unione europea.
La Commissione adotterà proposte legislative specifiche in autunno e intendiamo rafforzare la credibilità e la
dell’Unione europea nella lotta ai cambiamenti climatici.
Queste sono alcune questioni politiche chiave che saranno affrontate dal Consiglio europeo. Tuttavia, come tutti sappiamo, la questione fondamentale sarà compiere progressi verso un accordo sul Trattato.
Non c’è bisogno di ribadire quanto sia urgente la questione, né di ricordarne l’importanza per il futuro dell’Europa. Ne abbiamo discusso ieri e la discussione sulla relazione degli onorevoli Brok e Barón Crespo non ha lasciato dubbi sulla posta in gioco. Ritengo si possa essere cautamente ottimisti sui risultati, anche se capisco che forse è bene evitare di creare aspettative ancora più ambiziose."@it12
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@lt14
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@lv13
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@mt15
"Mevrouw de Voorzitter, de volgende Europese Raad zal een zeer belangrijke toets zijn voor het vermogen van de Europese Unie om te gaan met nieuwe en complexe uitdagingen en met een ambitieuze blik de toekomst in te kijken. De belangrijkste kwestie, die de werkelijke toets zal vormen voor het Duitse voorzitterschap, is het akkoord over een nieuw Europees Verdrag, maar de uitkomsten daarvan zullen raken aan verschillende andere vraagstukken, en terecht. Het is belangrijk te laten zien dat de Europese Unie bereid is direct het juiste beleid voor haar burgers te presenteren en een doelmatig en democratisch Europa te creëren. Dit maakt allemaal deel uit van dezelfde inspanning om dichter bij de burger te komen en het gemeenschappelijk belang te dienen.
Zoals we hebben gezien, heeft het Duitse voorzitterschap zich de afgelopen maanden al aanzienlijke inspanningen getroost om een nieuwe consensus tussen de lidstaten te bereiken. De Verklaring van Berlijn herinnerde ons aan hetgeen we samen proberen te bereiken, hoeveel we wel niet gemeen hebben en hoezeer Europa van belang is geweest en zal zijn voor de volkeren van Europa.
Het voorzitterschap heeft sindsdien geluisterd naar de standpunten van het Parlement, de Commissie en de afzonderlijke lidstaten. Deze partijen hebben zich allemaal bereid getoond een oplossing te vinden om Europa vooruit te helpen.
Het uitgangspunt voor een nieuw akkoord over een Europees Verdrag is voor de Commissie duidelijk. Voor wat betreft het dienen van de burgers van Europa is deze discussie geen theoretisch debat tussen instellingen: de instellingen zijn er om in te spelen op de behoeftes van de burgers, om beleidsdoelstellingen te realiseren en resultaten te behalen. Zij moeten werken op de juiste manier en volgens de juiste normen van democratie, transparantie en verantwoordelijkheid. We kunnen het overeengekomen beleid niet ten uitvoer leggen als onze handen zijn gebonden. We moeten kunnen optreden in de veranderde leefwereld van een Europa in een geglobaliseerde wereld.
Wat houdt dit in voor de Europese Raad? Dit betekent dat er een eerlijke en evenwichtige oplossing moet komen waarmee een werkelijke consensus kan worden afgedwongen. Een tweede mislukking kan dramatische gevolgen hebben voor de opbouw van Europa.
Het betekent echter ook dat we zeer ambitieus moeten blijven. Een oplossing met een kleinste gemene deler kan misschien zorgen voor overeenstemming op korte termijn, maar kan er ook voor zorgen dat er zich problemen opstapelen voor de toekomst. Het is niet voldoende om simpelweg wat kleine veranderingen aan te brengen in het Verdrag van Nice.
De Commissie juicht de inspanningen een oplossing te vinden toe, en voor het vinden van oplossingen moeten we allereerst naar het Grondwettelijk Verdrag kijken. Wat betreft de inhoud blijft dat document grotendeels verdedigbaar. De veranderingen die het Grondwettelijk Verdrag introduceerde, zijn nog altijd relevant en moeten niet in twijfel worden getrokken maar naar de werkelijkheid worden vertaald.
De communautaire methode moet worden beschermd, met inbegrip van het initiatiefrecht van de Commissie. Een structuur met één enkele pijler en één enkele rechtspersoonlijkheid zou het vermogen van de Europese Unie om eensgezind op te treden in een geglobaliseerde wereld tastbaar doen toenemen. De belangrijkere rol van het Parlement en de vooruitgang die op het gebied van besluitvorming met gekwalificeerde meerderheid geboekt is, moeten worden behouden.
Wij zijn van mening dat het Grondwettelijk Verdrag tevens voorzag in een goede oplossing om de nationale parlementen bij de zaken te betrekken, een oplossing die het juiste evenwicht vindt tussen de rol van de nationale parlementen en de rol van het Europees Parlement. Evenzo zullen we het juridisch bindende karakter van het Handvest van de grondrechten verdedigen, dat een wezenlijk deel uitmaakt van het door de Europese Conventie en de Intergouvernementele Conferentie overeengekomen pakket.
We erkennen dat er een aantal veranderingen moet worden doorgevoerd en respecteren degenen die hun opvattingen hierover kenbaar hebben gemaakt. We zullen niet weglopen voor een diepgaande discussie over de vorm van de tekst, de symbolen van de Europese Unie of andere gebieden die op de agenda staan. Wat betreft de vorm van de nieuwe tekst zullen we ons uiterste best doen om ervoor te zorgen dat die nieuwe tekst leesbaar en toegankelijk zal zijn. We zullen ons tijdens de onderhandelingen ambitieus en vastberaden opstellen.
Ik zou hier graag een punt aan toevoegen dat nauw verband houdt met ons debat inzake het akkoord over een nieuw Europees Verdrag. Er moet niet alleen een akkoord komen tussen de instellingen en de lidstaten; we hebben net zo hard een nieuw verhaal nodig, een nieuwe manier om de burgers uit te leggen wat er op het spel staat. We moeten uitleggen waarom er een nieuw Verdrag moet komen voor de uitgebreide Europese Unie dat voorziet in meer democratie, meer coherentie en een Europese Unie die sterk genoeg is om aan de verwachtingen van de burgers te kunnen voldoen.
De heer Steinmeier heeft een uitvoerig overzicht gegeven van de agenda van de Europese Raad, dus ik wil het graag kort hebben over slechts drie punten.
De burgers van Europa juichen het engagement van de Europese Unie toe om de belangrijkste beleidsuitdagingen van onze tijd aan te pakken: klimaatverandering, migratie en energie, de gebieden die de heer Steinmeier al heeft genoemd. Dit verwacht men van ons, maar we zijn er vooralsnog niet in geslaagd de burgers te bewegen het verband te leggen tussen doelmatigheid op deze gebieden en een geschikt akkoord over een nieuw Europees Verdrag. Nog altijd hebben mensen maar al te vaak het gevoel dat de discussie inzake de Verdragen en de Grondwet is voorbehouden aan een kleine groep in Brussel. We moeten laten zien dat het een kwestie is van het hebben van de juiste instrumenten om overeengekomen politieke doelstellingen te dienen. We moeten ons blijven richten op het bespreken van manieren om deze doelstellingen te behalen.
Het Parlement en de Commissie hebben met de Plan D-strategie samen een grote bijdrage geleverd. Als de periode van bezinning voorbij is, betekent dat niet dat we onze inspanningen om het maatschappelijk middenveld en de burger te betrekken bij een debat over de toekomst van Europa moeten terugschroeven. Het zal tijdens de Europese Raad, een intergouvernementele conferentie en de ratificatiefase van cruciaal belang zijn om te laten zien dat de burgers werkelijk en direct profijt hebben van een akkoord.
Ik was verheugd te horen dat de meeste lidstaten duidelijk instemmen met de aanpak van het voorzitterschap van een korte intergouvernementele conferentie met een duidelijk en precies mandaat om te onderhandelen over een enigszins beperkte lijst van onderwerpen. Wat de Commissie betreft: wij zullen onze rol als de stem van het gemeenschappelijk Europees belang krachtdadig blijven vervullen.
De weg naar een akkoord over een nieuw Europees Verdrag is niet altijd gemakkelijk geweest, maar hopelijk zijn we nu weer op de goede weg. Als we de moed niet laten zakken en ons blijven richten op de behoeftes van een doelmatig en democratisch Europa, zal de uitkomst een Europa opleveren dat de uitdagingen van de 21e eeuw met vertrouwen tegemoet kan treden.
Ten eerste migratie: de groeiende uitdagingen en mogelijkheden die internationale migratie tot gevolg heeft, moeten worden aangepakt in de geest van ware solidariteit. Recente gebeurtenissen hebben het belang daarvan onderstreept. Dat betekent dat erkend moet worden dat er betere coördinatie nodig is om de voortdurend groeiende migrantenstromen aan onze grenzen en in onze zeeën het hoofd te bieden, maar ook te profiteren van de voordelen van migratie voor de arbeidsmarkt en de samenleving in het algemeen. Tegelijkertijd nemen illegale migratie en mensenhandel toe en vereisen ze onze directe aandacht.
De Europese Raad zal gevraagd worden een alomvattende aanpak toe te passen op migratie naar de buurlanden ten oosten en zuidoosten van de Europese Unie. Ook moet de Europese Raad aandacht besteden aan de noodzaak om het beheer van onze buitengrenzen verder te versterken. De snelle-grensinterventieteams moeten zeer spoedig actief worden.
Ten tweede zal de Europese Raad zich wederom buigen over het cruciale vraagstuk van hiv/aids. De hiv/aids-epidemie is voor Europa een kritieke kwestie op het gebied van de volksgezondheid. We kunnen die alleen gezamenlijk aanpakken door te zorgen voor politiek leiderschap van bovenaf en betrokkenheid van het maatschappelijk middenveld op alle niveaus. Er moet aandacht worden geschonken aan preventie, onderzoek, toezicht, behandeling, zorg en steun binnen de Europese Unie en haar buurlanden. Ik wil het Duitse voorzitterschap hulde brengen voor het op de agenda houden van deze kwestie, ondanks het feit dat dit niet vaak wordt erkend in mediaverslagen over de Europese Raad.
Ten derde wil ik graag wat zeggen over de klimaatverandering. Dit onderwerp zal geen centrale plaats innemen op de agenda van de Top in juni, maar de Europese Raad kan hier in de nasleep van de bijeenkomst van de G8 onmogelijk over zwijgen. Ik kan het Parlement verzekeren dat de Commissie haar uiterste best doet om te voldoen aan de verwachtingen van het Europees Parlement en de Europese Raad, en zich inspant om een ambitieus en dynamisch beleid te handhaven, zowel op internationaal niveau als binnen de Europese Unie.
De Commissie zal in het najaar specifieke wetgevingsvoorstellen aannemen en we zijn voornemens voort te bouwen op de geloofwaardigheid en het leiderschap van de Europese Unie in het bestrijden van de klimaatverandering.
Dit zijn enkele van de belangrijkste beleidskwesties die in de Europese Raad ter sprake zullen komen. Het allerbelangrijkste is echter, zoals we allemaal weten, dat er een akkoord wordt bereikt over een nieuw Europees Verdrag.
Ik hoef u niet te herinneren aan de urgentie en het belang van hiervan voor de toekomst van Europa. We hebben er hier gisteren over gesproken en onze bespreking van het verslag van de heren Brok en Barón Crespo liet er geen misverstand over bestaan wat er op het spel staat. Ik ben van mening dat we voorzichtig optimistisch kunnen zijn over de uitkomsten, hoewel ik begrijp dat we de verwachtingen wellicht niet nog verder moeten opschroeven."@nl3
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@pl16
"Senhora Presidente, o próximo Conselho Europeu será um teste de grande importância à capacidade da União Europeia para lidar com novos e complexos desafios e para preparar o futuro com ambição. A questão principal, que constituirá o verdadeiro teste à Presidência alemã, será o acordo sobre o Tratado, mas as conclusões abrangerão, e muito justamente, uma série de outros aspectos. Convém mostrar que a União está desejosa de desenvolver as políticas mais adequadas aos seus cidadãos, directamente e criando uma Europa eficaz e democrática. Todos estes aspectos fazem parte do mesmo esforço de aproximação dos cidadãos e de serviço ao interesse comum.
A Presidência alemã, como vimos, já envidou enormes esforços nos últimos meses para gerar novo consenso entre os Estados-Membros. A Declaração de Berlim recordou-nos o que estávamos a tentar atingir juntos, tudo o que temos em comum e como a Europa marcou e continuará a marcar a diferença para os povos da Europa.
Desde então, a Presidência ouviu a posição do Parlamento, da Comissão e de cada Estado-Membro, e todos mostraram vontade de encontrar uma solução para que a Europa progrida.
Para a Comissão, o ponto de partida para um novo acordo sobre o Tratado é muito claro. Em termos de servir os cidadãos europeus, a discussão de hoje não constitui um debate institucional teórico. As instituições existem para dar resposta às necessidades dos cidadãos, para cumprir objectivos políticos, para concretizar resultados. Têm de funcionar da forma certa, têm de seguir as regras da democracia, transparência, responsabilização. Não podemos aplicar as políticas acordadas com uma mão atada atrás das costas. Precisamos de capacidade para agir no ambiente mudado de uma Europa que faz parte do mundo globalizado.
Que significa isto para o Conselho Europeu? Significa que carecemos de uma solução justa e equilibrada, capaz de gerar um verdadeiro consenso. Um segundo fracasso poderia ter consequências dramáticas para a construção europeia.
Mas significa também manter um alto nível de ambição. Uma solução de menor denominador comum poderá permitir a harmonia a médio prazo mas poderá também deixar os problemas de lado para ter de os resolver no futuro. Não basta introduzir modificações menores ao Tratado de Nice.
A Comissão saúda os esforços para se chegar a uma solução e o primeiro local onde devemos procurar soluções é o Tratado Constitucional. Quanto à substância, a maior parte desse trabalho continua válida. As modificações introduzidas pelo Tratado Constitucional mantêm a sua pertinência e devem ser traduzidas para a realidade em vez de ser questionadas.
Há que proteger o método comunitário, incluindo o direito de iniciativa da Comissão. Uma estrutura de um único pilar e uma personalidade jurídica única melhorariam consideravelmente a capacidade da União para falar a uma só voz e agir num mundo global. Há que manter o papel reforçado do Parlamento e os progressos na votação por maioria qualificada.
Na nossa opinião, o Tratado Constitucional encontrou também uma boa solução quanto à forma de envolver nos trabalhos os parlamentos nacionais. É uma solução que estabelece o equilíbrio entre o papel dos parlamentos nacionais e o do Parlamento Europeu. Do mesmo modo, defenderemos que a Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais, parte integral do pacote acordado pela Convenção e a CIG, seja juridicamente vinculativa.
Reconhecemos que há que introduzir algumas mudanças e respeitamos todos quantos expressaram a sua opinião nesse sentido. Não nos eximiremos a uma discussão séria sobre a forma do texto, os símbolos da UE ou outros aspectos levantados. No que respeita à forma do novo texto, faremos o possível para garantir que qualquer novo texto seja legível e acessível. A nossa posição nas negociações será ambiciosa e firme.
Permitam-me que acrescente um ponto intimamente ligado ao nosso debate relativo ao acordo sobre o Tratado. É preciso não apenas concordância entre as Instituições e os Estados-Membros; é preciso também encontrar uma nova narrativa, uma nova forma de explicar aos cidadãos o que está em jogo. Temos de explicar por que motivo a União alargada requer um novo Tratado que propicie mais democracia, mais coerência e uma União suficientemente forte para ir ao encontro das expectativas dos cidadãos.
O Senhor Ministro Steinmeier apresentou uma ideia geral da agenda do Conselho, pelo que me debruçarei apenas sobre três pontos.
Os cidadãos europeus saúdam o compromisso da UE de dar resposta aos principais desafios políticos de hoje: alterações climáticas, migrações, energia - os domínios que o Senhor Ministro Steinmeier já mencionou. É isso que esperam, mas ainda não conseguimos persuadi-los a estabelecerem uma relação entre eficácia nesses domínios e um acordo sobre o Tratado adequado. As pessoas continuam a sentir, com demasiada frequência, que o debate sobre os Tratados e a Constituição é coutada de um reduzido grupo de Bruxelas. Temos de lhes mostrar que há que dispor dos instrumentos adequados para atingir objectivos políticos concertados. Temos de continuar a centrar-nos no debate sobre como atingir esses objectivos.
O Parlamento e a Comissão deram, juntos, um contributo de vulto com a estratégia Plano D. O período de reflexão pode já ter terminado, mas isso não significa que devamos reduzir os nossos esforços para implicar a sociedade civil e os cidadãos num debate sobre o futuro da Europa. Será de importância capital no Conselho Europeu, na conferência intergovernamental e na fase de ratificação, mostrar que um acordo beneficia, verdadeira e directamente, os cidadãos.
Foi com muita satisfação que ouvi que muitos Estados-Membros concordam claramente com a abordagem da Presidência de uma conferência intergovernamental curta, com um mandato claro e preciso para negociar uma lista limitada de assuntos. No que respeita à Comissão, desempenharemos activamente o nosso papel de voz do interesse comum europeu.
A via para um acordo sobre o Tratado nem sempre foi fácil mas, felizmente, parece que voltámos ao bom caminho. Se conseguirmos manter a calma e centrar-nos nas necessidades de uma Europa eficaz e democrática, o resultado será uma União Europeia capaz de enfrentar com confiança os desafios do século XXI.
Primeiro, a migração: aos desafios crescentes e às oportunidades abertas pela migração internacional devemos responder com um espírito de verdadeira solidariedade. Acontecimentos recentes realçaram que essa solidariedade é um imperativo. Solidariedade significa reconhecer que falta uma verdadeira coordenação que permita enfrentar os crescentes fluxos de migrantes nas nossas fronteiras e nos nossos mares mas que permita, do mesmo modo, colher os benefícios das migrações para o mercado de trabalho e a sociedade no seu conjunto. Ao mesmo tempo, assistimos a um aumento de imigração ilegal e de tráfico de seres humanos que requer a nossa atenção imediata.
O Conselho Europeu será convidado a aplicar uma abordagem abrangente à migração para os nossos vizinhos a leste e a sudeste. Simultaneamente, o Conselho devia prestar atenção à necessidade de reforçar a gestão das nossas fronteiras externas. Convém que as equipas de intervenção rápida nas fronteiras comecem a funcionar muito em breve.
Em segundo lugar, o Conselho Europeu vai voltar ao problema fundamental do HIV/SIDA. A epidemia de HIV/SIDA é uma questão de saúde pública crucial para a Europa. Conseguiremos fazer-lhe frente, em conjunto, se garantirmos liderança política desde as esferas de poder mais elevadas e o envolvimento da sociedade civil a todos os níveis. É um problema que exige uma atenção muito cuidada no plano da prevenção, investigação, vigilância, tratamento, cuidados de saúde e apoio dentro da União e nos países limítrofes. Saúdo a Presidência alemã por manter o assunto na ordem do dia, apesar de tal nem sempre ser reconhecido nos relatos dos meios de comunicação sobre o Conselho.
Em terceiro lugar, diria algumas palavras sobre as alterações climáticas. Não estarão entre as principais preocupações da Cimeira de Junho mas, na esteira da reunião do G8, seria impossível ao Conselho Europeu nada dizer sobre o tema. Quero assegurar a este Parlamento que a Comissão está a trabalhar arduamente para corresponder às expectativas do Parlamento Europeu e do Conselho Europeu e para manter uma política ambiciosa e dinâmica, quer internacionalmente, quer na União Europeia.
No Outono a Comissão adoptará propostas legislativas específicas. É nossa intenção estribar-nos na credibilidade e liderança da União Europeia no combate às alterações climáticas.
Eis, portanto, alguns dos principais assuntos políticos a cobrir pelo Conselho Europeu. Contudo, como todos sabemos, o fundamental é avançarmos no sentido de um acordo sobre o Tratado.
Escusado será repetir aqui a urgência ou a importância do assunto para o futuro da Europa. Já ontem discutimos estas questões e o que foi dito a propósito do relatório Brok / Barón Crespo não deixa margem de dúvidas quanto ao que está em jogo. Creio que podemos ser moderadamente optimistas relativamente aos resultados, embora compreenda que talvez não devamos alimentar expectativas mais ambiciosas."@pt17
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@ro18
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@sk19
"Madam President, the next European Council will be a very important test of the European Union’s ability to deal with new and difficult challenges and to look ahead with ambition. The main issue, which will be the real test for the German Presidency, is the Treaty settlement, but the conclusions will touch on several other issues, and rightly so. It is important to show that the Union is willing to deliver the right policies for its citizens directly and by creating an effective and democratic Europe. This is all part of the same effort to move closer to citizens and to serve the common interest.
The German Presidency, as we have noted, has already made huge efforts over the last few months to build a new consensus among Member States. The Berlin Declaration reminded us of what we were trying to achieve together, how much we have in common and how Europe has made and will make a difference for the peoples of Europe.
Since then, the Presidency has been listening to the position of Parliament, the Commission and every Member State. All have shown their willingness to find a solution to move Europe forward.
For the Commission, the starting point for a new Treaty settlement is clear. In terms of serving Europe’s citizens, this discussion is not a theoretical institutional debate: the institutions are there to respond to citizens’ needs, to realise policy goals and to deliver results. They need the right way of working and the right standards of democracy, transparency and accountability. We cannot implement our agreed policies with one hand tied behind our back. We need the capacity to act in a changed environment in the Europe of a globalised world.
What does this mean for the European Council? It means that we need a fair and balanced solution, able to command a true consensus. A second failure might have dramatic consequences for European construction.
However, it also means maintaining a high level of ambition. A lowest common denominator solution might bring short-term harmony, but it could also store up problems for the future. Simply introducing minor changes in the Treaty of Nice will not be sufficient.
The Commission welcomes the efforts to find a solution, and the first place to look for solutions is the Constitutional Treaty. Regarding the substance, the major part of that work remains valid. The changes introduced by the Constitutional Treaty are still pertinent and they need to be translated into reality, not questioned.
The Community method must be protected, including the Commission’s right of initiative. A single-pillar structure and a single legal personality would tangibly enhance the Union’s capacity to speak with one voice and to act in a global world. Parliament’s enhanced role and the advances in qualified majority voting should be preserved.
As we see it, the Constitutional Treaty also brought a very good solution on how to involve national parliaments, one that strikes the right balance between the role of national parliaments and the role of the European Parliament. Similarly, we will defend the legally binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the package agreed by the Convention and the IGC.
We acknowledge that some changes must be made and we respect all those who have expressed their views in this regard. We will not run away from a serious discussion about the form of the text, the EU symbols or other areas that have been mentioned for discussion. As far as the form of the new text is concerned, we will do our utmost to ensure that any new text will be readable and accessible. Our position in the negotiations will be ambitious and firm.
Let me also add a point that is closely linked to our debate on the Treaty settlement. We do not just need a deal among the institutions and the Member States; we are equally in need of a new narrative, a new way to explain to citizens what is at stake. We need to explain why the enlarged Union needs a new Treaty that provides more democracy, more coherence and a Union strong enough to meet citizens’ expectations.
Mr Steinmeier has given a comprehensive overview of the Council agenda, so let me touch upon just three issues.
Europe’s citizens welcome the EU’s commitment to tackling today’s key policy challenges: climate change, migration, energy – the areas that Mr Steinmeier has already mentioned. This is what they expect, but we have not yet succeeded in persuading them to make the connection between effectiveness in these areas and an appropriate Treaty settlement. All too often people still feel that the debate on the Treaties and the Constitution is the preserve of a rather small Brussels clique. We need to show that it is a question of having the right tools to serve agreed political objectives. We need to continue to focus on debating the ways to achieve these objectives.
Parliament and the Commission have made a major contribution together through the Plan D strategy. If the reflection period is over, that does not mean that we should scale down our efforts to engage civil society and citizens in a debate about the future of Europe. It will be of crucial importance in the European Council, in an intergovernmental conference and in the ratification phase to show that a settlement is of real, direct benefit to citizens.
I was happy to hear that most Member States are clearly in agreement with the Presidency’s approach for a short intergovernmental conference with a clear and precise mandate to negotiate a rather limited list of issues. As for the Commission, we will be vigorously pursuing our role as the voice of the common European interest.
The road to a Treaty settlement has not always been easy, but we are hopefully back on track. If we can hold our nerve and stay focused on the needs of an effective and democratic Europe, the result will give us a European Union that can face the challenges of the 21st century with confidence.
First, migration: the increasing challenges and opportunities posed by international migration must be addressed in a spirit of true solidarity. Recent events have underlined the importance of that. It means recognising that better coordination is needed to face up to the ever-increasing flows of migrants at our borders and in our seas but also to reap the benefits of migration for the labour market and for society at large. At the same time, illegal migration and trafficking in human beings are on the rise and require our immediate attention.
The European Council will be asked to apply a comprehensive approach to migration to the EU’s eastern and south-eastern neighbours. The European Council should also pay attention to the need to further reinforce the management of our external borders. The Rapid Border Intervention Teams should become active very soon.
Secondly, the European Council will return to the crucial issue of HIV/AIDS. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critically important public health issue for Europe. We can only tackle it together by ensuring political leadership from the top and the involvement of civil society at all levels. It requires devoting attention to prevention, research, surveillance, treatment, care and support inside the Union and in neighbouring countries. I would like to pay tribute to the German Presidency for keeping this issue on the agenda, despite the fact that this is not often recognised in media reports about the Council.
Thirdly, I would like to say a few words about climate change. It will not be at the core of the June Summit agenda but, in the wake of the G8 meeting, it would be impossible for the European Council to be silent on this issue. I want to assure this Parliament that the Commission is working very hard to meet the expectations of the European Parliament and the European Council and to maintain an ambitious and dynamic policy, both internationally and in the European Union.
Specific legislative proposals will be adopted by the Commission in the autumn and we intend to build on the European Union’s credibility and leadership in fighting climate change.
Those are some of the key policy issues that will be covered by the European Council. However, as we all know, the key issue will be to move forward to a Treaty settlement.
I need not repeat here the urgency of the matter or its significance for Europe’s future. We discussed it here yesterday and our discussion on the Brok and Barón Crespo report left no doubts about what is at stake. I believe that we can be cautiously optimistic about the results, even though I understand that we should perhaps not raise expectations even higher."@sl20
"Fru talman! Nästa Europeiska råd kommer att bli ett mycket viktigt prov på Europeiska unionens förmåga att hantera nya och svåra utmaningar och att se framåt med ambition. Huvudfrågan som kommer att bli det verkliga provet för det tyska ordförandeskapet är överenskommelsen om EU:s konstitutionsfördrag, men slutsatserna kommer att med rätta beröra flera andra frågor. Det är viktigt att visa att unionen är villig att ta fram de rätta handlingsprogrammen för sina medborgare direkt genom att skapa ett effektivt och demokratiskt Europa. Allt detta är en del av en och samma insats att närma sig medborgarna och att tjäna det gemensamma intresset.
Vi har noterat att det tyska ordförandeskapet redan har gjort enorma insatser under de senaste månaderna för att skapa ett nytt samförstånd bland medlemsstaterna. Berlinförklaringen påminde oss om vad vi höll på att försöka uppnå tillsammans, om hur mycket vi har gemensamt och om hur EU har gjort och kommer att göra skillnad för folken i Europa.
Sedan dess har ordförandeskapet lyssnat till parlamentets, kommissionens och varje medlemsstats ståndpunkt. Alla har visat sig villiga att finna en lösning för att Europa ska utvecklas.
För kommissionen är utgångsläget för en ny överenskommelse om konstitutionsfördraget tydligt. När det gäller att tjäna EU:s medborgare är denna diskussion inte en teoretisk institutionell debatt. Institutionerna finns nämligen där för att tillgodose medborgarnas behov, för att förverkliga politiska mål och för att uppnå resultat. De behöver lämpliga arbetsmetoder och normer för demokrati, insyn och ansvarsskyldighet. Vi kan inte genomföra våra överenskomna politiska åtgärder med den ena handen bakbunden. Vi måste kunna agera i den förändrade miljön i ett EU som är en del av en globaliserad värld.
Vad innebär detta för Europeiska rådet? Det innebär att vi behöver en rättvis och balanserad lösning som kan bidra till ett riktigt samförstånd. Ett andra misslyckande skulle kunna få dramatiska konsekvenser för byggandet av Europa.
Detta innebär även att en hög ambitionsnivå måste bibehållas. En lösning som grundas på minsta gemensamma nämnare skulle kunna leda till ett samförstånd på kort sikt, men det skulle också kunna göra att problemen hopas i framtiden. Att bara införa små förändringar i Nicefördraget är inte tillräckligt.
Kommissionen välkomnar insatserna för att finna en lösning och det första stället att leta på är konstitutionsfördraget. Innehållsmässigt går huvuddelen av arbetet fortfarande att använda. De förändringar som införts genom konstitutionsfördraget är fortfarande relevanta och de behöver omsättas i handling, inte ifrågasättas.
Gemenskapsmetoden måste skyddas, däribland kommissionens initiativrätt. En struktur med en enda pelare och en enda juridisk person skulle påtagligt stärka unionens möjlighet att föra ut samma budskap och agera i en global värld. Parlamentets stärkta roll och framstegen när det gäller omröstning med kvalificerad majoritet bör bibehållas.
Som vi ser det utgör också konstitutionsfördraget en mycket bra lösning på hur de nationella parlamenten ska göras delaktiga, hur man ska uppnå den rätta balansen mellan de nationella parlamentens roll och Europaparlamentets roll. Likaså kommer vi att försvara den rättsligt bindande verkan för EU:s stadga om de grundläggande rättigheterna, som utgör en integrerad del i det paket som man enades om i och med konventionen och regeringskonferensen.
Vi medger att vissa ändringar måste göras och vi respekterar alla dem som har uttryckt sina åsikter i detta avseende. Vi kommer inte att fly från en seriös diskussion om textens form, EU-symbolerna eller de andra diskussionsämnen som har nämnts. När det gäller den nya textens utformning, kommer vi att göra vårt yttersta för att garantera att all ny text kommer att vara lättläst och lättillgänglig. Vår ståndpunkt i förhandlingarna kommer att vara ambitiös och beslutsam.
Låt mig också få lägga till en punkt som hänger nära samman med vår debatt om överenskommelsen om EU-konstitutionen. Vi behöver inte bara en överenskommelse mellan institutionerna och medlemsstaterna. Vi är nämligen i lika hög grad i behov av en ny skildring, ett nytt sätt att förklara för medborgarna vad saken gäller. Vi behöver förklara varför den utvidgade unionen behöver ett nytt fördrag som står för mer demokrati, bättre sammanhållning och en union som är stark nog att leva upp till medborgarnas förväntningar.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier har gett oss en omfattande översikt av rådets program, så jag kommer endast att beröra tre frågor.
Europas medborgare välkomnar EU:s engagemang att ta itu med dagens huvudsakliga politiska utmaningar, nämligen klimatförändringen, migrationen, energin – ja, de områden som Frank-Walter Steinmeier redan har nämnt. Detta är vad de förväntar sig, men vi har ännu inte lyckats få dem att se sambandet mellan effektivitet på dessa områden och en lämplig överenskommelse om konstitutionsfördraget. Alltför många anser fortfarande att debatten om fördragen och konstitutionen är ett privilegium för en ganska liten klick i Bryssel. Vi måste visa att det handlar om att ha de rätta verktygen för att tjäna överenskomna politiska mål. Vi måste även fortsättningsvis inrikta debatten på hur vi ska uppnå dessa mål.
Parlamentet och kommissionen har tillsammans bidragit stort genom plan D-strategin. Perioden för eftertanke är över, men det betyder inte att vi bör trappa ned våra insatser för att få med civilsamhället och medborgarna i en debatt om Europas framtid. Det kommer att vara mycket viktigt i Europeiska rådet, i en regeringskonferens och i ratificeringsskedet att visa att en överenskommelse verkligen är till direkt nytta för medborgarna.
Det gladde mig att höra att de flesta medlemsstaterna verkligen samtycker till ordförandeskapets valda tillvägagångssätt med en kort regeringskonferens med ett tydligt och exakt förhandlingsmandat för att diskutera en relativt begränsad uppsättning frågor. Vad kommissionen beträffar kommer vi att energiskt fullfölja vår roll som språkröret för EU:s gemensamma intresse.
Vägen till en överenskommelse om EU-konstitutionen har inte alltid varit lätt, men vi är förhoppningsvis på rätt spår igen. Om vi kan hålla huvudet kallt och fortsätta att inrikta oss på behovet av ett effektivt och demokratiskt Europa, kommer resultatet att bli en europeisk union som kan bemöta 2000-talets utmaningar med tillförsikt.
För det första migrationen: de allt större utmaningar och möjligheter som den internationella migrationen innebär måste hanteras i en anda av sann solidaritet. Nyligen inträffade händelser har tydligt visat hur viktigt detta är. Detta innebär att man måste erkänna att bättre samordning behövs för att kunna ta itu med de allt större strömmarna av invandrare vid våra gränser och i våra vatten, men också för att dra fördel av migrationens fördelar för arbetsmarknaden och för samhället i helhet. Samtidigt håller den olagliga migrationen och handeln med människor på att öka, något som kräver vår omedelbara uppmärksamhet.
Europeiska rådet kommer att uppmanas att tillämpa en omfattande strategi när det gäller migrationen till EU:s grannar i öst och sydöst. Europeiska rådet bör också uppmärksamma behovet av att ytterligare stärka förvaltningen av våra yttre gränser. Snabbinsatsstyrkorna (”Rapid Border Intervention Teams”) bör kunna inleda sitt arbete mycket snart.
För det andra kommer Europeiska rådet att återvända till den viktiga frågan om hiv/aids. Hiv/aids-epidemin är en livsviktig folkhälsofråga för Europa. Vårt enda sätt att angripa detta problem är att agera tillsammans genom att garantera politiskt ledarskap uppifrån och det civila samhällets deltagande på alla nivåer. Detta kräver att vi satsar på förebyggande åtgärder, forskning, övervakning, behandling, vård och stöd inom unionen och i grannländerna. Jag skulle vilja ge det tyska ordförandeskapet ett erkännande för att det behåller denna fråga på sin dagordning, trots att medierna inte uppmärksammar detta så mycket i rapporteringen om rådets verksamhet.
För det tredje skulle jag vilja säga några ord om klimatförändringen. Den kommer inte att få en central plats i programmet för toppmötet i juni, men efter G8-mötet kommer det att vara omöjligt för Europeiska rådet att hålla tyst i denna fråga. Jag vill försäkra parlamentet om att kommissionen arbetar mycket hårt för att leva upp till Europaparlamentets och Europeiska rådets förväntningar och för att fortsätta föra en ambitiös och dynamisk politik, både internationellt och i EU.
Specifika lagstiftningsförslag kommer att antas av kommissionen i höst och vi kommer att arbeta för att öka EU:s trovärdighet och ledarskap i kampen mot klimatförändringen.
Detta är några av de politiska nyckelfrågor som kommer att behandlas av Europeiska rådet. Som vi alla vet kommer huvudfrågan dock att vara att komma framåt i arbetet med en överenskommelse om EU:s konstitutionsfördrag.
Här måste jag upprepa hur bråttom det är med denna fråga eller hur viktig den är för Europas framtid. Vi diskuterade den här i går och under vår diskussion om Elmar Broks och Enrique Barón Crespos betänkande framgick det mycket klart vad saken gäller. Jag anser att vi kan vara försiktigt optimistiska om utgången, även om jag inser att vi nog inte bör höja förväntningarna ytterligare."@sv22
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