Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-05-09-Speech-3-193"

PredicateValue (sorted: none)
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@ro18
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@et5
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@sl20
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@mt15
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@cs1
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@sk19
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@lt14
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@pl16
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@hu11
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
lpv:translated text
". Fru formand! Jeg vil gerne takke hr. Kaczmarek samt kommissæren for bemærkningerne til betænkningen. Med hensyn til Afrikas Horn ved man dårligt nok, hvor man skal begynde, idet vi er vidne til en dødelig cocktail af konflikter og fattigdom., hvor retsstatsprincippet stort set er ikkeeksisterende, hvor der ikke er noget demokrati og ingen menneskerettigheder, og hvor fem af de syv lande i regionen ligger i konflikt med deres naboer. Som ordføreren påpeger, er fred således en forudsætning for reel sikkerhed og udvikling. De vigtigste punkter vedrører fredskonsolidering, konfliktforebyggelse og konfliktløsning. Dette er de centrale elementer i betænkningen. Som kommissæren udmærket er klar over, er det meget vigtigt at understrege, at der er ved at blive skabt fred i andre afrikanske regioner, f.eks. i Vestafrika - jeg besøgte Côte d'Ivoire for nylig - og området omkring De Store Søer. Afrikas Horn adskiller sig, idet det er den eneste region, hvor vi ikke har været i stand til at håndtere konfliktstyring og -forebyggelse. Forslaget om en udsending og andre forslag er meget positive. Vi er vidne til de værste eksempler på konflikter. FN oplyser, at 200.000 mennesker er døde og to millioner er blevet fordrevet i Darfur siden konfliktens opstart i 2003. Regeringen i Sudan ignorerer fortsat mæglingsbestræbelser, herunder fra FN's generalsekretær. Grænsestridighederne mellem Eritrea og Etiopien er fortsat uløste. Etiopiens regering bryder fortsat folkeretten på dette område. Lederne i Eritrea og Etiopien nægter befolkningen retten til at vælge deres egen regering og at respektere valgresultaterne, hvilket vi har set i Etiopien. Vi er nu vidne til intense kampe i Somalia, hvor ca. 1.000 mennesker er døde, og hvor etiopiske tropper har været meget aktive og kæmpet på overgangsregeringen i Somalias side, naturligvis med skjult støtte fra USA, hvilket vi alle er nødt til at anerkende. Eritreerne støtter på deres side de islamiske militser. Jeg har skrevet til kommissæren desangående, og jeg ønsker fortsat at spørge, hvorfor vi har tilbudt en sådan støtte til overgangsregeringen i Somalia, og hvorfor vi ikke stiller alvorlige spørgsmål om den blodige proces, som vi tilsyneladende på mange måder fortsat accepterer. Vi står over for en humanitær katastrofe i Somalia, og vi stiller fortsat ikke de ansvarlige i overgangsregeringen til ansvar for deres handlinger. Hr. kommissær, hvorfor stiller vi ikke nogen spørgsmål? Skyldes dette politiske hensyn? Hvorfor trækker etiopierne sig ikke tilbage? Hvorfor kan der ikke skabes fred? Hvorfor er der ingen reel magtdeling, og insisterer EU på, at de moderate kræfter i Rådet af Islamiske Domstole skal inddrages i en mulig løsning af konflikten i Somalia? Endelig er jeg nødt til at spørge, om EU for alvor ønsker at medvirke til statsopbygning på Afrikas Horn, eller om vi rent faktisk lægger vægt på andre prioriteter. Er de andre prioriteter på Afrikas Horn måske ikke den såkaldte kamp mod terrorisme?"@da2
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". Arvoisa puhemies, paljon kiitoksia jäsen Kaczmarekille ja komission jäsenelle hänen vastauksestaan tähän mietintöön. Afrikan sarvessa ei tiedä mistä aloittaisi, sillä alueella on vaarallinen sekoitus selkkauksia ja köyhyyttä, siellä tuskin tunnetaan oikeusvaltioperiaatteen, demokratian ja ihmisoikeuksien käsitteitä ja alueen seitsemästä valtiosta viisi on konfliktissa naapurimaidensa kanssa. Niinpä, kuten esittelijä totesi, ilman rauhaa ei voi olla todellista turvallisuutta eikä kehitystä. Olennaisimmat kysymykset liittyvät rauhan rakentamiseen, konfliktien estämiseen ja ratkaisemiseen. Nuo ovat mietinnön keskeiset osat. On hyvin tärkeää huomauttaa, että kuten komission jäsen hyvin tietää, muilla alueilla Afrikassa, esimerkiksi Länsi-Afrikassa – kävin äskettäin Norsunluurannikolla – ja suurten järvien alueella, rauha on vakiintumassa. Afrikan sarvi erottuu ainoana alueena, jossa emme ole pystyneet konfliktien hallintaan ja torjumiseen. Ajatus erityisedustajasta ja muut ehdotukset ovatkin siis erittäin tervetulleita. Nämä ovat pahimpia esimerkkejä konflikteista. YK:n mukaan Darfurin selkkauksen alusta eli vuodesta 2003 lähtien siellä on kuollut noin 200 000 ihmistä ja kaksi miljoonaa on joutunut evakkoon. Sudanin hallitus ei vieläkään piittaa sovitteluyrityksistä, ei edes YK:n pääsihteerin yrityksistä. Eritrean ja Etiopian rajariidat ovat edelleen ratkaisematta. Etiopian hallitus rikkoo yhä kansainvälistä lainsäädäntöä tuossa asiassa. Eritrean ja Etiopian johtajat eivät suostu antamaan kansalleen oikeutta valita omaa hallitustaan eivätkä, Etiopian tapauksessa, kunnioittamaan vaaleja. Somaliassa on parhaillaan rajuja taisteluja, joissa on kuollut noin tuhat ihmistä ja joissa Etiopian joukot ovat olleet hyvin aktiivisia taistellessaan Somalian väliaikaisen hallituksen puolesta, tosin – kuten meidän kaikkien on myönnettävä – Yhdysvaltain salaisella avustuksella. Eritrealaiset puolestaan tukevat islamistisia puolisotilaallisia joukkoja. Olen kirjoittanut komission jäsenelle tästä aiheesta ja haluan vieläkin kysyä häneltä, miksi olemme tukeneet niin vahvasti Somalian väliaikaista hallitusta ja miksemme esitä vakavia kysymyksiä tästä verisestä tapahtumasarjasta, jota ilmeisesti yhä monessa mielessä siedämme. Somaliaa uhkaa humanitaarinen katastrofi, emmekä vieläkään saata väliaikaisen hallituksen jäseniä vastuuseen teoistaan. Arvoisa komission jäsen, miksi emme esitä kysymyksiä? Poliittinen laskelmointiko estää meitä tekemästä niin? Mikseivät etiopialaiset lähde Somaliasta? Miksei maata saada turvalliseksi? Miksei siellä aidosti jaeta valtaa, ja vaatiiko EU, että islamilaisten oikeusistuinten maltilliset edustajat on otettava mukaan mihin hyvänsä ratkaisuun, johon Somaliassa päädytään? Lopuksi minun on kysyttävä, suhtautuuko EU vakavasti valtioiden rakentamiseen Afrikan sarven alueella vai keskitymmekö itse asiassa muihin päämääriin. Väittäisin, että nuo muut päämäärät Afrikan sarvessa liittyvät niin kutsuttuun terrorismin vastaiseen sotaan."@fi7
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"Mevrouw de Voorzitter, mijn hartelijke dank aan de heer Kaczmarek, evenals aan de commissaris voor zijn reactie op dit verslag. In de Hoorn van Afrika weet je nauwelijks waar je moet beginnen. We hebben hier te maken met een dodelijke cocktail van conflicten en armoede, waarin van een rechtsstaat, van democratie en mensenrechten nauwelijks sprake is, en waar vijf van de zeven landen in conflict zijn met hun buurlanden. Zoals de rapporteur al zei, kan er ook geen sprake zijn van echte veiligheid en ontwikkeling zonder vrede. De hoofdzaak is dat er vrede wordt gesticht, dat conflicten worden voorkomen en opgelost: dat zijn de centrale thema’s in het verslag. Ik moet erop wijzen dat, zoals de commissaris ongetwijfeld weet, in andere delen van Afrika, bijvoorbeeld in West-Afrika - ik was onlangs in Ivoorkust - en in het Grote Merengebied, de vrede geleidelijk aan doorzet. De Hoorn van Afrika onderscheidt zich echter als de enige regio waar wij niet in staat waren om de situatie onder controle te krijgen met conflictbeheersing en -preventie. Het idee van een gezant en andere suggesties zijn inderdaad zeer welkom. Wij hebben hier te maken met de ergste voorbeelden van conflict. De VN zegt dat er in Darfoer ongeveer 200 000 mensen zijn gestorven en dat twee miljoen hun huis zijn ontvlucht sinds het begin van het conflict in 2003. De regering van Soedan blijft pogingen tot bemiddeling negeren, met inbegrip van de poging van de secretaris-generaal van de VN. De grensconflicten tussen Eritrea en Ethiopië zijn nog steeds niet opgelost. De regering van Ethiopië blijft het internationaal recht - voor zover dat van toepassing is - met voeten treden. De leiders van Eritrea en Ethiopië weigeren om de bevolking het recht te geven om hun eigen regering te kiezen en de verkiezingen te respecteren. Wij hebben nu te maken met hevige gevechten in Somalië, waarbij ongeveer duizend mensen zijn omgekomen en waar Ethiopische troepen, die strijden namens de overgangsregering van Somalië, zeer actief zijn geweest. Dat gebeurt - zoals wij allemaal moeten erkennen - met de heimelijke steun van de Verenigde Staten. De Eritreeërs steunen intussen de islamitische milities. Ik heb de commissaris geschreven over dit onderwerp en wil nog steeds graag weten waarom wij steun hebben gegeven aan de overgangsregering in Somalië en waarom wij geen serieuze vragen stellen over het bloedige proces, dat wij in veel opzichten klaarblijkelijk blijven toelaten. Er tekent zich een menselijke ramp af in Somalië en wij roepen degenen in de overgangsregering die dat op hun geweten hebben, nog steeds niet ter verantwoording voor hun daden. Commissaris, waarom stellen wij geen vragen? Worden wij daarvan weerhouden door politiek opportunisme? Waarom vertrekken de Ethiopiërs niet? Waarom kan er geen veiligheid worden gebracht? Waarom is er geen sprake van echte machtsdeling en dringt de EU erop aan dat gematigden in de islamitische gerechtshoven worden betrokken bij elke mogelijke oplossing in Somalië? Tot slot moet ik vragen of de EU de staatsopbouw in de Hoorn van Afrika serieus neemt of dat we ons momenteel concentreren op andere prioriteiten. Mag ik opperen dat de andere prioriteiten in de Hoorn van Afrika de zogenaamde oorlog tegen het terrorisme is?"@nl3
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"Fru talman! Stort tack till Filip Kaczmarek och till kommissionsledamoten för hans svar på detta betänkande. Man vet inte riktigt var man ska börja när det gäller Afrikas horn, för vad vi ser här är en dödlig blandning av konflikt och fattigdom där rättssäkerheten nätt och jämnt existerar. Det finns ingen uppfattning om demokrati eller mänskliga rättigheter, och fem av sju länder i regionen ligger i konflikt med sina grannländer. Precis som föredraganden säger kan varken en verklig säkerhet eller någon utveckling ske utan fred. Huvudfrågorna gäller fredsuppbyggnad samt förebyggande och lösande av konflikter. Detta är de centrala delarna i betänkandet. Det är viktigt att påpeka, och som kommissionsledamoten är väl medveten om, att vi ser fred införas i andra delar av Afrika, exempelvis i Västafrika – jag var nyligen i Elfenbenskusten – samt området kring de stora sjöarna. Men Afrikas horn framträder som det enda område där vi inte har lyckats med hantering och förebyggande av konflikter. Tanken på ett sändebud och andra förslag är verkligen varmt välkomna. Vi beskådar de värsta exemplen på en konflikt. FN uppger att i Darfur har ungefär 200 000 människor dött och två miljoner har förflyttats sedan konflikten utbröt 2003. Sudans regering fortsätter att ignorera försök till förhandling, till och med från FN:s generalsekreterare. Gränskonflikterna mellan Eritrea och Etiopien är fortfarande inte lösta. Etiopiens regering fortsätter att bryta mot internationell rätt i den mån den gäller. Eritreas och Etiopiens ledare vägrar att respektera valresultaten och att ge människorna rätten att välja sin egen regering, vilket har varit fallet i Etiopien. Nu bevittnar vi intensiva strider i Somalia där ungefär ett tusen personer har dött och där etiopiska trupper har varit mycket aktiva och stridit för övergångsregeringen i Somalia. Men, naturligtvis och som vi alla måste erkänna, med hemligt stöd från USA. Under tiden stöder eritreanerna den islamistiska milisen. Jag har skrivit till kommissionsledamoten i denna fråga, men vill ändå fråga honom varför vi har erbjudit så mycket stöd till övergångsregeringen i Somalia och varför vi inte ställer allvarliga frågor om denna blodiga process som vi uppenbarligen på många sätt fortsätter att tillåta. En mänsklig katastrof närmar sig hotfullt Somalia, men vi ställer fortfarande inte de ansvariga i övergångregeringen till svars för sina handlingar. Varför ställer vi inga frågor, herr kommissionsledamot? Är det politisk opportunism som hindrar oss? Varför flyttar inte etiopierna? Varför kan inte säkerhet upprättas? Varför finns det ingen riktig maktdelning, och insisterar EU på att sakkunniga från de islamiska domstolarna måste vara inblandade i varje tänkbar lösning i Somalia? Till sist måste jag fråga om EU menar allvar med uppbyggandet av nationen på Afrikas horn eller om vi faktiskt inriktar oss på andra prioriteringsområden. Får jag antyda att andra prioriteringsområden på Afrikas horn är de så kallade krigen mot terrorism?"@sv22
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". Κυρία Πρόεδρε, ευχαριστούμε πολύ τον κ. Kaczmarek και τον Επίτροπο για την απάντησή του στην έκθεση. Όσον αφορά το Κέρας της Αφρικής, πολύ εύλογα αναρωτιέται κανείς από πού ακριβώς να ξεκινήσει, διότι αυτό που παρακολουθούμε είναι ένα θανατηφόρο μίγμα συγκρούσεων και φτώχειας, καθώς το κράτος δικαίου είναι σχεδόν ανύπαρκτο, οι έννοιες της δημοκρατίας και των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων δεν ισχύουν, ενώ πέντε από τις επτά χώρες της περιοχής βρίσκονται σε σύγκρουση με τους γείτονές τους. Συνεπώς, όπως επισημαίνει ο εισηγητής, δεν μπορεί να υπάρξει πραγματική ασφάλεια ούτε ουσιαστικές εξελίξεις χωρίς την ειρήνη. Τα βασικά θέματα σχετίζονται με την οικοδόμηση της ειρήνης και με την πρόληψη και επίλυση των συγκρούσεων. Αυτές είναι οι κεντρικές παράμετροι της έκθεσης. Είναι πολύ σημαντικό να επισημανθεί ότι, όπως πολύ καλά γνωρίζει ο Επίτροπος, σε άλλες περιοχές της Αφρικής, όπως λόγου χάρη η δυτική Αφρική –επισκέφθηκα προσφάτως την Ακτή του Ελεφαντοστού– και η περιοχή των Μεγάλων Λιμνών, διαπιστώνουμε τώρα ότι επικρατεί σταδιακά η ειρήνη. Ωστόσο, το Κέρας της Αφρικής παραμένει η μοναδική περιοχή στην οποία δεν έχουμε επιτύχει τη διαχείριση και πρόληψη των συγκρούσεων. Ασφαλώς, η ιδέα ενός απεσταλμένου, καθώς και άλλες προτάσεις, είναι πραγματικά πολύ ευπρόσδεκτες. Αυτήν την περίοδο παρακολουθούμε τις χειρότερες περιπτώσεις συγκρούσεων. Στο Νταρφούρ, ο ΟΗΕ υποστηρίζει ότι περίπου 200 000 άτομα έχουν χάσει τη ζωή τους και δύο εκατομμύρια έχουν εκτοπιστεί μετά την έναρξη των συγκρούσεων το 2003. Η κυβέρνηση του Σουδάν συνεχίζει να αγνοεί τις προσπάθειες διαμεσολάβησης, περιλαμβανομένων των προσπαθειών του Γενικού Γραμματέα του ΟΗΕ. Οι συνοριακές διενέξεις μεταξύ της Ερυθραίας και της Αιθιοπίας παραμένουν ανεπίλυτες. Η κυβέρνηση της Αιθιοπίας εξακολουθεί να καταστρατηγεί το διεθνές δίκαιο σε αυτόν τον τομέα. Οι ηγέτες της Ερυθραίας και της Αιθιοπίας αρνούνται να δώσουν στους πολίτες το δικαίωμα να επιλέξουν την κυβέρνησή τους και να σεβαστούν τις εκλογές, όπως στην περίπτωση της Αιθιοπίας. Τώρα εντείνονται οι συγκρούσεις στη Σομαλία, όπου έχουν χάσει τη ζωή τους περίπου χίλιοι άνθρωποι και όπου τα στρατεύματα της Αιθιοπίας αναπτύσσουν έντονη δραστηριότητα, πολεμώντας εξ ονόματος της προσωρινής κυβέρνησης της Σομαλίας, αλλά έχοντας βεβαίως –όπως όλοι οφείλουμε να παραδεχτούμε– τη συγκαλυμμένη στήριξη των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Η Ερυθραία, εν τω μεταξύ, υποστηρίζει τις ισλαμικές πολιτοφυλακές. Έχω απευθύνει επιστολή στον Επίτροπο για το θέμα αυτό, και θέλω να τον ρωτήσω και τώρα γιατί έχουμε προσφέρει τέτοια στήριξη στην προσωρινή κυβέρνηση της Σομαλίας και γιατί δεν θέτουμε σοβαρά ερωτήματα σχετικά με αυτήν την αιματηρή διαδικασία την οποία, προφανώς, εξακολουθούμε με πολλούς τρόπους να ανεχόμαστε. Η Σομαλία απειλείται από το φάσμα μιας ανθρώπινης καταστροφής και εμείς εξακολουθούμε να μην ζητούμε από τους υπευθύνους της προσωρινής κυβέρνησης να λογοδοτήσουν για τις πράξεις τους. Γιατί, κύριε Επίτροπε, δεν θέτουμε ερωτήματα; Μας εμποδίζουν μήπως πολιτικές σκοπιμότητες; Γιατί δεν αποχωρούν τα αιθιοπικά στρατεύματα; Γιατί δεν μπορεί να εδραιωθεί η ασφάλεια στην περιοχή; Γιατί δεν υπάρχει πραγματική συμμετοχή όλων των πλευρών στην άσκηση της εξουσίας, και κατά πόσον επιμένει η ΕΕ στη θέση ότι οι μετριοπαθείς εκπρόσωποι ισλαμικών δικαστηρίων πρέπει να μετέχουν σε όποια λύση επιδιωχθεί να εφαρμοστεί στη Σομαλία; Τέλος, οφείλω να θέσω το ερώτημα αν η ΕΕ επιδιώκει σοβαρά την οικοδόμηση κρατών στο Κέρας της Αφρικής ή αν εστιαζόμαστε στην πραγματικότητα σε άλλες προτεραιότητες. Να υποθέσω μήπως ότι οι άλλες προτεραιότητες στο Κέρας της Αφρικής είναι ο λεγόμενος πόλεμος κατά της τρομοκρατίας;"@el10
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"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
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"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
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"Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@lv13
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"Senhora Presidente, agradeço muito ao senhor deputado Kaczmarek o seu relatório e ao Senhor Comissário a sua resposta ao mesmo. Ao falarmos do Corno de África, mal sabemos por onde começar, pois o que ali vemos é um coquetel mortífero de conflito e pobreza, onde o Estado de direito mal existe, onde não há a menor noção de democracia e direitos do Homem, e onde cinco dos sete países da região estão em conflito com os seus vizinhos. Uma região, portanto, como afirma o relator, onde não pode haver verdadeira segurança, e onde não haverá desenvolvimento enquanto não houver paz. Os problemas mais prementes prendem-se com a construção da paz, ou seja, com a prevenção e a resolução dos conflitos. São estes os aspectos fulcrais do relatório em apreço. Cabe assinalar que, e o Senhor Comissário bem o sabe, há outras regiões de África, por exemplo a África Ocidental – visitei recentemente a Costa do Marfim – e a região dos Grandes Lagos, onde a paz está neste momento a irromper. O Corno de África, porém, destaca-se como a região à qual, até ao momento, não nos foi possível levar o nosso apoio em termos de gestão e prevenção de conflitos. A ideia da nomeação de um Representante da UE para a região é certamente bem-vinda, como o são outras sugestões contidas no relatório. São de uma gravidade sem igual os conflitos que grassam no Corno de África. As Nações Unidas afirmam que, no Darfur, já morreram cerca de 200 000 pessoas, havendo outros dois milhões de desalojados, desde que o conflito teve início, em 2003. O Governo do Sudão continua a ignorar os esforços de mediação, nomeadamente por parte do Secretário-Geral da ONU. As disputas na definição de fronteiras entre a Eritreia e a Etiópia permanecem por resolver. O Governo etíope continua a infringir o direito internacional nessa matéria. Os dirigentes da Eritreia e da Etiópia recusam-se a dar às suas populações o direito de escolherem o seu próprio governo e não respeitam o resultado das eleições, como se verificou na Etiópia. Presentemente, assiste-se a intensos conflitos armados na Somália, onde já morreram cerca de mil pessoas e onde as tropas etíopes têm estado muito activas, a lutar em prol do Governo de transição somali, mas obviamente – como todos temos de reconhecer – com o apoio dissimulado dos Estados Unidos. Os Eritreus, entretanto, apoiam as milícias islâmicas. Dirigi-me por escrito ao Senhor Comissário a este respeito e gostaria de lhe voltar a perguntar por que razão oferecemos apoio ao Governo de transição na Somália e por que não os estamos a questionar seriamente sobre o processo sangrento que, ao que parece, continuamos de muitas formas a tolerar. Pesa sobre a Somália uma catástrofe humanitária mas continuamos a não responsabilizar pelas suas acções os culpados no governo de transição. Por que não fazemos perguntas, Senhor Comissário? Serão razões de conveniência política que nos impedem de as fazer? Por que razão as tropas etíopes não abandonam a Somália? Por que não existe uma verdadeira divisão de poderes, e em que medida a UE está a fazer pressão para que os elementos moderados nos tribunais islâmicos tenham parte activa em qualquer solução possível para o problema da Somália? Por último, cumpre-me perguntar se a UE está seriamente empenhada na construção de Estados no Corno de África ou se, efectivamente, estamos mais virados para outras prioridades. Se me permitem, sugeriria que as outras prioridades consistem na denominada guerra contra o terrorismo."@pt17
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". Frau Präsidentin! Ich möchte Herrn Kaczmarek und dem Kommissar für seine Ausführungen zu diesem Bericht recht herzlich danken. Am Horn von Afrika weiß man kaum, wo man eigentlich anfangen soll, da wir es mit einem tödlichen Cocktail aus Konflikten und Armut zu tun haben. Es handelt sich um eine Region, wo kaum Rechtsstaatlichkeit herrscht, wo Konzepte wie Demokratie und Menschenrechte unbekannt sind und wo fünf von sieben Ländern mit ihren Nachbarn in Konflikt stehen. Daher kann es – wie der Berichterstatter meinte – keine wirkliche Sicherheit und keine Entwicklung ohne Frieden geben. Die vordringlichsten Aufgaben sind Friedensaufbau, Konfliktprävention und Konfliktbeilegung. Diese stehen auch im Mittelpunkt des Berichts. Es sollte nicht vergessen werden, dass sich – wie dem Kommissar wohl bekannt ist – in anderen afrikanischen Regionen, beispielsweise in Westafrika – ich war gerade erst an der Elfenbeinküste – und in der Region der Großen Seen, nunmehr langsam Frieden ausbreitet. Das Horn von Afrika hebt sich jedoch als die Region heraus, wo wir die Probleme mithilfe des Konfliktmanagements und der Konfliktprävention nicht in den Griff bekommen haben. Die Idee eines Beauftragten und die anderen Vorschläge sind sicherlich äußerst begrüßenswert. Am Horn von Afrika sind die schlimmsten Beispiele für Konflikte zu beobachten. Seit dem Ausbruch des Darfur-Konflikts im Jahr 2003 sind der UNO zufolge ungefähr 200 000 Menschen ums Leben gekommen und zwei Millionen Bürger auf der Flucht. Die Regierung des Sudan will noch immer nichts von den Vermittlungsbemühungen, einschließlich denen des UN-Generalsekretärs, wissen. Die Grenzstreitigkeiten zwischen Eritrea und Äthiopien bleiben ebenfalls ungelöst. Insofern verstößt die Regierung Äthiopiens nach wie vor gegen das Völkerrecht. Die politische Führung Eritreas und Äthiopiens weigert sich, den Menschen das Recht auf freie Wahl ihrer Regierung zuzugestehen und – wie im Falle Äthiopiens – die Wahlergebnisse zu achten. Nun sind in Somalia schwere Kampfhandlungen ausgebrochen, wobei ungefähr tausend Menschen ihr Leben verloren haben und äthiopische Truppen an vorderster Front mitmachen. Sie kämpfen im Namen der somalischen Übergangsregierung, erhalten aber natürlich auch – wie wir alle zur Kenntnis nehmen müssen – verdeckte Unterstützung durch die Amerikaner. Die Eritreer wiederum stellen sich hinter die islamistischen Milizen. Ich habe den Kommissar in dieser Angelegenheit bereits angeschrieben und möchte ihn noch einmal fragen, warum wir die Übergangsregierung in Somalia so stark unterstützen und warum wir nicht den blutigen Prozess hinterfragen, den wir offenbar in vielerlei Hinsicht weiterhin tolerieren. In Somalia droht eine humanitäre Katastrophe, und wir ziehen die Verantwortlichen in der Übergangsregierung für ihr Vorgehen noch immer nicht zur Rechenschaft. Warum, Herr Kommissar, stellen wir keine Fragen? Hält uns politisches Kalkül davon ab? Warum ziehen sich die Äthiopier nicht zurück? Warum kann nicht für Sicherheit gesorgt werden? Warum gibt es keine wirkliche Gewaltenteilung? Und besteht die EU darauf, dass die Gemäßigten in den islamischen Gerichten an einer möglichen Lösung für Somalia beteiligt werden? Schließlich bleibt noch die Frage, ob die EU wirklich am Aufbau staatlicher Strukturen am Horn von Afrika interessiert ist oder ob wir im Grunde genommen andere Prioritäten verfolgen. Dürfte ich vorschlagen, dass die anderen Prioritäten am Horn von Afrika auf den so genannten Kampf gegen den Terror ausgerichtet werden?"@de9
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". – Madam President, thank you very much to Mr Kaczmarek and to the Commissioner for his response to the report. In the Horn of Africa, one hardly knows where to begin, because what we see is a lethal cocktail of conflict and poverty, where the rule of law barely exists, where there is no concept of democracy and human rights and where five out of seven of the countries of the region are in conflict with their neighbours. So, as the rapporteur says, there can be no real security and there can be no developments without peace. The key issues are related to building peace, preventing conflict and resolving conflict. Those are the central elements in the report. It is very important to point out that, as the Commissioner is very well aware, in other regions of Africa, for example West Africa – I was recently in Côte d’Ivoire – and in the Great Lakes area, we are now seeing peace breaking out. But the Horn of Africa stands out as the one region where we have not been able to grapple with conflict management and prevention. Certainly, the idea of an envoy and other suggestions are very welcome indeed. What we see are the worst examples of conflict. In Darfur, the UN says that some 200 000 people have died and two million have been displaced since that conflict began in 2003. The Government of Sudan continues to ignore efforts at mediation, including from the UN Secretary-General. The border disputes between Eritrea and Ethiopia remain unresolved. The Government of Ethiopia continues to break international law as far as that is concerned. The leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia refuse to give the people the right to choose their own government and to respect elections, as has been the case in Ethiopia. Now we see intense fighting in Somalia, where about a thousand people have died and where Ethiopian troops have been very active, fighting on behalf of the transitional government in Somalia, but of course – as we all have to acknowledge – with covert assistance from the United States. The Eritreans, meanwhile, back the Islamist militias. I have written to the Commissioner on this subject and would still like to ask him why it is that we have offered such support to the transitional government in Somalia and why we are not asking serious questions about the bloody process which we are apparently continuing in many ways to tolerate. There is a humanitarian catastrophe looming in Somalia and we are still not holding those responsible in the transitional government accountable for their actions. Why, Commissioner, are we not asking questions? Is it political expediency that prevents us from doing that? Why is it that the Ethiopians do not leave? Why is it that security cannot be established? Why is there no genuine power sharing, and is the EU insisting that moderates in the Islamic courts must be involved in any possible solution in Somalia? Finally, I have to ask whether the EU is serious about state-building in the Horn of Africa or whether we are actually focusing on other priorities. May I suggest that the other priorities in the Horn of Africa are the so-called war against terror?"@en4
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"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
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"on behalf of the PSE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
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"Señora Presidenta, doy las gracias al señor Kaczmarek y al Comisario por su respuesta al informe. En el Cuerno de África una no sabe por dónde empezar, porque lo que vemos es un cóctel letal de conflictos y pobreza, donde el Estado de derecho apenas existe, donde no existe el concepto de democracia y derechos humanos y donde cinco de los siete países de la región están en conflicto con sus vecinos. Por ello, como dice el ponente, sin paz no puede haber seguridad real y no puede haber avances. Las cuestiones clave se relacionan con la construcción de la paz, la prevención y la resolución de conflictos. Estos son los elementos centrales del informe. Es muy importante señalar que, como sabe muy bien el Comisario, en otras regiones de África, por ejemplo en África Occidental –he estado hace poco en Costa de Marfil– y en la zona de los Grandes Lagos vemos ahora cómo cunde la paz. Pero el Cuerno de África destaca como la única región donde no hemos podido lidiar con la gestión y prevención de conflictos. Sin duda, nos complacen de hecho la idea de un enviado y otras propuestas. Lo que vemos son los peores ejemplos de conflicto. En Darfur, las Naciones Unidas dicen que 200 000 personas han muerto y dos millones han sido desplazadas desde que comenzó el conflicto en 2003. El Gobierno de Sudán sigue ignorando los esfuerzos de mediación, incluidos los del Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas. Las disputas fronterizas entre Eritrea y Etiopía siguen sin resolverse. El Gobierno de Etiopía sigue violando el Derecho internacional en este asunto. Los líderes de Eritrea y Etiopía se niegan a otorgar al pueblo el derecho a elegir su propio Gobierno y el respeto de las elecciones, como ha sucedido en Etiopía. Ahora asistimos a intensos combates en Somalia, donde cerca de mil personas han muerto y donde las tropas etíopes han estado muy activas, luchando en nombre del Gobierno de transición de Somalia, pero por supuesto, como todos reconocemos, con la asistencia encubierta de los Estados Unidos. Los eritreos, por su parte, respaldan a las milicias islamistas. He escrito al Comisario sobre este asunto y me gustaría preguntarle por qué hemos ofrecido este apoyo al Gobierno de transición de Somalia y por qué no pedimos explicaciones en serio sobre el sangriento proceso que por lo visto seguimos tolerando de muchas formas. En Somalia se avecina una catástrofe humanitaria y todavía no hacemos que los responsables del Gobierno de transición respondan de sus actos. ¿Por qué, Comisario, no pedimos explicaciones? ¿Es conveniencia política lo que nos impide hacerlo? ¿Por qué no se van los etíopes? ¿Por qué no puede haber seguridad? ¿Por qué no existe un verdadero reparto del poder y por qué insiste la UE en que los elementos moderados de los tribunales islámicos participen en toda posible solución en Somalia? Finalmente, tengo que preguntar si la UE habla en serio sobre la construcción del Estado en el Cuerno de África o si realmente nos centramos en otras prioridades. ¿Es posible que las demás prioridades en el Cuerno de África sean la llamada guerra contra el terrorismo?"@es21
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"Glenys Kinnock,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4,8
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". - Madame la Présidente, je remercie vivement M. Kaczmarek ainsi que le commissaire pour ses commentaires sur le rapport. Dans la Corne de l’Afrique, on ne sait par où commencer car ce que nous y voyons est un cocktail mortel de conflits et de pauvreté, où l’État de droit existe à peine, où il n’y a aucun concept de démocratie et de droits de l’homme et où cinq pays sur les sept de la région sont en conflit avec leurs voisins. Donc, comme le dit le rapporteur, il ne peut y avoir de réelle sécurité ou de développement s’il n’y a pas de paix dans la région. Il s’agit essentiellement de construire la paix, de prévenir les conflits et de résoudre les conflits. Tels sont les éléments centraux du rapport. Il est très important de souligner que, comme le sait très bien le commissaire, dans d’autres régions d’Afrique, par exemple, en Afrique occidentale - j’étais récemment en Côte d’Ivoire - et dans la région des Grands Lacs, la paix commence à s’installer. Mais la Corne de l’Afrique apparaît comme «la» région où nous n’avons pas été capables de progresser en matière de gestion et de prévention des conflits. Il est certain que l’idée d’un émissaire ainsi que d’autres suggestions sont absolument bienvenues. Cette région est frappée par les pires exemples de conflit. Au Darfour, selon les Nations unies, quelque 200 000 personnes ont perdu la vie et deux millions de personnes ont été déplacées depuis le début du conflit en 2003. Le gouvernement du Soudan continue d’ignorer les efforts de médiation, y compris ceux du secrétaire général des Nations unies. Les conflits frontaliers entre l’Érythrée et l’Éthiopie restent sans solution. Le gouvernement éthiopien continue de violer le droit international à cet égard. Les dirigeants de l’Érythrée et de l’Éthiopie refusent de donner au peuple le droit de choisir leur propre gouvernement et refusent de respecter les élections, comme nous l’avons constaté en Éthiopie. Nous assistons à présent à des combats intenses en Somalie, où environ un millier de personnes a déjà perdu la vie et où les troupes éthiopiennes ont été très actives, combattant au nom du gouvernement de transition mais, bien sûr - nous devons tous le reconnaître - avec l’aide masquée des États-Unis. Les Érythréens, pour leur part, soutiennent les milices islamistes. J’ai écrit au commissaire à ce sujet et je voudrais néanmoins lui demander ici pourquoi nous avons offert un tel soutien au gouvernement de transition en Somalie et pourquoi nous ne nous interrogeons pas sérieusement sur ce processus sanguinaire que nous continuons apparemment de tolérer. Une catastrophe humanitaire se prépare en Somalie et nous ne demandons toujours pas des comptes à certains membres du gouvernement de transition afin de les rendre responsables de leurs actes. Pourquoi, Monsieur le Commissaire, ne posons-nous pas de questions? Est-ce l’opportunisme politique qui nous en empêche? Pourquoi les Éthiopiens ne partent-ils pas? Pourquoi est-il impossible d’établir la sécurité? Pourquoi n’y a-t-il pas de réel partage du pouvoir? L’UE insiste-t-elle pour que les modérés au sein des tribunaux islamiques soient impliqués dans une éventuelle solution du conflit en Somalie? Enfin, je me dois de demander si l’UE est sérieuse au sujet de la construction de l’État dans la Corne de l’Afrique ou si nous nous concentrons vraiment sur d’autres priorités. Puis-je suggérer que la lutte contre le terrorisme figure parmi les autres priorités dans la Corne de l’Afrique?"@fr8
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". Signora Presidente, ringrazio l’onorevole Kaczmarek e il Commissario per quanto ha detto sulla relazione. Non si sa da dove iniziare quando si parla del Corno d’Africa, poiché di fronte ai nostri occhi si presenta un letale di conflitti e povertà, dove a stento esiste il principio di legalità, dove non vi è democrazia e non si rispettano i diritti umani e dove cinque Stati della regione su sette si trovano in conflitto con i loro vicini. Per questo, come ha affermato il relatore, non può esserci alcuna sicurezza reale, né può nascere alcuno sviluppo se non vi è pace. Costruzione della pace, prevenzione e risoluzione dei conflitti rappresentano le questioni chiave. Questi sono gli elementi centrali della relazione. E’ molto importante rilevare che, come il Commissario ben sa, in altre regioni dell’Africa, per esempio in Africa occidentale – sono stata di recente in Costa d’Avorio – e nella regione dei Grandi Laghi, la pace sta iniziando a diffondersi. Tuttavia, il Corno d’Africa spicca come l’unica regione nella quale non siamo stati in grado di gestire e prevenire i conflitti. Certamente l’idea di un inviato o altri suggerimenti sarebbero davvero molto graditi. Abbiamo di fronte a noi i peggiori esempi di conflitto. Nel Darfur, stando alle informazioni riportate dalle Nazioni Unite, sono morte circa 200 000 persone e due milioni sono espatriate, dall’inizio del conflitto nel 2003. Il governo sudanese continua ad ignorare gli sforzi di mediazione, compresi quelli del Segretario generale delle Nazioni Unite. Le controversie frontaliere tra Eritrea ed Etiopia restano irrisolte. Il governo etiope continua ad infrangere il diritto internazionale in materia. I eritrei ed etiopi rifiutano di concedere alla popolazione il diritto di scegliere il proprio governo, contravvenendo inoltre al rispetto delle elezioni, come avvenuto in Etiopia. Stiamo attualmente assistendo a forti lotte in Somalia, dove circa un migliaio di persone sono morte e dove le truppe etiopi si sono mostrate molto attive nella lotta, in nome del governo di transizione somalo, ma naturalmente – come tutti dobbiamo riconoscere – con la velata assistenza degli Stati Uniti. Gli eritrei, intanto, appoggiano le milizie islamiche. Ho scritto a tale proposito al Commissario. Vorrei chiedergli ancora una volta come sia stato possibile fornire un simile supporto al governo di transizione somalo e per quale ragione non stiamo seriamente indagando sul sanguinoso processo che apparentemente continuiamo in molti modi ad appoggiare. In Somalia si sta profilando una catastrofe umanitaria e noi ancora persistiamo a non ritenere responsabili delle proprie azioni coloro che si trovano al governo di transizione. Per quale motivo, signor Commissario, non facciamo domande al riguardo? E’ forse opportunismo a livello politico? Perché gli etiopi non abbandonano il paese? Per quale motivo non può essere stabilita la sicurezza? Per quale ragione in questi luoghi non esiste una condivisione autentica del potere e l’Unione europea insiste che i moderati nei tribunali islamici debbano essere coinvolti in qualsiasi soluzione possibile per la Somalia? Infine, vorrei chiedere se l’UE fa sul serio riguardo alla creazione di uno Stato nel Corno d’Africa o se stiamo concentrando la nostra attenzione su altre priorità. Posso suggerire che tra le altre priorità nel Corno d’Africa vi è la cosiddetta guerra al terrorismo?"@it12
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