Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-06-06-Speech-3-080"
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".
Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@en4
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"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@cs1
"Hr. formand! Som vi alle ved, og som hr. Solana netop har sagt, er situationen i området utroligt spændt. Jeg vil endda gå så vidt som til at sige, at der hersker en følelse af fortvivlelse. Min direktør er fortsat dernede, og han har netop ringet til mig. Desværre er sikkerheden forringet, og vi er vidner til en ond voldsspiral - specielt i det besatte palæstinensiske område, i Israel og i Libanon, sådan som hr. Solana netop har sagt.
Det palæstinensiske folk har fortvivlet brug for et politisk perspektiv. Det er vi, medlemmerne af kvartetten, udmærket klar over. Derfor skal vi presse på for at få forhandlinger om en endelig status og samarbejde med de strukturer, som Den Arabiske Liga har opstillet. Den Arabiske Liga bad Israel om at opgive visse foranstaltninger vedrørende besættelsen - f.eks. bosættelserne og adskillelsesmuren. Jeg blev meget opmuntret af præsident Abbas opfordring til øjeblikkeligt at standse den interne vold, fordi Quassam-raketterne fra Gaza skal standses én gang for alle. Våbenhvilen bør bestemt udvides til Vestbredden. Jeg er meget ked af, at morgendagens møde mellem premierminister Olmert og præsident Abbas blev aflyst, men vi må åbenbart indse, at de to parter ikke kunne nå til enighed om Abbas' våbenhvileplan og specielt sammenkædningen af våbenhvilen i Gaza med indstillingen af de militære operationer på Vestbredden. Det lykkedes heller ikke at nå til enighed om at frigive de af Israel tilbageholdte palæstinensiske indtægter fra told og afgifter inden frigivelsen af den kidnappede soldat Gilad Shalit. Vi havde håbet på en udvikling på dette område. Palæstinenserne besluttede, at de ikke ville risikere dette møde, men selvfølgelig havde vi alle håbet på, at det ville skabe lidt mere fremskridt i dialogen om våbenhvilen, i overførslen af indtægterne samt i adgangsmulighederne.
Med hensyn til regeringen for national enhed er tiden bestemt ikke inde til at give op nu. Jeg er enig i, at den endnu ikke har leveret nogle af de ting, vi havde håbet på, men der er ingen attraktive alternativer. Hvis vi lader denne regering smuldre, får det meget alvorlige følger for Den Palæstinensiske Myndigheds institutioner, og det risikerer at føre til en styrkelse af radikale udbrydergrupper. Det er det sidste, vi ønsker.
Som De ved, har Kommissionen inden for Ministerrådets rammer reageret hurtigt på regeringen for national enhed og på palæstinensernes øgede behov. Alene i første halvår af 2007 bevilgede vi 320 millioner euro i EU-støtte, hvilket næsten svarer til de samlede bevillinger for hele sidste år. Denne enestående indsats viser, at vi efter dannelsen af regeringen for national enhed har optrappet vores nødhjælp til palæstinenserne. Men Den Palæstinensiske Myndigheds økonomiske situation er meget alvorlig, hvilket Salam Fayyad fortalte min kollega i går. De har brug for, at vi fortsætter denne mekanisme. Israel skal frigive de tilbageholdte indtægter fra told og afgifter til Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed. Efter min mening er vi nødt til fortsat at opfordre dem til at gøre det via den midlertidige internationale mekanisme eller via PLO-kontoen. Vi gentog denne anmodning i det seneste associeringsudvalgsmøde med Israel i Jerusalem den fjerde juni. Kvartetten har også bemærket de forsatte overførslers betydning for at forbedre de økonomiske og humanitære forhold på Vestbredden og i Gaza. Som tidligere nævnt, er det selvfølgelig under alle omstændigheder vigtigt med en udvikling.
Siden dannelsen af regeringen for national enhed har vi arbejdet meget tæt sammen med finansministeren. Fordi den socioøkonomiske situation er så dårlig, vil vi fortsætte den midlertidige internationale mekanisme frem til den 30. september, og vi ser frem til at modtage nye midler til denne nye udvidelse. Jeg vil snart bede Europa-Parlamentet og Rådet om at gøre endnu en indsats og finde ekstra ressourcer på budgettet. Jeg takker for Deres tidligere støtte og håber, at den også vil blive udvidet til os i fremtiden, fordi vores vigtigste opgave må være at restituere Den Palæstinensiske Myndigheds institutioner, så den kan levere tjenesteydelser til det palæstinensiske folk. Vi forsøger gradvist at bevæge os i retning af en genoptagelse af institutionsopbygnings- og udviklingsprojekter samt at mindske vores nuværende koncentration om nødhjælp og humanitær bistand, hvis vi kan. Denne betingelse findes selvfølgelig fortsat.
Vi ser frem til nye palæstinensiske forslag. De sagde, at de ville udtænke idéer til konkret international støtte. Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed forbereder i øjeblikket en operationsplan, der kan blive et nyttigt redskab til at identificere udviklingsaktiviteter - specielt i Gaza - som vi kan støtte.
Jeg vil også gerne sige, at Den Palæstinensiske Myndigheds finansielle underskud er så stort, at Fællesskabet umuligt kan løfte byrden alene. De arabiske stater skal også leve op til deres forpligtelser om at hjælpe regeringen for national enhed. Det var opmuntrende at se, at den nyoprettede PLO-konto nu i det mindste blev brugt af Saudi-Arabien, Quatar og De Forenede Arabiske Emirater. Det hjælper, men det er ikke tilstrækkeligt.
Hvis ikke der gøres noget ved årsagerne til denne fortvivlelse, kan vi meget snart blive vidne til en konsolidering af mere radikale grupper i hele regionen. Efter min mening er det den største fare. Som hr. Solana netop har sagt, har kampene i Libanon nu spredt sig til andre palæstinensiske lejre. Vi er derfor dybt bekymrede over, at der er en konfrontation mellem de libanesiske væbnede styrker og de islamistiske oprørere. Det har vist sig at være den alvorligste interne konflikt siden borgerkrigens afslutning, og den har allerede kostet over 100 menneskeliv.
Jeg vil gerne atter understrege vores fulde støtte til Libanons legitime regering. Jeg vil imidlertid gentage vores holdning om, at der skal gøres mest muligt for at undgå yderligere ofre blandt civilbefolkningen. Nødhjælpsorganisationerne skal kunne udføre deres arbejde.
På den anden side vil jeg også udtrykke tilfredshed med vedtagelsen af FN's Sikkerhedsråds resolution 1757, der sikrer oprettelsen af en særlig domstol for mordet på Libanons tidligere premierminister Rafiq Hariri. Efter min mening vil det bekræfte over for Libanons befolkning, at loven og retsstatsprincipperne respekteres i deres land, og give dem mulighed for at komme videre efter en af de mest tragiske hændelser i Libanons nyere historie.
Det planlagte møde i Gaza i morgen mellem præsident Abbas og premierminister Olmert er desværre blevet aflyst, men i det mindste vil G8-lederne i morgen diskutere konflikten mellem Palæstina og Israel, sådan som vi også gjorde det på G8-udenrigsministrenes møde. Der var stor bekymring over den politiske og sikkerhedsmæssige udvikling både i Gaza og i Israel, men også en erkendelse af, at der ikke findes noget alternativ til at fortsætte denne humanitære støtte og på den anden side at undersøge, hvordan man kan støtte dette arabiske fredsinitiativ.
Selv i denne meget delikate og vanskelige tid tror vi, at der fortsat er grund til håb, fordi det israelske initiativ er en enestående mulighed for at finde en omfattende løsning. Vi ved, at egypterne også forsøger at formidle en våbenhvile med alle de palæstinensiske faktioner. USA's engagement - specielt Condoleezza Rices engagement - er meget værdifuldt i denne svære tid. Vores EU-formandskab er også meget engageret. Kvartetten har gjort, præcist som hr. Solana har sagt. Jeg synes, at det var et udmærket møde, og der er en idé for både et bilateralt spor og et regionalt spor. Forhåbentlig kan der afholdes et møde i Egypten med samtalepartnere fra Den Arabiske Liga og forhåbentlig også med de to parter.
For to dage siden talte jeg til den jordanske udenrigsminister hr. Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, der sammen med sin egyptiske kollega planlægger at besøge Israel, inden Den Arabiske Liga mødes med kvartetten sidst i juni måned. Forhåbentlig vil det medvirke til yderligere at engagere Israel og tilskynde landet til at forholde sig positivt til det arabiske fredsinitiativ.
I sidste uge deltog jeg også i en konference i Wien om kvindelige lederes rolle som bidragydere til fred og sikkerhed i Mellemøsten. Prominente kvinder som Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice med flere diskuterede det potentielle bidrag fra det civile samfund, fra samfundets kvinder, til freden. Selv om det er et lille bidrag, var det første gang, at Tzipi Livni og Hanan Ashrawi deltog i drøftelser ved samme bord. Jeg må sige, at der var en del gensidig forståelse og tilmed en venlig atmosfære. Initiativet viste sig at være endnu en nyttig del af denne meget vanskelige proces. Jeg planlægger at arrangere en form for opfølgningsmøde i Bruxelles, måske næste år.
Vi sætter stor pris på Europa-Parlamentets engagement. Besøget fra Europa-Parlamentets Delegation for Forbindelserne med Det Palæstinensiske Lovgivende Råd blev efterfulgt af Deres besøg, hr. formand, og af Deres meget afbalancerede tale i Knesset den 30. maj. Det er opmuntrende, at talen - som De sagde - fik en god modtagelse af Knesset. Det er ikke nogen let mulighed."@da2
".
Herr Präsident! Wie wir alle wissen und wie Herr Solana gerade dargelegt hat, ist die Lage in der Region äußerst angespannt. Ich würde sogar sagen, dass sich eine gewisse Verzweiflung breitgemacht hat. Mein Direktor befindet sich noch immer in der Region, und ich habe eben mit ihm telefoniert. Leider hat sich die Sicherheitslage weiter verschlechtert. Wie Herr Solana soeben erwähnte, herrscht ein Teufelskreis der Gewalt, vor allem in den besetzten palästinensischen Gebieten, in Israel und im Libanon.
Das palästinensische Volk braucht dringend eine politische Perspektive. Darin sind wir – die Mitglieder des Quartetts – uns alle einig. Deshalb müssen wir auf Verhandlungen über die Frage des endgültigen Status drängen und dabei mit der Arabischen Liga zusammenarbeiten. Die Arabische Liga hat Israel aufgefordert, einige Maßnahmen – auch im Zusammenhang mit der Besetzung – zu lockern, was beispielsweise die Siedlungen und die Trennmauer anbelangt. Ich habe mich sehr über den Aufruf von Präsident Abbas gefreut, dieser internen Gewalt unverzüglich ein Ende zu setzen, da mit den Kassam-Raketen aus dem Gazastreifen ein für alle mal Schluss sein muss. Der Waffenstillstand sollte durchaus auf das Westjordanland ausgedehnt werden. Ich finde es höchst bedauerlich, dass das morgige Treffen zwischen Premierminister Olmert und Präsident Abbas nicht stattfinden wird. Aber wir müssen offenbar einsehen, dass sich beide Seiten nicht auf den Waffenstillstandsplan von Abbas einigen konnten, insbesondere was die Verknüpfung des Waffenstillstands im Gazastreifen mit der Einstellung sämtlicher militärischer Operationen im Westjordanland betrifft. Auch kam kein Einvernehmen darüber zustande, die von Israel einbehaltenen palästinensischen Zolleinnahmen freizugeben, bevor der entführte Soldat Gilad Shalit freigelassen wird. Wir hatten mehr Bewegung in dieser Frage erwartet. Die Palästinenser sind zu dem Schluss gelangt, dass sie dieses Treffen nicht riskieren könnten. Selbstverständlich hatten wir alle gehofft, dass es dadurch etwas mehr Fortschritte beim Dialog über den Waffenstillstand, bei der Freigabe der Einnahmen und der Frage des Zugangs geben würde.
Was die Regierung der nationalen Einheit angeht, ist jetzt meiner Meinung nach wahrlich nicht der richtige Zeitpunkt, um dieses Vorhaben aufzugeben. Ich teile die Ansicht, dass sie bisher noch nicht all die Ergebnisse geliefert hat, die wir uns erhofften. Aber es gibt keine attraktiven Alternativen. Wenn wir diese Regierung auseinander brechen lassen, dann wird dies schwer wiegende Folgen für die Einrichtungen der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde haben, was wiederum radikale Splittergruppen stärken könnte. Ich denke, das ist das Letzte, was wir uns wünschen.
Wie Ihnen bekannt ist, hat die Kommission in dem vom Ministerrat festgelegten Rahmen schnell auf die Bildung der Regierung der nationalen Einheit und die gestiegenen Bedürfnisse der Palästinenser reagiert. Allein in der ersten Hälfte des Jahres 2007 stellten wir 320 Millionen Euro aus dem Gemeinschaftshaushalt bereit, was fast den gesamten Mittelzuweisungen des vergangenen Jahres entspricht. Diese außerordentlichen Anstrengungen zeigen, dass wir seit der Bildung der Regierung der nationalen Einheit unsere Soforthilfe für die Palästinenser erheblich aufgestockt haben. Dennoch befindet sich die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde in einer finanziellen Zwangslage, wie Salam Fayyad gestern gegenüber meinem Kollegen erklärte. Sie ist nach wie vor darauf angewiesen, dass wir mit diesem Mechanismus weitermachen. Fest steht, dass Israel die einbehaltenen Zolleinnahmen an die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde auszahlen muss. Meines Erachtens sollten wir Israel deshalb weiterhin ermutigen, dieser Forderung unter Nutzung des zeitlich befristeten internationalen Mechanismus oder des PLO-Kontos nachzukommen. Dies haben wir auch auf der letzten Tagung des Assoziationsausschusses wiederholt, die am 4. Juni in Jerusalem mit Israel stattfand. Das Quartett hat auch darauf hingewiesen, dass unbedingt die Transfers wieder aufgenommen werden müssen, um die wirtschaftliche und humanitäre Lage im Westjordanland und im Gazastreifen zu verbessern. Wie ich bereits sagte, muss natürlich auf alle Fälle Bewegung in die ganze Sache kommen.
Seit der Bildung der Regierung der nationalen Einheit haben wir mit dem Finanzminister sehr eng zusammengearbeitet. Aufgrund der katastrophalen sozioökonomischen Lage werden wir den zeitlich befristeten internationalen Mechanismus bis zum 30. September ausdehnen. Dafür müssen wir nun neue Finanzmittel finden. Ich werde das Europäische Parlament und den Rat sehr bald darum ersuchen, weitere Anstrengungen zu unternehmen und zusätzliche Haushaltsmittel aufzutreiben. Ich danke Ihnen für all Ihre Unterstützung in der Vergangenheit und hoffe, dass wir auch künftig auf Ihre Unterstützung zählen können. Denn unser vorrangiges Ziel sollte darin bestehen, die Einrichtungen der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde wieder aufzubauen, damit sie den palästinensischen Bürgern grundlegende Dienstleistungen anbieten kann. Wir versuchen allmählich, wieder hin zum Aufbau von Institutionen und zu Entwicklungsprojekten zu kommen und unseren derzeitigen Schwerpunkt auf Soforthilfe und humanitäre Hilfe sofern möglich abzubauen – aber natürlich ist die Notwendigkeit dafür noch gegeben.
Wir sind auf neue Vorschläge seitens der Palästinenser gespannt. Diese hatten erklärt, dass sie Ideen für besondere internationale Unterstützungsmaßnahmen unterbreiten würden. Die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde arbeitet gerade an einem operativen Plan, der dann als nützliches Instrument für die Ermittlung von Entwicklungsmaßnahmen – insbesondere im Gazastreifen – dienen könnte, die unsere Unterstützung verdienen.
Ferner möchte ich darauf hinweisen, dass das Haushaltsdefizit der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde dermaßen groß ist, dass die Gemeinschaft unmöglich allein dafür aufkommen kann. Daher müssen auch die arabischen Staaten ihren Zusagen nachkommen, dass sie die Regierung der nationalen Einheit unterstützen würden. Ich habe erfreut zur Kenntnis genommen, dass das neu eingerichtete PLO-Konto zumindest von Saudi-Arabien, Katar und den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten genutzt wurde. Das ist zwar eine Hilfe, reicht aber nicht aus.
Wenn die Ursachen dieses Problems nicht angegangen werden, dann werden sich sehr bald noch mehr radikale Gruppen in der gesamten Region festsetzen. Darin besteht meines Erachtens die größte Gefahr. Im Libanon sind die Kampfhandlungen – wie Herr Solana eben sagte – nun auch auf andere palästinensische Lager übergesprungen. Daher sind wir zutiefst besorgt, dass es jetzt doch zu einer Konfrontation zwischen den libanesischen Streitkräften und den islamistischen Aufständischen kommt. Das Ganze hat sich zum schwersten internen Konflikt seit dem Ende des Bürgerkriegs entwickelt und bereits mehr als 100 Menschenleben gefordert.
Ich möchte noch einmal unsere uneingeschränkte Unterstützung für die rechtmäßige libanesische Regierung unterstreichen. Allerdings möchte ich auch unseren Standpunkt wiederholen, dass alles getan werden muss, um weitere Opfer unter der Zivilbevölkerung zu vermeiden. Den Hilfsorganisationen muss ermöglicht werden, ungehindert ihre Arbeit durchzuführen.
Andererseits möchte ich auch meiner Zufriedenheit über die Annahme der Resolution 1757 des UN-Sicherheitsrates Ausdruck verleihen, die die Einrichtung eines Sondertribunals für die Ermordung des ehemaligen libanesischen Ministerpräsidenten Rafiq Hariri vorsieht. Dies wird meiner Ansicht nach den Menschen im Libanon Gelegenheit geben, ihre Achtung vor dem Gesetz und dem Grundsatz der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in ihrem Land zu bekräftigen und mit einem Kapitel abzuschließen, das eines der tragischsten Ereignisse in der jüngsten Geschichte des Libanons beinhaltet.
Das Treffen, das morgen im Gazastreifen zwischen Präsident Abbas und Premierminister Olmert stattfinden sollte, wurde leider abgesagt. Zumindest aber werden sich morgen die Staats- und Regierungschefs der G8-Staaten mit dem Konflikt zwischen Palästina und Israel beschäftigen, so wie wir dies bereits bei der Zusammenkunft der G8-Außenminister getan haben. Dabei wurde größte Besorgnis über die politischen Entwicklungen und die Sicherheitslage sowohl im Gazastreifen als auch in Israel geäußert. Zugleich wurde aber auch anerkannt, dass es keine Alternative zur Fortsetzung der humanitären Hilfe und zur Suche nach Mitteln und Wegen gibt, wie die arabische Friedensinitiative unterstützt werden kann.
Selbst in diesen äußerst schwierigen Krisenzeiten besteht unseres Erachtens noch immer Grund zur Hoffnung, da die israelische Initiative eine einzigartige Gelegenheit für eine umfassende Lösung bietet. Uns ist bekannt, dass die Ägypter ebenfalls versuchen, einen Waffenstillstand mit allen palästinensischen Gruppen auszuhandeln. Auch die Bemühungen seitens der USA, insbesondere von Condoleezza Rice, sind in diesen schwierigen Zeiten eine wertvolle Hilfe. Unsere EU-Präsidentschaft zeigt ebenfalls großes Engagement. Das Quartett hat genau das getan, was Herr Solana gesagt hat. Ich denke, dass dies ein sehr gutes Treffen war und nun die Möglichkeit für den bilateralen Weg oder den regionalen Weg offen steht. Ich wünsche mir, dass das Treffen in Ägypten mit den Vertretern der Arabischen Liga und hoffentlich auch mit den zwei Konfliktparteien tatsächlich zustande kommt.
Vor zwei Tagen habe ich mit dem jordanischen Außenminister, Herrn Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, gesprochen, der zusammen mit seinem ägyptischen Amtskollegen nach Israel reisen möchte, bevor Ende Juni die Arabische Liga und das Quartett zusammenkommen. Wir hoffen, dass Israel dadurch zu weiteren Schritten bewegt und ermutigt werden kann, auf die arabische Friedensinitiative positiv zu reagieren.
In der vergangenen Woche habe ich auch an einer Konferenz in Wien teilgenommen, bei der es um die Frage ging, inwieweit Frauen, die in ihrem Land eine führende Rolle spielen, zu Frieden und Sicherheit im Nahen Osten beitragen können. Bekannte Frauen, wie Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice und andere erörterten, inwieweit die Zivilgesellschaft – die Frauen in der Gesellschaft – bei der Schaffung von Frieden mithelfen können. Auch wenn es sich hier nur um ein kleines Treffen handelte, so war dies doch das erste Mal, dass Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi am gleichen Tisch miteinander diskutierten. Ich muss sagen, dass es viel gegenseitiges Verständnis und sogar eine freundliche Atmosphäre gab. Die Initiative hat sich als weiteres nützliches Instrument in diesem äußerst schwierigen Prozess erwiesen. Ich plane, vielleicht im nächsten Jahr in Brüssel eine Art Folgetreffen zu organisieren.
Wir wissen das Engagement des Europäischen Parlaments sehr zu schätzen: Auf den Besuch der Delegation des Europäischen Parlaments für die Beziehungen zu dem Palästinensischen Legislativrat folgte Ihr Besuch, Herr Präsident, und Ihre sehr ausgewogene Rede vor der Knesset am 30. Mai. Es ist ermutigend, dass die Rede – wie Sie meinten – recht guten Anklang in der Knesset fand. Dies war sicherlich keine leichte Aufgabe."@de9
"Κύριε Πρόεδρε, όπως όλοι ξέρουμε και όπως μόλις είπε ο κ. Σολάνα, η ατμόσφαιρα στην περιοχή είναι εξαιρετικά τεταμένη. Θα έλεγα ότι υπάρχει ακόμα και ένα αίσθημα απόγνωσης. Ο διευθυντής μου είναι ακόμα εκεί και μόλις μου τηλεφώνησε. Δυστυχώς, η ασφάλεια επιδεινώθηκε και είμαστε μάρτυρες ενός φαύλου κύκλου βίας, ειδικά στα κατεχόμενα παλαιστινιακά εδάφη, στο Ισραήλ και στον Λίβανο, όπως μόλις είπε ο κ. Σολάνα.
Ο παλαιστινιακός λαός χρειάζεται απεγνωσμένα μια πολιτική προοπτική. Εμείς, τα μέλη του Κουαρτέτου, είμαστε όλοι σαφείς ως προς αυτό. Γι’ αυτό πρέπει να πιέσουμε για διαπραγματεύσεις σχετικά με το ζήτημα τελικού καθεστώτος, σε συνεργασία με τις δομές που δημιουργήθηκαν από τον Αραβικό Σύνδεσμό. Ο Αραβικός Σύνδεσμος ζήτησε από το Ισραήλ να άρει ορισμένα μέτρα που σχετίζονται επίσης με την κατοχή, για παράδειγμα τους εποικισμούς και το διαχωριστικό τείχος. Με εμψύχωσε ιδιαίτερα η έκκληση του Προέδρου Αμπάς για άμεσο τερματισμό αυτής της εσωτερικής βίας, διότι οι ρουκέτες Κασάμ από τη Γάζα πρέπει να σταματήσουν μια για πάντα. Η κατάπαυση του πυρός πρέπει να επεκταθεί στη Δυτική Όχθη. Λυπάμαι πολύ που έπρεπε να ακυρωθεί η αυριανή συνάντηση του Πρωθυπουργού Ολμέρτ και του Προέδρου Αμπάς, αλλά προφανώς πρέπει να συνειδητοποιήσουμε ότι οι δύο πλευρές δεν θα μπορούσαν να επιτύχουν συμφωνία όσον αφορά το σχέδιο Αμπάς για κατάπαυση του πυρός, ειδικά όσον αφορά τη σύνδεση της κατάπαυσης του πυρός στη Γάζα με την παύση των στρατιωτικών επιχειρήσεων στη Δυτική Όχθη. Δεν ήταν εφικτή καμία συμφωνία ούτε για την αποδέσμευση των παλαιστινιακών τελωνειακών εσόδων που δέσμευσε το Ισραήλ πριν από την απελευθέρωση του απαχθέντος στρατιώτη Gilad Shalit. Ελπίζαμε να υπάρξει κάποια εξέλιξη γι’ αυτό το θέμα. Οι Παλαιστίνιοι αποφάσισαν ότι δεν μπορούσαν να διακινδυνεύσουν αυτή τη συνάντηση, αλλά φυσικά όλοι ελπίζαμε ότι αυτή θα συνέβαλε λίγο περισσότερο στην πρόοδο για τον διάλογο σχετικά με την κατάπαυση του πυρός, στην πρόοδο για τη μεταφορά των εσόδων και για την πρόσβαση.
Σχετικά με την κυβέρνηση Εθνικής Ενότητας, κατά τη γνώμη μου σίγουρα τώρα δεν είναι η ώρα να την εγκαταλείψουμε. Μπορώ να συμφωνήσω ότι δεν έχει επιτύχει μέχρι στιγμής όλα όσα ελπίζαμε, αλλά δεν υπάρχουν άλλες ελκυστικές εναλλακτικές λύσεις. Αν επιτρέψουμε σε αυτή την κυβέρνηση να καταρρεύσει, οι επιπτώσεις για τους θεσμούς της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής θα είναι πολύ σοβαρές και οι ριζοσπαστικές αποσχιστικές ομάδες ενδέχεται να ενισχυθούν ως αποτέλεσμα αυτού. Πιστεύω ότι αυτό είναι το τελευταίο αποτέλεσμα που θέλουμε.
Όπως γνωρίζετε, εντός των ορίων που καθόρισε το Συμβούλιο των Υπουργών, η Επιτροπή ανταποκρίθηκε γρήγορα στην κυβέρνηση Εθνικής Ενότητας και στις αυξημένες ανάγκες των Παλαιστινίων. Μόνο το πρώτο εξάμηνο του 2007, δεσμεύσαμε 320 εκατ. ευρώ κοινοτικών πόρων, τα οποία αντιστοιχούν στο συνολικό ποσό των πόρων που δεσμεύτηκαν το προηγούμενο έτος. Αυτή η εξαιρετική προσπάθεια δείχνει ότι, από τότε που σχηματίστηκε η κυβέρνηση Εθνικής Ενότητας, έχουμε ενισχύσει την έκτακτη βοήθεια προς τους Παλαιστινίους. Αλλά η οικονομική κατάσταση της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής είναι εξαιρετικά σοβαρή, όπως είπε ο Σαλάμ Φαγιάντ στον συνάδελφό μου χθες. Θέλουν να συνεχίσουμε ακόμα και με αυτόν τον μηχανισμό. Το Ισραήλ πρέπει να παραδώσει τα δεσμευμένα τελωνειακά έσοδα στην Παλαιστινιακή Αρχή. Συνεπώς, πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να συνεχίσουμε να τους ενθαρρύνουμε να το κάνουν μέσω του προσωρινού διεθνούς μηχανισμού ή μέσω του λογαριασμού της PLO. Επαναλάβαμε αυτό το αίτημα στην τελευταία Επιτροπή Σύνδεσης με το Ισραήλ στην Ιερουσαλήμ στις 4 Ιουνίου. Το Κουαρτέτο επεσήμανε επίσης τη σημασία της συνέχισης των μεταφορών για να βελτιωθούν οι οικονομικές και ανθρωπιστικές συνθήκες στη Δυτική Όχθη και στη Γάζα. Όπως είπα, η κυκλοφορία είναι φυσικά σημαντική σε κάθε περίπτωση.
Από τη στιγμή του σχηματισμού αυτής της κυβέρνησης Εθνικής Ενότητας, εργαζόμαστε πολύ στενά με τον Υπουργό Οικονομικών. Επειδή η κοινωνικοοικονομική κατάσταση είναι τόσο φρικτή, θα επεκτείνουμε τον ΠΔΜ μέχρι τις 30 Σεπτεμβρίου και πρέπει να αναζητήσουμε νέους πόρους γι’ αυτή τη νέα επέκταση. Σύντομα θα ζητήσω από το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο και το Συμβούλιο να κάνουν άλλη μια προσπάθεια και να βρουν πρόσθετους πόρους στον προϋπολογισμό. Σας ευχαριστώ για ό,τι έχετε δώσει ως υποστήριξη στο παρελθόν και ελπίζω πραγματικά ότι αυτή η υποστήριξη θα μας παρασχεθεί και στο μέλλον, διότι προτεραιότητά μας πρέπει να είναι να βοηθήσουμε στην αποκατάσταση των θεσμών της παλαιστινιακής αρχής ώστε να μπορέσουν να παράσχουν υπηρεσίες στον παλαιστινιακό λαό. Προσπαθούμε προοδευτικά να κινηθούμε προς την επανέναρξη των σχεδίων οικοδόμησης θεσμών και ανάπτυξης και να μειώσουμε την τρέχουσα επικέντρωσή μας στην έκτακτη και ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια αν μπορούμε να το κάνουμε – φυσικά, αυτή η προϋπόθεση εξακολουθεί να υπάρχει.
Προσβλέπουμε σε νέες παλαιστινιακές προτάσεις. Είπαν ότι θα προτείνουν ιδέες για ειδική διεθνή υποστήριξη. Η Παλαιστινιακή Αρχή εκπονεί επί του παρόντος ένα επιχειρησιακό σχέδιο το οποίο θα αποτελέσει χρήσιμο μέσο για τον καθορισμό αναπτυξιακών δραστηριοτήτων, ειδικά στη Γάζα, που θα μπορούσαμε να υποστηρίξουμε.
Θέλω επίσης να πω ότι το δημοσιονομικό έλλειμμα της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής είναι τόσο μεγάλο ώστε θα ήταν αδύνατο να επωμιστεί η Κοινότητα το βάρος μόνη της. Τα αραβικά κράτη πρέπει επίσης να εκπληρώσουν τις δεσμεύσεις τους και να βοηθήσουν την κυβέρνηση Εθνικής Ενότητας. Με ενθάρρυνε το γεγονός ότι ο λογαριασμός της PLO που δημιουργήθηκε τώρα χρησιμοποιήθηκε τουλάχιστον από τη Σαουδική Αραβία, το Κατάρ και τα Ηνωμένα Αραβικά Εμιράτα. Αυτό θα βοηθήσει αλλά δεν είναι αρκετό.
Αν οι αιτίες αυτής της απόγνωσης δεν αντιμετωπιστούν, μπορεί πολύ σύντομα να γίνουμε μάρτυρες της συνένωσης πιο ριζοσπαστικών ομάδων σε όλη την περιοχή. Πιστεύω ότι αυτός είναι ο μεγάλος κίνδυνος εκεί. Στον Λίβανο, όπως μόλις είπε ο κ. Σολάνα, η διαμάχη έχει εξαπλωθεί τώρα σε άλλα παλαιστινιακά στρατόπεδα. Συνεπώς, μας απασχολεί βαθύτατα το γεγονός ότι η σύγκρουση μεταξύ των λιβανικών ενόπλων δυνάμεων και των ισλαμιστών ανταρτών διεξάγεται εκεί. Έχει εξελιχθεί στην πιο σοβαρή εσωτερική σύγκρουση από το τέλος του εμφυλίου πολέμου και έχει ήδη κοστίσει πάνω από 100 ζωές.
Θέλω να τονίσω ξανά την πλήρη υποστήριξή μας για τη νόμιμη κυβέρνηση του Λιβάνου. Ωστόσο, επαναλαμβάνω τη θέση μας ότι πρέπει να γίνει ό,τι είναι δυνατόν για να αποφευχθούν άλλες απώλειες ζωής αμάχων. Οι υπηρεσίες αρωγής πρέπει να είναι σε θέση να επιτελέσουν το έργο τους.
Αφετέρου, θέλω επίσης να εκφράσω την ικανοποίησή μου για την έγκριση του ψηφίσματος 1757 του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ, το οποίο διασφαλίζει τη συγκρότηση ειδικού δικαστηρίου για τη δολοφονία του πρώην λιβανού πρωθυπουργού Ραφίκ Χαρίρι. Πιστεύω ότι αυτό θα επιτρέψει στον λαό του Λιβάνου να επιβεβαιώσει τον σεβασμό για τον νόμο και το κράτος δικαίου στη χώρα του και να γυρίσει σελίδα σε ένα από τα πιο τραγικά γεγονότα της πρόσφατης ιστορίας του Λιβάνου.
Η συνάντηση που επρόκειτο να λάβει χώρα αύριο στη Γάζα μεταξύ του Προέδρου Αμπάς και του Πρωθυπουργού Ολμέρτ δυστυχώς ακυρώθηκε, αλλά τουλάχιστον οι ηγέτες της G8 θα ασχοληθούν αύριο με το θέμα της σύγκρουσης Παλαιστίνης-Ισραήλ, όπως κάναμε και στη σύνοδο των Υπουργών Εξωτερικών της G8. Υπήρχε τεράστια ανησυχία για τις πολιτικές εξελίξεις και την ασφάλεια τόσο στη Γάζα όσο και στο Ισραήλ, αλλά και η αναγνώριση ότι δεν υπάρχει άλλη επιλογή από το να συνεχιστεί αυτή η ανθρωπιστική υποστήριξη και, αφετέρου, να αναζητηθεί τρόπος για την υποστήριξη αυτής της αραβικής ειρηνευτικής πρωτοβουλίας.
Ακόμα και σε αυτή την πολύ ευαίσθητη και δύσκολη χρονική συγκυρία, πιστεύουμε ότι υπάρχουν ακόμα λόγοι για ελπίδα, διότι η ισραηλινή πρωτοβουλία είναι μια μοναδική ευκαιρία για μια ολοκληρωμένη λύση. Ξέρουμε ότι και οι Αιγύπτιοι προσπαθούν να μεσολαβήσουν για κατάπαυση του πυρός με όλες τις παλαιστινιακές φατρίες. Η συμμετοχή των ΗΠΑ, ειδικά η συμμετοχή της Κοντολίζα Ράις, είναι ιδιαίτερα πολύτιμη αυτή τη δύσκολη στιγμή. Η Προεδρία της ΕΕ είναι επίσης πολύ αφοσιωμένη στον σκοπό της. Το Κουαρτέτο τα πήγε ακριβώς όπως είπε ο κ. Σολάνα, νομίζω ότι ήταν μια πολύ καλή συνεδρίαση και υπάρχει η ιδέα τόσο για το διμερές όσο και για το περιφερειακό τμήμα. Ας ελπίσουμε ότι η συνεδρίαση θα λάβει χώρα στην Αίγυπτο με τους συνομιλητές του Αραβικού Συνδέσμου και ας ελπίσουμε επίσης και με τις δύο πλευρές.
Πριν από δύο μέρες, μίλησα με τον ιορδανό Υπουργό Εξωτερικών, κ. Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, ο οποίος προγραμματίζει, με τον αιγύπτιο ομόλογό του, να επισκεφθεί το Ισραήλ πριν τη συνάντηση του Αραβικού Συνδέσμου με το Κουαρτέτο στα τέλη Ιουνίου. Ελπίζουμε ότι αυτό θα βοηθήσει να εμπλακεί περαιτέρω το Ισραήλ και θα το ενθαρρύνει να ανταποκριθεί θετικά στην αραβική ειρηνευτική πρωτοβουλία.
Την περασμένη εβδομάδα συμμετείχα επίσης σε ένα συνέδριο στη Βιέννη για τον ρόλο των γυναικών ηγετών ως συνεισφέρουσες στην ειρήνη και την ασφάλεια στη Μέση Ανατολή. Διακεκριμένες γυναίκες, όπως η Τζίπι Λίβνι, η Χανάν Ασράουι, η Κοντολίζα Ράις και άλλες, συζήτησαν την ενδεχόμενη συνδρομή της κοινωνίας των πολιτών, των γυναικών στην κοινωνία, στην ειρήνη. Έστω και αν η συνδρομή είναι μικρή, ήταν η πρώτη φορά που η Τζίπι Λίβνι και η Χανάν Ασράουι διεξήγαγαν συζητήσεις στο ίδιο τραπέζι. Πρέπει να πω ότι υπήρχε πολλή αμοιβαία κατανόηση και υπήρχε ακόμα και φιλική ατμόσφαιρα. Η πρωτοβουλία αποδείχθηκε ότι ήταν άλλο ένα χρήσιμο μέρος αυτής της πολύ δύσκολης διαδικασίας. Σκοπεύω να οργανώσω μια συνάντηση παρακολούθησης στις Βρυξέλλες, ίσως το προσεχές έτος.
Εκτιμούμε ιδιαίτερα τη συμμετοχή του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου: την επίσκεψη της αντιπροσωπείας του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου για τις σχέσεις με το παλαιστινιακό νομοθετικό συμβούλιο την ακολούθησε η δική σας επίσκεψη, κύριε Πρόεδρε, και η πολύ ισορροπημένη ομιλία σας στην Κνεσέτ στις 30 Μαΐου. Είναι ενθαρρυντικό ότι η ομιλία, όπως είπατε, έγινε δεκτή ευνοϊκά από την Κνεσέτ. Δεν είναι εύκολη ευκαιρία."@el10
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Señor Presidente, como todos sabemos y como el señor Solana acaba de decir, la atmósfera en la región es extremadamente tensa. Diría incluso que existe un sentimiento de desesperación. Mi director sigue allí y acaba de llamarme. Lamentablemente, la seguridad se ha deteriorado y estamos ante un círculo vicioso de violencia, particularmente en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados, en Israel y en el Líbano, como acaba de decir el señor Solana.
El pueblo palestino necesita desesperadamente una perspectiva política. Nosotros, los miembros del «Cuarteto», estamos todos de acuerdo a este respecto. Por ello debemos presionar a favor de negociaciones sobre la cuestión del estatuto definitivo, cooperando con las estructuras establecidas por la Liga Árabe. La Liga Árabe ha pedido a Israel que renuncie a ciertas medidas también relacionadas con la ocupación, por ejemplo los asentamientos y el muro de separación. Me alentó mucho la petición del Presidente Abbás a favor del final inmediato de esta violencia interna, porque los cohetes Kassam disparados desde Gaza tienen que parar de una vez por todas. El alto el fuego debe extenderse a Cisjordania. Lamento mucho que la reunión de mañana entre el Primer Ministro Olmert y el Presidente Abbás haya tenido que anularse, pero parece que hemos de aceptar que ambas partes no pudieron llegar a un acuerdo sobre el plan de Abbás para el alto el fuego, en particular sobre la vinculación del alto el fuego en Gaza con el cese de las operaciones militares en Cisjordania. Tampoco fue posible un acuerdo sobre la liberación de los ingresos por compensación palestinos retenidos por Israel hasta que se produzca la liberación del soldado secuestrado Gilad Shalit. Esperábamos que se produjese algún avance en estos temas. Los palestinos decidieron que no podían arriesgarse a celebrar esta reunión, pero por supuesto todos esperábamos que esta comportara cierto avance en el diálogo sobre el alto el fuego, la transferencia de los fondos y el movimiento de acceso.
Con respecto al Gobierno de Unidad Nacional, en mi opinión ahora no es el momento de tirar la toalla. Estoy de acuerdo en que hasta ahora no ha logrado todo lo que esperábamos, pero no existen alternativas atractivas. Si permitimos que este Gobierno se desmorone, las implicaciones para las instituciones de la Autoridad Palestina serían muy graves y a resultas de ello podrían fortalecerse grupos radicales escindidos. Creo que esto es lo último que quisiéramos que pase.
Como saben ustedes, dentro de los límites fijados por el Consejo de Ministros, la Comisión ha respondido rápidamente al Gobierno de Unidad Nacional y a las crecientes necesidades de los palestinos. Tan solo en la primera mitad de 2007 hemos comprometido 320 millones de euros de fondos comunitarios, que casi igualan el importe total de los fondos comprometidos el año pasado. Este esfuerzo excepcional demuestra que desde la formación del Gobierno de Unidad Nacional hemos aumentado nuestra ayuda de emergencia a los palestinos. Pero la situación financiera de la Autoridad Palestina es extremadamente grave, como dijo ayer Salam Fayad a mi colega. Todavía nos necesitan para continuar incluso con este mecanismo. Israel debe transferir los ingresos de compensación retenidos a la Autoridad Palestina. Por ello creo que tendremos que seguir alentándolos a hacerlo mediante el mecanismo temporal internacional o a través de la cuenta de la OLP. Hemos reiterado esta petición en la última reunión del Comité de Asociación con Israel en Jerusalén el 4 de junio. El «Cuarteto» también ha tomado nota de la importancia de la reanudación de las transferencias para mejorar las condiciones económicas y humanitarias en Cisjordania y Gaza. Como he dicho, que haya movimiento es por supuesto esencial en cualquier caso.
Desde la formación de este Gobierno de Unidad Nacional hemos estado trabajando muy estrechamente con el Ministro de Hacienda. Como la situación socioeconómica es tan desesperada, prorrogaremos el mecanismo temporal internacional hasta el 30 de septiembre y debemos buscar nuevos fondos para esta nueva prórroga. Pronto pediré al Parlamento Europeo y al Consejo que hagan otro esfuerzo por encontrar recursos adicionales en el presupuesto. Les doy las gracias por todo su apoyo en el pasado y espero que este apoyo también se nos conceda en el futuro, porque nuestra tarea prioritaria debe ser ayudar a restablecer las instituciones de la Autoridad Palestina para que entonces pueda prestar servicios al pueblo palestino. Estamos intentando pasar gradualmente a reanudar los proyectos de creación de instituciones y desarrollo y a dejar de concentrarnos tanto en la ayuda de emergencia y humanitaria, si es posible, ya que, por supuesto, la situación todavía lo exige.
Esperamos con impaciencia nuevas propuestas palestinas. Dijeron que aportarían ideas para un apoyo internacional específico. La Autoridad Palestina está elaborando actualmente un plan operativo que después podría ser una herramienta útil para identificar actividades de desarrollo, particularmente en Gaza, que nosotros pudiéramos apoyar.
También quiero decir que el déficit financiero de la Autoridad Palestina es tan grande que sería imposible que la Comunidad soporte ella sola la carga. Los Estados árabes también deben cumplir sus compromisos de ayuda al Gobierno de Unidad Nacional. Me ha animado ver que la cuenta de la OLP creada ahora ha sido utilizada al menos por Arabia Saudí, Qatar y los Emiratos Árabes Unidos. Esto ayudará, pero no es suficiente.
Si no se encaran las causas de esta desesperación, muy pronto podríamos presenciar la consolidación de grupos más radicales en toda la región. Creo que ese es el gran peligro que existe allí. En el Líbano, como acaba de decir el señor Solana, la lucha se ha ampliado a otros campos palestinos. Por ello estamos muy preocupados de que se produzca una confrontación entre las fuerzas armadas libanesas y los insurgentes islamistas. Este ha resultado ser el conflicto interno más grave desde el final de la guerra civil y ya ha costado la vida a más 100 personas.
Quiero destacar una vez más nuestro pleno apoyo al Gobierno legítimo del Líbano. Sin embargo, quiero repetir nuestra posición en el sentido de que es necesario hacer todo lo posible por evitar nuevas víctimas entre la población civil. Las organizaciones de ayuda humanitaria deben poder realizar su trabajo.
Por otra parte, también quiero expresar mi satisfacción por la adopción de la resolución 1757 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas, que asegura la creación de un tribunal especial sobre el asesinato del ex Primer Ministro libanés Rafiq Hariri. Pienso que esto permitirá los ciudadanos del Líbano afirmar el respeto de la ley y el Estado de Derecho en su país y pasar página a uno de los sucesos más trágicos de la historia reciente del Líbano.
Lamentablemente, la reunión prevista para mañana en Gaza entre el Presidente Abbás y el Primer Ministro Olmert ha sido cancelada, pero al menos los líderes del G-8 abordarán mañana la cuestión del conflicto palestino-israelí, tal como hicimos en la reunión de Ministros de Asuntos Exteriores del G-8. Había muchísima preocupación en torno a la evolución de la situación política y de seguridad en Gaza e Israel, pero también el reconocimiento de que no existe alternativa a la continuación de la ayuda humanitaria y, por otro lado, a la exploración sobre el modo de apoyar esta iniciativa de paz árabe.
Incluso en este momento delicado y difícil, creemos que todavía existen razones para la esperanza, porque la iniciativa israelí es una oportunidad única para una solución completa. Sabemos que los egipcios también están intentando concertar un alto el fuego con todas las facciones palestinas. La participación de los Estados Unidos, particularmente la participación de Condoleezza Rice, es muy útil en estos momentos difíciles. Nuestra Presidencia de la UE también interviene muy activamente. El «Cuarteto» ha hecho exactamente lo que el señor Solana ha dicho, creo que fue una reunión muy positiva y la idea es que coexistan la vía bilateral y la vía regional. Esperamos que la reunión pueda celebrarse en Egipto con interlocutores de la Liga Árabe y ojalá también con ambas partes.
Hace dos días hablé con el Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores jordano, el señor Abdel Ilah al Jatib, que, junto a su homólogo egipcio, tiene previsto visitar Israel antes de que la Liga Árabe se reúna con el «Cuarteto» a finales de junio. Esperamos que esto ayude a que convencer a Israel y le aliente a responder positivamente a la iniciativa de paz árabe.
La semana pasada también asistí a una conferencia en Viena sobre el papel de las mujeres líderes en la contribución a la paz y la seguridad en Oriente Próximo. Mujeres destacadas como Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashraui, Condoleezza Rice y otras, analizaron la posible contribución a la paz por parte de la sociedad civil y de las mujeres en la sociedad. Incluso si es una pequeña contribución, esta es la primera vez que Tzipi Livni y Hanan Ashraui debatían en la misma mesa. Debo decir que hubo mucha comprensión mutua e incluso una atmósfera amigable. La iniciativa demostró ser otra parte útil de este dificilísimo proceso. Tengo previsto organizar una especie de reunión de seguimiento en Bruselas, quizás el año que viene.
Apreciamos mucho la participación del Parlamento Europeo: la visita de la Delegación del PE para las Relaciones con el Consejo Legislativo Palestino y después su visita, señor Presidente, y su muy equilibrado discurso en la Knesset el 30 de mayo. Es alentador que el discurso, como usted ha dicho, fuera bastante bien recibido por la Knesset. No es una ocasión fácil."@es21
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@et5
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Monsieur le Président, comme nous le savons tous et comme M. Solana vient de le dire, l’atmosphère dans la région est extrêmement tendue. Je dirais même qu’elle vire au désespoir. Mon directeur y est toujours présent et il vient de m’appeler. Malheureusement, la sécurité s’est détériorée et nous assistons à un cercle vicieux de violence, en particulier dans le territoire palestinien occupé, en Israël et au Liban, comme M. Solana vient de le dire.
Le peuple palestinien a désespérément besoin d’une perspective politique. En tant que membres du quartet, nous sommes tous clairs sur ce point. C’est la raison pour laquelle nous devons faire pression en faveur de négociations sur le statut final, en coopération avec les structures mises en place par la Ligue arabe. La Ligue arabe a demandé à Israël de libérer certaines mesures aussi liées à l’occupation, par exemple les colonies et les barrières de séparation. J’ai été très encouragée par l’appel du président Abbas à la cessation immédiate de cette violence interne, parce que les tirs de roquettes Qassam depuis Gaza doivent cesser une fois pour toutes. Le cessez-le-feu doit en effet être étendu à la Cisjordanie. Je regrette profondément que la réunion de demain entre le Premier ministre Olmert et le président Abbas ait dû être annulée, mais, apparemment, nous devons réaliser que les deux parties ne parvenaient pas à se mettre d’accord sur le plan de cessez-le-feu d’Abbas, en particulier sur le lien entre le cessez-le-feu à Gaza et la cessation des opérations militaires en Cisjordanie. Aucun accord n’a été possible, ni sur le déblocage des revenus palestiniens retenus par Israël avant la libération du soldat kidnappé, Gilad Shalit. Nous avions espéré des progrès à cet égard. Les Palestiniens ont décidé qu’ils ne pouvaient pas risquer cette réunion, mais, bien entendu, nous espérions tous que des progrès auraient pu être réalisés au niveau du dialogue sur le cessez-le-feu, ainsi que sur le transfert de revenus et sur l’accès.
En ce qui concerne le gouvernement d’union nationale, ce n’est assurément pas le moment d’abandonner, selon moi. Je conviens qu’il n’a pas encore produit tous les résultats escomptés, mais il n’existe aucune autre possibilité attrayante. Si nous laissons ce gouvernement s’écrouler, les implications pour les institutions de l’Autorité palestinienne sont très graves et les groupes dissidents radicaux pourraient bien s’en trouver renforcés. Je pense que c’est la dernière chose que nous souhaitons.
Comme vous le savez, dans les limites imposées par le Conseil de ministres, la Commission a répondu rapidement au gouvernement d’union nationale et aux besoins accrus des Palestiniens. Rien que pour la première moitié de 2007, nous avons dégagé 320 millions de fonds communautaires, soit près du montant total des fonds engagés l’année dernière. Cet effort exceptionnel montre que, depuis la formation du gouvernement d’union nationale, nous avons intensifié notre aide d’urgence en faveur des Palestiniens. Il n’en demeure pas moins que la situation financière de l’Autorité palestinienne est extrêmement grave, comme Salam Fayyad l’a indiqué hier à mon collègue. Israël doit restituer les recettes qu’il retient à l’Autorité palestinienne. Je pense que nous devrons par conséquent continuer à les encourager au moyen du mécanisme international temporaire ou via le compte de l’OLP. Nous avons réitéré cette demande lors du dernier comité d’association avec Israël à Jérusalem le 4 juin. Le quartet a aussi souligné l’importance de la reprise des transferts afin d’améliorer les conditions économiques et humanitaires en Cisjordanie et à Gaza. Comme je l’ai dit, des progrès sont bien entendu essentiels dans ce cas.
Depuis la formation de ce gouvernement d’union nationale, nous travaillons en étroite collaboration avec le ministre des finances. La situation socio-économique étant à ce point désastreuse, nous prolongerons le MIT jusqu’au 30 septembre et nous devons réfléchir à des fonds frais pour ce faire. Je demanderai bientôt au Parlement européen et au Conseil de consentir encore un effort et de trouver des ressources supplémentaires dans ce budget. Je vous remercie pour tout le soutien que vous avez apporté par le passé et j’espère vraiment que cette aide nous concernera aussi à l’avenir, dès lors que notre tâche prioritaire devrait être de contribuer au rétablissement des institutions de l’Autorité palestinienne, pour qu’elle puisse fournir des services au peuple palestinien. Nous essayons de reprendre progressivement les projets de développement et de renforcement des institutions et de réduire nos efforts actuellement axés sur l’aide d’urgence et l’aide humanitaire dans la mesure du possible - bien entendu, c’est toujours une nécessité.
Nous attendons avec impatience les nouvelles propositions palestiniennes. Ils ont dit qu’ils soumettraient de nouvelles idées en vue d’une aide internationale spécifique. L’Autorité palestinienne prépare actuellement un plan opérationnel qui pourrait être utilisé ensuite comme instrument pour identifier les activités de développement que nous pourrions soutenir, notamment à Gaza.
Je voudrais dire aussi que le déficit financier de l’Autorité palestinienne est à ce point considérable qu’il est impossible que la Communauté l’assume seule. Les États arabes doivent aussi tenir leurs promesses et venir en aide au gouvernement d’union nationale. J’ai été encouragée de voir que le compte de l’OLP désormais ouvert était utilisé au moins par l’Arabie saoudite, le Qatar et les Émirats arabes unis. C’est certes une aide, mais qui ne suffira pas.
Si les causes de ce désespoir ne sont pas résolues, nous pourrions bien assister très vite à la consolidation de groupes plus radicaux dans toute la région. Je pense que c’est le principal danger. M. Solana l’a dit à l’instant, au Liban, les combats se sont désormais étendus à d’autres camps palestiniens. Nous sommes donc profondément préoccupés par les confrontations entre les forces armées libanaises et les insurgés islamistes. C’est là un des conflits internes les plus graves depuis la fin de la guerre civile et il a déjà coûté plus de 100 vies humaines.
Je tiens à souligner une fois de plus que nous soutenons pleinement le gouvernement légitime du Liban. Je tiens toutefois à réitérer notre position, à savoir que tout doit être fait pour éviter de nouvelles victimes parmi la population civile. Les secours doivent pouvoir mener à bien leur mission.
Par ailleurs, je tiens également à exprimer ma satisfaction vis-à-vis de l’adoption de la résolution 1757 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, qui garantit l’établissement d’un tribunal spécial sur l’assassinat de l’ancien Premier ministre libanais Rafiq Hariri. Je pense que cela devrait permettre au peuple libanais d’affirmer son respect envers la loi et l’État de droit dans leur pays et de tourner la page sur l’un des évènements les plus tragiques de l’histoire récente du Liban.
La réunion prévue à Gaza demain entre le président Abbas et le Premier ministre Olmert a malheureusement été annulée, mais, au moins, les dirigeants du G8 aborderont demain la question du conflit israélo-palestinien, comme nous l’avons fait à l’occasion de la réunion des ministres des affaires étrangères du G8. Il y a été question de la grande préoccupation concernant l’évolution de la situation politique et de la sécurité à la fois à Gaza et en Israël, mais aussi de la reconnaissance qu’il n’y a pas d’autre possibilité que de poursuivre l’aide humanitaire et, par ailleurs, de déterminer les moyens d’aider cette initiative arabe pour la paix.
Même en ces temps particulièrement délicats et difficiles, nous pensons qu’il y a encore lieu de garder espoir, car l’initiative israélienne est une occasion unique en vue d’une solution globale. Nous savons que les Égyptiens tentent de négocier un cessez-le-feu avec toutes les factions palestiniennes. L’engagement américain, en particulier celui de Condoleezza Rice, est très précieux en ces temps difficiles. Notre présidence européenne est elle aussi très engagée. Le quartet a agi exactement comme l’a dit M. Solana et je pense que cette réunion a été très positive et que l’idée d’une piste bilatérale et d’une piste régionale est en place. Espérons que la réunion aura lieu en Égypte avec les interlocuteurs de la Ligue arable, ainsi qu’avec les deux parties.
Il y a deux jours, j’ai parlé avec le ministre jordanien des affaires étrangères, M. Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, qui prévoit, avec son homologue égyptien, de se rendre en Israël avant la réunion de la Ligue arabe avec le quartet fin juin. Nous espérons que cette visite contribuera à renforcer l’engagement d’Israël et l’encouragera à réagir positivement à l’initiative arabe pour la paix.
La semaine dernière, j’ai aussi assisté à une conférence à Vienne sur le rôle des dirigeantes féminines en faveur de la paix et de la sécurité au Moyen-Orient. Des personnalités majeures, telles que Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice et d’autres, ont discuté de la contribution potentielle de la société civile, des femmes dans la société, à la paix. Aussi modeste que soit cette contribution, c’était la première fois que Tzipi Livni et Hanan Ashrawi discutaient à la même table. Je dois dire qu’il régnait une bonne compréhension mutuelle et une atmosphère amicale. L’initiative s’est avérée être une autre partie utile de ce processus très difficile. J’envisage d’organiser une sorte de réunion de suivi à Bruxelles, peut-être l’année prochaine.
Nous apprécions grandement la contribution du Parlement européen: la visite de la délégation du Parlement européen pour les relations avec le Conseil législatif palestinien a précédé la vôtre, Monsieur le Président, et votre discours très pondéré prononcé devant la Knesset le 30 mai. Il est encourageant que ce discours, comme vous l’avez dit, ait été plutôt bien reçu par la Knesset. Cette occasion n’était pas facile."@fr8
"Signor Presidente, come tutti sappiamo e come Javier Solana ha detto poc’anzi, l’atmosfera nella regione è estremamente tesa. Oserei dire che aleggia persino un senso di disperazione. Il mio direttore è ancora là e mi ha appena chiamata. Purtroppo le condizioni della sicurezza sono peggiorate e assistiamo a un circolo vizioso di violenza, soprattutto nel Territorio palestinese occupato, in Israele e in Libano, come Javier Solana ha affermato poc’anzi.
Il popolo palestinese necessita disperatamente di una prospettiva politica. Noi, membri del Quartetto, abbiamo tutti le idee chiare al riguardo. Per questo motivo dobbiamo insistere affinché si negozi la questione dello
definitivo, cooperando con le strutture istituite dalla Lega araba. Quest’ultima ha chiesto a Israele di revocare alcune misure legate anche all’occupazione, come ad esempio gli insediamenti e la barriera divisoria. Ho trovato molto incoraggiante l’invito del Presidente Abbas a porre immediatamente fine alle violenze interne, perché i razzi
da Gaza devono essere fermati una volta per tutte. Il cessate il fuoco va di fatto esteso alla Cisgiordania. Deploro fortemente che l’incontro di domani tra il Primo Ministro Olmert e il Presidente Abbas si sia dovuto annullare, ma evidentemente dobbiamo desumere che le due parti non sono riuscite a raggiungere un accordo sul piano di Abbas per una tregua, e soprattutto sul collegamento tra la tregua a Gaza e la cessazione delle operazioni militari in Cisgiordania. Non è stato possibile alcun accordo nemmeno sullo scongelamento delle entrate fiscali palestinesi trattenute da Israele prima della liberazione del soldato rapito Gilad Shalit. Avevamo sperato in qualche sviluppo al riguardo. I palestinesi hanno deciso di non poter rischiare l’incontro, ma naturalmente tutti avevamo sperato che questo consentisse qualche progresso in più per il dialogo sul cessate il fuoco, per il trasferimento delle entrate fiscali e per lo spostamento dei punti di accesso.
Per quanto riguarda il governo di unità nazionale, a mio avviso non è certo questo il momento di cedere al riguardo. Riconosco che non ha ancora portato a compimento tutto ciò che speravamo, ma non vi sono alternative allettanti. Se permettiamo che questo governo si sfasci, le conseguenze per le istituzioni dell’Autorità palestinese saranno molto gravi e le fazioni radicali potrebbero uscirne rafforzate, e penso che questa sia l’ultima cosa che vorremmo.
Come sapete, entro i limiti posti dal Consiglio dei ministri, la Commissione ha dato una rapida risposta al governo di unità nazionale e alle crescenti esigenze dei palestinesi. Solo nella prima metà del 2007 abbiamo stanziato 320 milioni di euro di finanziamenti comunitari, il che eguaglia quasi l’ammontare totale dei finanziamenti stanziati l’anno scorso. L’eccezionalità dello sforzo dimostra che, dalla formazione del governo di unità nazionale, abbiamo intensificato la nostra assistenza d’emergenza ai palestinesi. La situazione finanziaria dell’Autorità palestinese, tuttavia, è estremamente grave, come Salam Fayad ha detto ieri al mio collega. Necessitano ancora del nostro aiuto, anche attraverso questo meccanismo. Israele deve restituire all’Autorità palestinese le entrate fiscali trattenute. Pertanto penso si debba continuare a invitarli a farlo per il tramite del meccanismo temporaneo internazionale o attraverso il conto dell’OLP. Abbiamo ribadito la richiesta nel corso dell’ultimo comitato di associazione con Israele, tenutosi a Gerusalemme il 4 giugno. Il Quartetto ha altresì rimarcato l’importanza dei trasferimenti per migliorare le condizioni economiche e umanitarie in Cisgiordania e a Gaza. Come ho già detto, la circolazione è senza dubbio fondamentale in ogni caso.
Fin dalla formazione del governo di unità nazionale abbiamo lavorato a stretto contatto con il ministro delle Finanze. Vista la spaventosa situazione socioeconomica, prorogheremo il MTI fino al 30 settembre e dovremo cercare nuovi fondi per questo periodo di proroga. Presto chiederò al Parlamento europeo e al Consiglio di compiere un ulteriore sforzo per trovare risorse supplementari nel bilancio. Vi ringrazio per tutto ciò che avete dato in passato a titolo di sostegno e spero che tale sostegno venga esteso anche a noi in futuro, perché il nostro compito prioritario dev’essere quello di aiutare a ripristinare le istituzioni dell’Autorità palestinese, in modo che possa in seguito fornire servizi ai cittadini palestinesi. Stiamo tentando di avvicinarci per gradi alla ripresa dell’attività istituzionale e dei progetti di sviluppo e di diminuire, per quanto possibile, l’attuale concentrazione sugli aiuti d’emergenza e umanitari. Naturalmente, questa condizione è ancora valida.
Attendiamo con ansia nuove proposte da parte palestinese. Ci hanno detto che avrebbero presentato idee per un supporto internazionale specifico. L’Autorità palestinese sta preparando un piano operativo che potrebbe poi rappresentare un utile strumento d’identificazione delle attività di sviluppo, soprattutto a Gaza, cui potremmo accordare il nostro sostegno.
Vorrei inoltre dire che il
finanziario dell’Autorità palestinese è talmente vasto che sarebbe impossibile per la Comunità farsene carico da sola. Anche gli Stati arabi devono rispettare l’impegno di aiutare il governo di unità nazionale. Ho trovato incoraggiante vedere che il conto dell’OLP istituito ora viene utilizzato almeno dall’Arabia Saudita, dal Qatar e dagli Emirati arabi uniti. Questo contribuirà, ma non è sufficiente.
Se non affrontiamo le cause di tale disperazione, molto presto potremmo assistere al consolidamento di gruppi più radicali in tutta la regione. A mio avviso questo è il pericolo più grave in quelle aree. In Libano, come ha appena detto Javier Solana, i combattimenti si sono ora allargati ad altri campi palestinesi. Nutriamo pertanto profonda preoccupazione per gli scontri tra le forze armate libanesi e i ribelli islamisti. Questo si è rivelato il più grave conflitto interno dalla fine della guerra civile ed è già costato la vita a 100 000 persone.
Vorrei riaffermare ancora una volta il nostro pieno sostegno al legittimo governo del Libano. Vorrei tuttavia ribadire la nostra posizione secondo la quale occorre fare tutto il possibile per evitare ulteriori vittime tra la popolazione civile. Le agenzie di soccorso devono essere in grado di svolgere il proprio lavoro.
D’altra parte, vorrei anche esprimere la mia soddisfazione per l’adozione della risoluzione n. 1757 del Consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite, che assicura l’istituzione di un tribunale speciale per l’assassinio dell’ex Primo Ministro libanese Rafiq Hariri. A mio parere, questo permetterà ai cittadini del Libano di affermare il rispetto della legge e dello Stato di diritto nel loro paese e di voltare pagina per quanto concerne uno degli eventi più tragici della recente storia libanese.
Purtroppo l’incontro in programma per domani a Gaza tra il Presidente Abbas e il Primo Ministro Olmert è stato annullato, ma almeno domani i
del G8 affronteranno la questione del conflitto israelo-palestinese, come abbiamo fatto in seno al
dei ministri degli Esteri del G8. Si è manifestata la massima preoccupazione per gli sviluppi sul piano politico e della sicurezza sia a Gaza che in Israele, ma si è anche riconosciuto che non vi è alternativa al proseguimento di questo supporto umanitario né, dall’altro lato, a valutare come sostenere questa iniziativa di pace araba.
Anche in questo momento tanto delicato e difficile crediamo vi sia ancora motivo di speranza, perché l’iniziativa israeliana è un’opportunità unica per una soluzione estesa. Sappiamo che anche gli egiziani stanno tentando di negoziare una tregua con tutte le fazioni palestinesi. La partecipazione americana, e in particolare di Condoleezza Rice, è molto preziosa in questo momento di difficoltà. Anche la nostra Presidenza dell’Unione è molto impegnata. Il Quartetto ha agito esattamente come ha illustrato Javier Solana; penso sia stato un ottimo incontro, in cui è emersa l’idea sia di un percorso bilaterale che di un percorso regionale. Speriamo che possa tenersi in Egitto l’incontro con gli interlocutori della Lega araba e con le due parti interessate.
Due giorni fa ho parlato con il ministro degli Esteri giordano Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, che sta organizzando, con il suo omologo egiziano, una visita in Israele prima che la Lega araba incontri il Quartetto a fine giugno. Speriamo che questo contribuisca a coinvolgere ulteriormente Israele e a incoraggiarlo a rispondere positivamente all’iniziativa di pace araba.
La settimana scorsa, a Vienna, ho altresì preso parte a una conferenza sul ruolo delle donne
nel contribuire alla pace e alla sicurezza in Medio Oriente. Donne di spicco, quali Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice e altre, hanno discusso del potenziale contributo della società civile, delle donne nella società, alla pace. Benché si tratti di un contributo modesto, è stata la prima volta che Tzipi Livni e Hanan Ashrawi hanno partecipato a un dibattito sedute allo stesso tavolo. Devo dire che vi è stata molta comprensione reciproca e persino un’atmosfera amichevole. L’iniziativa si è dimostrata un’ulteriore e utile parte di questo difficile processo. Ho in programma di organizzare una sorta di incontro di
a Bruxelles, magari l’anno prossimo.
Apprezziamo molto la partecipazione del Parlamento europeo: alla visita della delegazione parlamentare per le relazioni con il Consiglio legislativo palestinese hanno fatto seguito la sua visita, signor Presidente, e il suo discorso molto equilibrato in seno alla
il 30 maggio. E’ incoraggiante che il discorso, come lei ha affermato, abbia ricevuto un’accoglienza piuttosto buona da parte della
. Si tratta di un’opportunità non facile."@it12
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@lt14
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@lv13
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@mt15
"Mijnheer de Voorzitter, zoals wij allen weten, en zoals zojuist ook nog een keer door de heer Solana is benadrukt, is de sfeer in de regio extreem gespannen. Ik zou zelfs willen zeggen dat er een gevoel van wanhoop valt te bespeuren. Mijn directeur verblijft nog steeds in de regio en heeft me zojuist nog gebeld. Helaas wordt de situatie steeds onveiliger en is er sprake van een vicieuze cirkel van geweld, met name in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden, in Israël en in Libanon. Ook de heer Solana gaf dat net al aan.
De Palestijnse bevolking heeft dringend een politiek perspectief nodig. De leden van het Kwartet zijn zich daar zeer goed van bewust. Daarom moeten wij blijven aandringen op onderhandelingen over de definitieve status, waarbij wij gebruik kunnen maken van de structuren die de Arabische Liga heeft opgezet. De Arabische Liga heeft Israël verzocht om een aantal maatregelen te beëindigen die verband houden met de bezetting, zoals de blokkades van de nederzettingen en rondom het demarcatiegebied. Ik was aangenaam verrast door de oproep van president Abbas om dit interne geweld met onmiddellijke ingang te beëindigen. Hij vindt het de hoogste tijd dat de beschietingen met Qassam-rakketten vanuit Gaza nu voor eens en voor altijd afgelopen zijn. Het staakt-het-vuren moet inderdaad ook uitgebreid worden tot de Westelijke Jordaanoever. Ik betreur het nogmaals ten zeerste dat de bijeenkomst van morgen tussen minister-president Olmert en president Abbas is afgelast Wij moeten hieruit kennelijk afleiden dat beide partijen geen overeenstemming konden bereiken over het plan van president Abbas voor een staakt-het-vuren, met name met betrekking tot een koppeling van een staakt-het-vuren in Gaza aan het stopzetten van de militaire operaties op de Westelijke Jordaanoever. Er is ook geen overeenstemming bereikt over het vrijgeven van de Palestijnse inkomsten uit belasting- en douaneheffingen die door Israël zijn ingehouden in de periode voorafgaand aan de vrijlating van de ontvoerde soldaat Gilad Shalit. Wij hadden gehoopt dat er op dit punt enige vooruitgang geboekt zou worden. De Palestijnen hebben besloten dat zij het risico van deze bijeenkomst niet wilden lopen. Uiteraard hoopten wij allemaal dat die bijeenkomst een opstap zou zijn naar enige vooruitgang in de dialoog over het staakt-het-vuren en op het gebied van het vrijgeven van de belasting- en douaneheffingen en het opheffen van de beperkingen op de bewegingsvrijheid.
Wat de regering van nationale eenheid betreft, is het volgens mij geen goed idee om onze steun daaraan op dit moment in te trekken. Ik ben het ermee eens dat die regering nog niet alles heeft bewerkstelligd waar wij op gehoopt hadden, maar er zijn nu eenmaal geen aantrekkelijke alternatieven. Als wij toestaan dat deze regering uit elkaar valt, heeft dat ernstige gevolgen voor de institutionele capaciteit van de Palestijnse Autoriteit, waardoor de positie van radicale splintergroeperingen sterker zou kunnen worden. Naar mijn idee is dat het laatste wat wij willen.
Zoals u weet, heeft de Commissie - met inachtneming van de beperkingen zoals opgelegd door de Raad - snel gereageerd op de benoeming van een regering van nationale eenheid en op de grotere behoefte aan steun van de Palestijnen. Alleen al in de eerste helft van 2007 hebben wij 320 miljoen euro aan communautaire fondsen toegezegd. Dat is vrijwel gelijk aan het totale bedrag dat wij in 2006 beschikbaar hebben gesteld. Uit deze uitzonderlijke inspanning blijkt dat wij meer noodhulp aan de Palestijnen hebben verstrekt sinds de formatie van de regering van nationale eenheid. De financiële situatie van de Palestijnse Autoriteit is echter deplorabel, vertelde Salam Fayyad gisteren aan een van mijn collega’s. Zij hebben onze steun nog steeds nodig, zelfs nu dit tijdelijke internationale mechanisme (TIM) operationeel is. Israël dient de achtergehouden belasting- en douaneheffingen vrij te geven aan de Palestijnse Autoriteit. Wij zullen Israël aansporen om dat te doen via het TIM of via de PLO-rekening. Wij hebben dit verzoek ook overgebracht in het kader van het laatste Associatiecomité met Israël op 4 juni in Jeruzalem. Ook het Kwartet heeft gewezen op de noodzaak van een hervatting van de overdracht van die heffingen om de economische en humanitaire omstandigheden op de Westelijke Jordaanoever en in Gaza te verbeteren. Zoals gezegd is het sowieso belangrijk dat er vooruitgang wordt geboekt.
Sinds de vorming van de regering van nationale eenheid werken wij zeer nauw samen met de minister van Financiën. Gezien de zeer trieste sociaaleconomische situatie zullen wij het TIM tot 30 september verlengen. Wij zullen dan wel nieuwe financiële middelen daarvoor moeten vinden. Ik zal het Europees Parlement en de Raad binnenkort vragen om nog een keer een extra inspanning te leveren om de benodigde financiële middelen in de begroting vrij te maken. Ik dank u voor alle steun die u in het verleden heeft gegeven en hoop dat wij ook in de toekomst op die steun mogen rekenen. Onze voornaamste taak daarbij dient het herstel van de instellingen van de Palestijnse Autoriteit te zijn, zodat deze weer de benodigde diensten aan het Palestijnse volk kan leveren. Wij proberen ook om de aandacht geleidelijk te verleggen van de huidige nadruk op nood- en humanitaire hulp naar de opbouw van de instellingen en ontwikkelingsprojecten. Ook als wij daarin slagen, moeten wij uiteraard nog steeds een oplossing voor de huidige crisissituatie vinden.
Wij zien uit naar nieuwe Palestijnse voorstellen. Zij hebben toegezegd dat zij met ideeën zullen komen voor specifieke internationale steun. De Palestijnse Autoriteit is op dit moment bezig met het opstellen van een operationeel plan dat vervolgens als een nuttig instrument gebruikt zou kunnen worden om nieuwe ontwikkelingsactiviteiten in kaart te brengen, waaraan wij onze steun kunnen geven, met name in Gaza.
Ik wil ook graag opmerken dat het begrotingstekort van de Palestijnse Autoriteit zodanig groot is dat de Gemeenschap deze last onmogelijk alleen kan dragen. De Arabische landen zullen hun toezeggingen om de regering van nationale eenheid te helpen ook gestand moeten doen. In dat verband is het een goede zaak dat de PLO-rekening die nu geopend is, in ieder geval ook gebruikt wordt door Saoedi-Arabië, Qatar en de Verenigde Arabische Emiraten. Dat is een eerste stap, maar het is nog niet voldoende.
Indien de oorzaken van die wanhoop niet worden weggenomen, zullen wij de rol van meer radicale groeperingen in de regio wellicht zeer snel groter zien worden. Volgens mij is dat op dit moment het grote gevaar. De heer Solana zei al dat de gevechten in Libanon zich nu al tot andere Palestijnse kampen hebben uitgebreid. Wij maken ons dan ook grote zorgen en vrezen dat het niet lang zal duren voordat het conflict tussen het Libanese leger en de Islamitische opstandelingen losbarst. De situatie is inmiddels uitgegroeid tot het ernstigste interne conflict sinds het einde van de burgeroorlog, een conflict dat al aan meer dan honderd mensen het leven heeft gekost.
Ik wil nog een keer benadrukken dat de legitieme regering van Libanon op onze volledige steun kan rekenen. Ik wil echter ook ons standpunt herhalen dat alles in het werk moet worden gesteld om te voorkomen dat er nog meer slachtoffers onder de burgerbevolking vallen. De hulporganisaties moeten de mogelijkheid krijgen om hun werk te doen.
Aan de andere kant wil ik mijn tevredenheid uitdrukken over VN-resolutie nr. 1757 van de Veiligheidsraad over de oprichting van een speciaal tribunaal in verband met de moord op de voormalige minister-president Rafiq Hariri. Ik denk dat het vertrouwen van de Libanese burgers in het rechtsstelsel en de rechtstaat in hun land hierdoor weer hersteld kan worden. Hopelijk komt hiermee ook een einde aan een van de meest tragische gebeurtenissen in de recente historie van Libanon.
De bijeenkomst die morgen in Gaza zou worden gehouden tussen president Abbas en minister-president Olmert, is helaas afgelast. De leiders van de G8 zullen zich in ieder geval morgen wel over het Palestijns-Israëlische conflict buigen, net zoals dat ook al is gebeurd tijdens de bijeenkomst van de ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken van de G8. Er bestaat zeer grote bezorgdheid over de ontwikkelingen in zowel Gaza als Israël op politiek gebied en op het terrein van de veiligheid. Tegelijkertijd is ook onderkend dat er geen alternatief bestaat voor het voortzetten van de humanitaire hulp enerzijds en het onderzoeken van de wijze waarop steun kan worden gegeven aan dit Arabische vredesinitiatief anderzijds.
Zelfs in deze zeer penibele en problematische periode is er echter nog steeds hoop, omdat het Israëlische initiatief een unieke mogelijkheid biedt voor een veelomvattende oplossing. Wij weten dat ook de Egyptenaren trachten om een staakt-het-vuren tot stand te brengen met alle Palestijnse groeperingen. In deze moeilijke tijden is de betrokkenheid van de Verenigde Staten, en met name van Condoleezza Rice, bijzonder waardevol. Het voorzitterschap van de EU is ook vastbesloten om een oplossing te bewerkstelligen. De heer Solana heeft exact beschreven wat het Kwartet heeft gedaan. Naar mijn idee was het een goede bijeenkomst en ligt er nu een voorstel om zowel een bilateraal als regionaal traject te bewandelen. Ik hoop dat de bijeenkomst in Egypte gehouden kan worden, in aanwezigheid van vertegenwoordigers van de Arabische Liga en, naar ik hoop, ook van de beide conflicterende partijen.
Ik heb twee dagen geleden met de Jordaanse minister van Buitenlandse Zaken gesproken, de heer Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib. Hij is voornemens om samen met zijn Egyptische collega een bezoek aan Israël te brengen, voordat eind juni de bijeenkomst tussen de Arabische Liga en het Kwartet plaatsvindt. Wij hopen dat de betrokkenheid van Israël hierdoor wordt vergroot en dat het land daardoor gestimuleerd wordt om positief op het Arabische vredesinitiatief te reageren.
Ik heb vorige week ook een conferentie in Wenen bijgewoond over de bijdrage die vrouwelijke leiders kunnen leveren aan de vrede en veiligheid in het Midden-Oosten. Op deze conferentie is de mogelijke bijdrage besproken die maatschappelijke organisaties, vrouwen in de samenleving, aan de vrede kunnen leveren. Daarbij waren vooraanstaande vrouwen aanwezig als Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice en anderen. Een klein, maar veelzeggend positief aspect was dat dit de eerste keer was dat Tzipi Livni en Hanan Ashrawi aan dezelfde tafel een discussie voerden. Ik moet zeggen dat er sprake was van een groot wederzijds begrip en zelfs van een vriendschappelijke atmosfeer. Dit initiatief is ook weer een zeer nuttig stukje gebleken van de zeer moeilijke vredespuzzel. Ik ben van plan om wellicht volgend jaar een soort follow-upbijeenkomst in Brussel te houden.
Wij hebben grote waardering voor de inspanningen van het Europees Parlement: het bezoek van de delegatie van het Europees Parlement voor de betrekkingen met de Palestijnse Wetgevende Raad, gevolgd door uw bezoek, mijnheer de Voorzitter, en uw zeer evenwichtige toespraak in de Knesset op 30 mei. Het is bemoedigend dat uw toespraak goed door de Knesset is ontvangen, zoals u zelf al aangaf. Dat was geen gemakkelijke opgave."@nl3
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@pl16
"Senhor Presidente, como todos sabemos e Javier Solana acaba de dizer, a atmosfera na região é extremamente tensa. Diria mesmo que existe um sentimento de desespero. O director dos meus serviços está no local e acaba de me telefonar. Infelizmente, a segurança deteriorou-se, e estamos a assistir a um ciclo vicioso de violência, especialmente nos Territórios Palestinianos Ocupados, em Israel e no Líbano, como Javier Solana acaba de referir.
O povo palestiniano precisa desesperadamente de uma perspectiva política. Nós, membros do Quarteto, estamos plenamente cientes disso. Por isso, deveremos exercer pressões com vista a negociações sobre o estatuto final, cooperando com as estruturas criadas pela Liga Árabe. A Liga Árabe solicitou a Israel que avance com algumas medidas relacionadas, também, com a ocupação, por exemplo sobre a questão dos colonatos e o muro de separação. Considerei muito encorajador o apelo do Presidente Mahmoud Abbas ao fim imediato desta violência interna, porque é preciso pôr fim, de uma vez por todas, aos foguetes Qassam disparados a partir de Gaza. O cessar-fogo deveria, na verdade, ser alargado à Cisjordânia. Lamento muito que a reunião de amanhã entre o Primeiro-Ministro Ehud Olmert e o Presidente Mahmoud Abbas tivesse de ser cancelada, mas, aparentemente, temos de ter consciência de que ambas as partes não conseguiram chegar a acordo quanto ao plano de Mahmoud Abbas para um cessar-fogo e, em particular, quanto à ligação entre o cessar-fogo em Gaza e a cessação das operações militares na Cisjordânia. Também não foi possível qualquer acordo quanto ao descongelamento das receitas fiscais palestinianas retidas por Israel, antes da libertação do soldado Gilad Shalit raptado. Esperávamos algum progresso a este respeito. Os palestinianos decidiram que não poderiam arriscar-se a esta reunião, mas evidentemente que todos esperávamos que a mesma pudesse contribuir, de alguma forma, para o diálogo sobre o cessar-fogo, a transferência de receitas e as possibilidades de acesso.
No que se refere ao Governo de Unidade Nacional, a meu ver, este não é seguramente o momento para deixar de o apoiar. Posso concordar que este não cumpriu ainda tudo o que esperávamos, mas não existem alternativas atractivas. Se permitirmos que este Governo se desmorone, as implicações para as Instituições da Autoridade Palestiniana serão de extrema gravidade, sendo possível que, como consequência, sejam fomentados grupos radicais dissidentes. Penso que esse é o último resultado que pretendemos.
Como sabem, a Comissão respondeu rapidamente, dentro dos limites estabelecidos pelo Conselho de Ministros, ao Governo de Unidade Nacional e ao agravamento das necessidades dos palestinianos. Só no primeiro semestre de 2007, concedemos 320 milhões de euros em fundos comunitários, o que equivale praticamente ao volume total de fundos atribuídos no ano passado. Este esforço excepcional mostra que, desde a formação do Governo de Unidade Nacional, acelerámos a nossa ajuda de emergência aos palestinianos. A situação financeira da Autoridade Palestiniana é extremamente grave, como Salam Fayyad confirmou ontem ao meu colega. Precisam que mantenhamos essa ajuda, mesmo através deste mecanismo. É preciso que Israel liberte as receitas fiscais retidas para a Autoridade Palestiniana. Penso que precisamos agora de continuar a encorajar a que isso seja feito através do Mecanismo Temporário Internacional (MTI) ou da conta da OLP. Reiterámos este pedido na última reunião do Comité de Associação com Israel, em Jerusalém, em 4 de Junho. O Quarteto fez igualmente notar a importância do reinício das transferências, com vista a melhorar as condições económicas e humanitárias na Cisjordânia e em Gaza. Como disse, seja como for, a circulação é essencial.
Temos vido a trabalhar de muito perto, desde a formação deste Governo de Unidade Nacional, com o Ministro das Finanças. Tendo em conta a extrema gravidade da situação socio-económica, estenderemos o MTI até 30 de Setembro, e teremos de procurar novos fundos para o poder fazer. Solicitarei, em breve, ao Parlamento Europeu e ao Conselho que façam um novo esforço para encontrar recursos suplementares no quadro do orçamento. Agradeço todo o apoio que deram no passado e espero que esse apoio prossiga também de futuro, porque a nossa prioridade deverá ser ajudar a restaurar as Instituições da Autoridade Palestiniana para que possam proporcionar os serviços que são devidos ao povo palestiniano. Estamos a tentar avançar gradualmente para a retoma da construção das instituições e dos projectos de desenvolvimento e a diminuir a actual concentração na ajuda humanitária e de emergência, se isso for possível – evidentemente que ainda é preciso colocar essa condição.
Aguardamos com expectativa novas propostas palestinianas. Os palestinianos afirmaram que apresentariam ideias para um apoio internacional específico. A Autoridade Palestiniana está actualmente a preparar um plano operacional que poderá, então, ser um instrumento útil para identificar actividades de desenvolvimento que possamos apoiar, especialmente em Gaza.
Gostaria ainda de dizer que o défice financeiro da Autoridade Palestiniana é de tal ordem que seria impossível à Comunidade suportar sozinha esse esforço. Os Estados árabes terão também de cumprir os seus compromissos em matéria de ajuda ao Governo de Unidade Nacional. Entusiasmou-me saber que a conta da OLP, agora criada, foi usada, pelo menos, pela Arábia Saudita, o Qatar e os Emirados Árabes Unidos. É uma ajuda, mas não será suficiente.
Se não se enfrentarem as causas deste desespero, é muito possível que, muito em breve, vejamos surgir mais grupos radicais em toda a região. Este é, penso, o maior perigo no terreno. No Líbano, como Javier Solana acaba de dizer, os confrontos espalharam-se agora a outros campos palestinianos. Estamos, por isso, profundamente preocupados perante a existência de confrontos entre as forças armadas libanesas e os insurgentes islamitas. Este transformou-se no mais grave conflito interno desde o final da guerra civil, tendo custado já mais de 100 vidas humanas.
Gostaria de salientar, uma vez mais, o nosso total apoio ao Governo legítimo do Líbano. No entanto, gostaria de reiterar a nossa posição, a saber, que deverá ser feito o possível para evitar mais mortes entre a população civil. É preciso que as agências humanitárias possam desempenhar o seu trabalho.
Por outro lado, gostaria também de manifestar a minha satisfação com a aprovação da Resolução nº 1757 do Conselho de Segurança da ONU, que garante a criação de um tribunal especial sobre o assassinato do antigo Primeiro-Ministro libanês Rafiq Hariri. Penso que isso permitirá à população libanesa afirmar o respeito pela lei e o Estado de direito no seu país e virar a página sobre um dos mais trágicos acontecimentos na história recente do seu país.
A reunião que deveria ter lugar em Gaza, amanhã, entre o Presidente Mahmoud Abbas e o Primeiro-Ministro Ehud Olmert foi, infelizmente, cancelada, mas, pelo menos, os líderes do G8 abordarão amanhã a questão do conflito israelo-palestiniano, como fizemos na reunião dos Ministros dos Negócios Estrangeiros do G8. Fazia sentir-se a maior preocupação quanto à evolução política e da segurança em Gaza e em Israel, mas registava-se igualmente o reconhecimento, por um lado, da inexistência de alternativas à prossecução deste apoio humanitário e, por outro lado, da necessidade de estudar a forma de apoiar esta iniciativa árabe para a paz.
Mesmo numa altura tão delicada e difícil, continuamos a acreditar existir motivos para ter esperança, porque a iniciativa israelita constitui uma oportunidade única para uma solução abrangente. Sabemos que também os egípcios estão a tentar mediar um cessar-fogo com todas as facções palestinianas. O envolvimento dos EUA, especialmente o envolvimento de Condoleezza Rice, é extremamente bem-vindo neste momento difícil. A Presidência da UE está também muito empenhada. O Quarteto fez exactamente aquilo que Javier Solana afirmou. Penso que se tratou de uma reunião muito positiva, sendo que a ideia é seguir ambas as vias, a bilateral e a regional. Esperemos que a reunião possa desenrolar-se no Egipto com a Liga Árabe e, esperemos, com ambas as partes.
Há dois dias, falei com o Ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros Jordano, Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, que prevê, juntamente com o seu homólogo egípcio, visitar Israel antes da reunião da Liga Árabe com o Quarteto em finais de Junho. Esperemos que isso ajude a envolver mais Israel e a encorajar o país a responder de forma positiva à iniciativa de paz árabe.
Na semana passada, participei também numa conferência em Viena sobre o contributo das líderes femininas para a paz e a segurança no Médio Oriente. Mulheres de renome como Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice e outras discutiram o potencial contributo da sociedade civil e da actuação das mulheres na sociedade para a paz. Ainda que seja um contributo pequeno, foi a primeira vez que Tzipi Livni e Hanan Ashrawi mantiveram um debate à mesma mesa. Devo dizer que houve bastante entendimento mútuo e que se registou mesmo uma atmosfera amistosa. A iniciativa provou ser mais um elemento útil para este difícil processo. Pretendo organizar uma espécie de reunião de seguimento em Bruxelas, talvez no próximo ano.
Apreciamos muito o envolvimento do Parlamento Europeu: a visita da Delegação do PE para as relações com o Conselho Legislativo da Palestina foi seguida da sua visita, Senhor Presidente, e pelo seu discurso extremamente equilibrado no Knesset, em 30 de Maio. É encorajador que esse discurso, como disse, tenha sido bastante bem recebido no Knesset. Não foi uma oportunidade fácil."@pt17
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@ro18
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@sk19
"Mr President, as we all know and as Mr Solana has just said, the atmosphere in the region is extremely tense. I would even say that there is even a sense of despair. My director is still there and he has just called me. Unfortunately, security has deteriorated and we are witnessing a vicious circle of violence, particularly in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in Israel and in Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said.
The Palestinian people desperately need a political perspective. We, the members of the Quartet, are all clear on that. This is why we must press for negotiations on a final status issue, cooperating with the structures set up by the Arab League. The Arab League asked Israel to free certain measures also related to the occupation, for instance the settlements and the separation barrier. I was very encouraged by President Abbas’s call for an immediate end to this internal violence, because Qassam rockets from Gaza have to stop once and for all. The ceasefire should indeed be extended to the West Bank. I very much regret that tomorrow’s meeting between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas had to be cancelled, but we apparently have to realise that the two sides could not reach agreement on Abbas’s plan for a ceasefire, in particular on linking the ceasefire in Gaza with the cessation of military operations in the West Bank. No agreement was possible, either, on unfreezing Palestinian clearance revenues withheld by Israel before the release of the kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit. We had hoped for some movement on this. The Palestinians decided that they could not risk this meeting, but of course we had all hoped that this would give a little more progress on the dialogue on the ceasefire, progress on the transfer of revenues and on movement of access.
Regarding the National Unity Government, in my opinion now is certainly not the time to give up on it. I can agree that it has not yet delivered everything we were hoping for, but there are no attractive alternatives. If we allow this Government to crumble, the implications for the institutions of the Palestinian Authority are very grave and radical splinter groups may be strengthened as a result. I think this is the last result we would want.
As you know, within the limits set by the Council of Ministers, the Commission has responded quickly to the National Unity Government and to the increased needs of the Palestinians. In the first half of 2007 alone, we committed EUR 320 million of Community funds, which almost equals the total amount of funds committed last year. This exceptional effort shows that, since the formation of the National Unity Government, we have stepped up our emergency assistance to the Palestinians. But the financial situation of the Palestinian Authority is extremely grave, as Salam Fayyad told my colleague yesterday. They still need us to go on even with this mechanism. Israel must release the withheld clearance revenue to the Palestinian Authority. I think we therefore will have to go on encouraging them to do so via the temporary international mechanism or through the PLO account. We reiterated this request at the last Association Committee with Israel in Jerusalem on 4 June. The Quartet has also noted the importance of the resumption of transfers to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. As I said, movement is of course essential in any case.
Since the formation of this National Unity Government, we have been working very closely with the Minister of Finance. Because the socio-economic situation is so dire, we will extend the TIM until 30 September and we must look for fresh funds for this new extension. I will soon ask the European Parliament and the Council to make another effort and to find additional resources in the budget. I thank you for whatever you have given as support in the past and do hope that this support will also be extended to us in the future, because our priority task should be to help restore the institutions of the Palestinian authority so that it can then deliver services to the Palestinian people. We are trying gradually to shift towards a resumption of institution-building and development projects, and to decrease our current concentration on emergency and humanitarian aid if we can do so – of course, this condition is still there.
We look forward to new Palestinian proposals. They said they would come up with ideas for specific international support. The Palestinian Authority is currently preparing an operational plan which could then be a useful tool for identifying development activities, particularly in Gaza, that we could support.
I would also like to say that the financial deficit of the Palestinian Authority is so large that it would be impossible for the Community to shoulder the burden alone. Arab States also have to deliver on their commitments to help the National Unity Government. I was encouraged to see that the PLO account established now was at least used by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. This will help but it is not sufficient.
If the causes of this despair are not addressed, we may very soon witness the consolidation of more radical groups throughout the region. I think this is the great danger there. In Lebanon, as Mr Solana has just said, fighting has now spread to other Palestinian camps. We are therefore deeply concerned that the confrontation between the Lebanese armed forces and the Islamist insurgents is there. This has turned out to be the most serious internal conflict since the end of the civil war and has already cost over 100 human lives.
I would like to stress once again our full support for the legitimate government of Lebanon. I would, however, repeat our position that everything possible has to be done to avoid further casualties among the civilian population. The relief agencies must be able to carry out their work.
On the other hand, I would also like to express my satisfaction with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1757, which secures the establishment of a special tribunal on the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. I think this will allow the people of Lebanon to affirm respect for the law and the rule of law in their country and to turn a page on one of the most tragic events in Lebanon’s recent history.
The meeting due to take place in Gaza tomorrow between President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert has unfortunately been cancelled, but at least the leaders of the G8 will tomorrow be tackling the issue of the Palestine-Israeli conflict, as we did at the G8 Foreign Ministers’ meeting. There was the greatest concern about the political and security developments both in Gaza and in Israel, but also recognition that there is no alternative to continuing this humanitarian support and, on the other hand, to exploring how to support this Arab peace initiative.
Even at this very delicate and difficult time, we believe that there is still some reason for hope, because the Israeli initiative is a unique opportunity for a comprehensive solution. We know that the Egyptians too are trying to broker a ceasefire with all the Palestinian factions. US involvement, particularly the involvement of Condoleezza Rice, is very valuable at this difficult time. Our EU Presidency is also very committed. The Quartet has done exactly as Mr Solana has said, I think it was a very good meeting and the idea is there for both the bilateral track and the regional track. Hopefully the meeting can come about in Egypt with Arab League interlocutors and hopefully also with the two parties.
Two days ago I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Mr Abdel Ilah Al-Khatib, who is planning, with his Egyptian counterpart, to visit Israel before the Arab League meets with the Quartet at the end of June. We hope that this will help to further engage Israel and encourage it to respond positively to the Arab peace initiative.
Last week I also attended a conference in Vienna on the role of women leaders as contributors to peace and security in the Middle East. Prominent women, such as Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice and others, discussed the potential contribution of civil society, of women in society, to peace. Even if it is a small contribution, this was the first time that Tzipi Livni and Hanan Ashrawi had held discussions at the same table. I must say that there was quite a lot of mutual understanding and there was even a friendly atmosphere. The initiative proved to be another useful part of this very difficult process. I plan to organise some sort of follow-up meeting in Brussels, perhaps next year.
We very much appreciate the European Parliament’s involvement: the visit by the EP Delegation for Relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council was followed by your visit, Mr President, and by your very balanced speech in the Knesset on 30 May. It is encouraging that the speech, as you said, was quite well received by the Knesset. This is not an easy opportunity."@sl20
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Herr talman! Som vi alla känner till, och som Javier Solana precis sa, är stämningen i regionen oerhört spänd. Jag skulle till och med säga att det finns en känsla av misströstan. Min direktör är fortfarande där, och han ringde mig precis. Tyvärr har säkerheten minskat, och vi bevittnar en ond våldscirkel, särskilt i det ockuperade palestinska området, i Israel och i Libanon, som Javier Solana nyss sa.
Det palestinska folket behöver desperat ett politiskt perspektiv. Vi, medlemmarna av kvartetten, är alla tydliga på den punkten. Det är därför som vi måste driva på förhandlingarna om en fråga om slutlig status, i samarbete med de strukturer som fastställts av Arabförbundet. Arabförbundet bad Israel att upphäva vissa åtgärder som hör samman med ockupationen, till exempel bosättningarna och separationsbarriären. Jag blev mycket uppmuntrad av president Abbas uppmaning till ett omedelbart slut på detta interna våld, eftersom man måste upphöra med Qassamraketer från Gaza en gång för alla. Eldupphöret borde verkligen utsträckas till Västbanken. Jag beklagar kraftigt att morgondagens möte mellan premiärminister Ehud Olmert och president Mahmoud Abbas måste ställas in, men vi måste tydligen inse att de två sidorna inte kunde nå en överenskommelse om Abbas plan för eldupphör, i synnerhet när det gäller att knyta samman eldupphör i Gaza med upphörande av militär verksamhet på Västbanken. Det var inte heller möjligt att nå någon överenskommelse om att släppa de palestinska intäkterna från uppbörd av mervärdesskatt och tullar som frusits av Israel innan den kidnappade soldaten Gilad Shalit släpps. Vi hade hoppats på några framsteg när det gällde detta. Palestinierna beslutade att de inte kunde riskera detta möte, men vi hade naturligtvis alla hoppats att detta skulle ha lett till några fler framsteg när det gällde dialogen om eldupphör, framsteg i fråga om överföring av intäkter och i fråga om rörlighet och tillträde.
När det gäller den nationella enhetsregeringen är det enligt min mening inte dags att ge upp den. Jag kan instämma i att den inte ännu har skapat alla de resultat som vi hoppades på, men det finns inga attraktiva alternativ. Om vi låter denna regering falla sönder blir konsekvenserna för institutionerna i den palestinska myndigheten mycket allvarliga och radikala splittrande grupper kan bli stärkta till följd därav. Jag tror att det är det sista som vi vill uppleva.
Som ni känner till har kommissionen, inom de gränser som Europeiska rådet har fastställt, reagerat snabbt på den nationella enhetsregeringens och palestiniernas ökade behov. Vi anslog 320 miljoner euro av gemenskapens medel under enbart det första halvåret 2007, vilket nästan motsvarar den totala pengasumman som anslogs förra året. Denna utomordentliga ansträngning visar att vi har trappat upp vårt katastrofbistånd till palestinierna sedan bildandet av den nationella enhetsregeringen. Men den ekonomiska situationen för den palestinska myndigheten är allvarlig, som Salam Fayyad talade om för mina kolleger i går. De behöver oss fortfarande, till och med för att gå vidare med denna mekanism. Israel måste frigöra de frusna intäkterna från tullar och skatter till de palestinska myndigheterna. Jag anser därför att vi måste fortsätta att uppmuntra dem att göra så genom den tillfälliga internationella mekanismen eller genom PLO-kontot. Vi upprepade denna begäran vid den senaste mötet med associeringskommittén med Israel i Jerusalem den 4 juni. Kvartetten har också noterat vikten av att återuppta överföringar för att förbättra ekonomiska och humanitära förutsättningar på Västbanken och i Gaza. Som jag sa är det naturligtvis nödvändigt med rörlighet hur som helst.
Sedan bildandet av denna nationella enhetsregering har vi samarbetat mycket nära med finansministern. Eftersom den socioekonomiska situationen är så förfärlig kommer vi att förlänga den tillfälliga internationella mekanismen fram till den 30 september, och vi måste leta efter nya medel för denna nya förlängning. Jag kommer inom kort att be Europaparlamentet och rådet att göra ytterligare en ansträngning och finna extra resurser i budgeten. Jag tackar er för allt det som ni tidigare har gett i stöd och hoppas verkligen att detta stöd också förlänas oss i framtiden, eftersom vår prioriterade uppgift borde vara att hjälpa till att återuppbygga de palestinska myndigheternas institutioner, så att de sedan kan tillhandahålla tjänster till det palestinska folket. Vi försöker gradvis att övergå till ett återupptagande av institutionsbyggande och utvecklingsprojekt samt att minska vår nuvarande koncentration på katastrofbistånd och humanitärt bistånd om vi kan – detta villkor finns naturligtvis fortfarande där.
Vi ser fram emot nya palestinska förslag. De sa att de skulle tänka ut idéer för särskilt internationellt stöd. Den palestinska myndigheten förbereder för närvarande en operativ plan som då skulle kunna vara ett användbart instrument för att fastställa utvecklingsverksamhet, särskilt i Gaza, som vi skulle kunna stödja.
Jag skulle också vilja säga att den palestinska myndighetens ekonomiska underskott är så stort att det skulle vara omöjligt för gemenskapen att på egen hand bära den bördan. Arabstaterna måste också hålla sina löften om att hjälpa den nationella enhetsregeringen. Jag blev uppmuntrad av att se att PLO-kontot som upprättats nu åtminstone används av Saudiarabien, Qatar och Förenade Arabemiraten. Detta kommer att hjälpa, men det är inte tillräckligt.
Om vi inte tar itu med orsakerna till denna misströstan kan vi mycket snart få uppleva en konsolidering av mer radikala grupper i regionen. Jag anser att den stora faran ligger i detta. I Libanon, som Javier Solana precis sa, har striderna nu spridit sig till andra palestinska läger. Vi är därför djupt oroade över de sammanstötningar mellan de libanesiska väpnade styrkorna och de islamistiska rebellerna som förekommer. Detta har visat sig vara en av de allvarligaste interna konflikterna sedan inbördeskrigets slut, och den har redan kostat över 100 människoliv.
Jag skulle än en gång vilja betona vårt fulla stöd för den legitima regeringen i Libanon. Men jag skulle vilja upprepa vår ståndpunkt att allt som kan måste göras för att undvika ytterligare döda och sårade bland civilbefolkningen. Hjälporganisationerna måste ha möjlighet att utföra sitt arbete.
Å andra sidan skulle jag också vilja uttrycka min tillfredställelse när det gäller antagandet av FN:s säkerhetsråds resolution 1757, som säkerställer upprättandet av en särskild domstol för mordet på Libanons dåvarande premiärminister Rafiq Hariri. Jag anser att detta kommer att möjliggöra för folket i Libanon att visa respekt för lagen och rättsstatsprincipen i deras land och att gå vidare när det gäller en av de mest tragiska händelserna i Libanons senare historia.
Det möte som skulle ha ägt rum mellan president Mahmoud Abbas och premiärminister Ehud Olmert i Gaza i morgon har tyvärr ställts in, men ledarna för G8 kommer åtminstone att ta itu med frågan om konflikten mellan Palestina och Israel i morgon, som vi gjorde vid mötet mellan G8-ländernas utrikesministrar. Det rådde mycket stor oro för den politiska och säkerhetsmässiga utvecklingen i både Gaza och Israel, men man erkände också att det inte finns något alternativ till att fortsätta med detta humanitära stöd och, å andra sidan, att upptäcka hur detta arabiska fredsinitiativ ska stödjas.
Även vid denna mycket delikata och svåra tidpunkt anser vi att det fortfarande finns skäl att hoppas, eftersom det israeliska initiativet är ett unikt tillfälle till en övergripande lösning. Vi känner till att även egyptierna försöker mäkla eldupphör med alla de palestinska fraktionerna. USA:s engagemang, särskilt Condoleezza Rices engagemang, är mycket värdefullt vid denna svåra tidpunkt. Vårt ordförandeskap för EU är också mycket engagerat. Kvartetten har gjort exakt som Javier Solana har sagt. Jag anser att det var ett mycket bra möte, och idén om både den bilaterala strategin och den regionala strategin finns där. Förhoppningsvis kan mötet bli av i Egypten med Arabförbundets samtalspartner och förhoppningsvis med de två parterna också.
För två dagar sedan talade jag med Jordaniens utrikesminister, Abdul Ilah al-Khatib, som tillsammans med sin egyptiska motsvarighet planerar att besöka Israel innan Arabförbundet möter kvartetten i slutet av juni. Vi hoppas att detta kommer att bidra till att ytterligare engagera Israel och uppmuntra landet att bemöta det arabiska fredsinitiativet på ett positivt sätt.
Förra veckan deltog jag också i en konferens i Wien om kvinnliga ledares bidragande roll till fred och säkerhet i Mellanöstern. Framstående kvinnor som Tzipi Livni, Hanan Ashrawi, Condoleezza Rice med flera diskuterade det potentiella bidraget från civilsamhället, från kvinnor i samhället, till fred. Även om det är ett litet bidrag var detta första gången som Tzipi Livni och Hanan Ashrawi förde diskussioner vid samma bord. Jag måste säga att det fanns en hel del ömsesidig förståelse och att det rådde en vänlig stämning. Initiativet visade sig vara en annan användbar del av denna mycket svåra process. Jag planerar att organisera samma typ av uppföljningsmöte i Bryssel, kanske nästa år.
Vi uppskattar Europaparlamentets engagemang mycket högt: Europaparlamentets delegation för förbindelserna med det palestinska lagstiftande rådet följdes av ert besök, herr talman, och av ert mycket balanserade tal i Knesset den 30 maj. Det är uppmuntrande att talet, som ni sa, mottogs mycket väl av Knesset. Detta är inte ett lätt tillfälle."@sv22
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