Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-05-09-Speech-3-095"

PredicateValue (sorted: none)
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@ro18
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@et5
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@sl20,20
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@sl20,20
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@mt15
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@cs1,1
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@cs1,1
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@sk19
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@lt14
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@pl16
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@hu11
lpv:translated text
"Hr. formand! Jeg vil også bede hr. Rochard om tilgivelse for at fokusere på ét emne - Palæstina. Jeg mener også, at EU, indtil det ændrer sin nuværende holdning og anerkender regeringen for national enhed i Palæstina, undergraver mulighederne for gode forbindelser med den arabiske verden. Vi forværrer fattigdommen og lidelserne i de besatte områder, vi risikerer at ødelægge Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed, og vi ødelægger allerede det palæstinensiske folks håb. Vi er også meget inkonsekvente og hykleriske, for de palæstinensere, jeg mødte, udfordrede mig med rette: Siger EU ikke, at demokrati er bedre end vold? Jo, det gør vi da. Sagde EU's valgobservatører ikke, at de palæstinensiske valg var frie og retfærdige? Jo, det gjorde de. Trods dette, omdannede den lovligt valgte Hamas-regering sig så ikke til en ægte national enhedsregering, da den blev bedt herom? Jo, det gjorde den. Har denne regering ikke accepteret kvartettens tre krav om at forsage vold, respektere tidligere aftaler og anerkende staten Israel? Jo, det har den. De spørger mig, og jeg stiller spørgsmålet til Rådet i aften: "Hvad venter EU så på?". Jeg er netop hjemvendt fra en parlamentarisk delegations besøg i Palæstina, hvor vi mødte premierminister Haniyeh og mange af hans ministre, og de havde alle det samme budskab: De har opfyldt kvartettens krav, de accepterer en tostatsløsning baseret på grænserne fra 1967, og de er ivrige efter at indlede fredsforhandlinger. De kan ikke forstå, hvorfor EU ikke svarer, og hvorfor vi f.eks. insisterer på at kanalisere hjælp via den midlertidige internationale mekanisme, der - samtidig med at den hjælper nogle af de fattigste mennesker - ikke formår at forhindre den voksende humanitære og politiske krise. Den underminerer den palæstinensiske stats apparatur og myndighed, og hvad værre er, så berøver den EU den indflydelse, vi kunne og burde have på de israelske myndigheder med henblik på at presse dem til at frigive de palæstinensiske skatteindtægter, der helt ulovligt tilbageholdes. Vi mødtes med informationsministeren hr. Mustafa Barghouti, der klokkeklart tilkendegav, at "hvis EU vil have Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed til at bryde sammen, så skal den sige det". Det er helt klart i den retning, vores politikker fører os. Jeg er sikker på, at hverken vi eller Rådet ønsker Den Palæstinensiske Myndigheds sammenbrud, og derfor spørger jeg atter Rådet: Hvad venter det på?"@da2
lpv:translated text
". Arvoisa puhemies, minunkin on pyydettävä anteeksi jäsen Rocardilta sitä, että keskityn vain yhteen asiaan – Palestiinaan. Myös minä olen sitä mieltä, että niin kauan kuin EU ei muuta nykyistä kantaansa ja tunnusta Palestiinan kansallista yhteishallitusta, heikennämme mahdollisuuksiamme hyvien suhteiden muodostamiseen arabimaailman kanssa, pahennamme köyhyyttä ja kärsimystä miehitetyillä alueilla, olemme vaarassa tuhota palestiinalaishallinnon ja olemme luultavasti jo tuhoamassa Palestiinan kansan toiveet. Olemme myös täysin epäjohdonmukaisia ja tekopyhiä, sillä tapaamani palestiinalaiset ovat kyseenalaistaneet toimemme vedoten siihen, että myös EU pitää demokratiaa väkivaltaa parempana. Tämä on totta. Julistivatko EU:n tarkkailijat Palestiinan vaalit vapaiksi ja oikeudenmukaisiksi? Kyllä, näin tehtiin. Lisäksi muodostiko laillisesti valittu Hamasin johtama hallitus oikean kansallisen yhteishallituksen, kun sitä pyydettiin niin tekemään? Kyllä, tämäkin pitää paikkansa. Suostuiko hallitus kvartetin kolmeen pyyntöön, jotka koskivat väkivallan tuomitsemista, aiemmin tehtyjen sopimusten noudattamista ja Israelin valtion tunnustamista? Kyllä suostui. Palestiinalaiset ovat kysyneet minulta, ja minä puolestani kysyn neuvostolta tänä iltana, mitä muuta EU odottaa heidän tekevän? Olen juuri palannut parlamentin valtuuskunnan vierailulta Palestiinasta, jossa tapasimme pääministeri Haniyehin ja monia hänen ministereitään, ja heidän kaikkien viesti oli sama: he ovat täyttäneet kvartetin asettamat vaatimukset, he hyväksyvät kahden valtion ratkaisun, joka perustuu vuoden 1967 rajoihin, ja he ovat valmiita ja halukkaita käynnistämään rauhanneuvottelut. He eivät voi ymmärtää, miksei EU vastaa heidän toimiinsa ja miksi EU vaatii esimerkiksi avun kanavoimista väliaikaisen kansainvälisen mekanismin (Temporary International Mechanism) välityksellä, jolla ei voida estää kasvavaa humanitaarista ja poliittista kriisiä, vaikka sillä autetaankin kaikkein köyhimpiä. Se heikentää Palestiinan valtion toimintakoneistoa ja toimivaltaa, ja ennen kaikkea se riisuu EU:lta sen vaikutusvallan, jota voisimme käyttää – ja jota meidän olisi käytettävä – Israelin viranomaisia kohtaan painostaaksemme niitä vapauttamaan edelleen laittomasti pidättämänsä Palestiinan verotulot. Tapasimme tiedotusministeri Mustafa Barghoutin, ja hän sai meidät epäileväisiksi todettuaan, että "jos EU haluaa palestiinalaishallinnon epäonnistuvan, sen pitäisi sanoa se". Olkaamme täysin selkeitä: juuri tähän politiikkamme johtaa. Olen varma siitä, ettei sen enempää parlamentti kuin neuvostokaan halua palestiinalaishallinnon epäonnistuvan, ja kysyn siksi neuvostolta jälleen kerran: mitä se sitten aikoo?"@fi7
lpv:translated text
". Herr talman! Också jag vill be Michel Rocard att ha överseende med att jag kommer att fokusera på en enda fråga – Palestina. Jag tror också att vi just undergräver möjligheterna till goda förbindelser med arabvärlden om vi inte förändrar vår nuvarande ståndpunkt och erkänner den nationella enhetsregeringen i Palestina. Med vår nuvarande ståndpunkt förvärrar vi fattigdomen och lidandet i de ockuperade områdena, vi riskerar att omintetgöra själva den palestinska myndigheten och vi omintetgör utan tvekan redan nu det palestinska folkets hopp. Vi agerar också totalt inkonsekvent och hycklande, för de palestinier som jag har träffat har med rätta ställt frågan: Hävdar inte EU att demokrati är bättre än våld? Jo, det gör vi faktiskt. Bedömde inte EU:s valobservatörer valet i Palestina som fritt och rättvist? Jo, det gjorde de faktiskt. Omvandlade inte den lagenligt valda Hamasregeringen sig trots detta, när den ombads att göra det, till en riktig regering av nationell enhet? Jo, det gjorde den. Har inte regeringen godtagit kvartettens tre krav, att avstå från våld, att respektera tidigare överenskommelser och att erkänna staten Israel? Jo, det har den. De har frågat mig, och jag i min tur frågar rådet här i kväll, vad väntar EU på nu? Jag har precis kommit tillbaka från ett besök med en parlamentarisk delegation till Palestina där vi träffade premiärminister Ismail Haniyeh och många av hans ministrar, och budskapet var detsamma från alla: de har uppfyllt kvartettens krav, de accepterar lösningen med två stater, baserad på gränserna från 1967, och de är beredda och ivriga att delta i fredsförhandlingar. De förstår inte varför EU inte svarar på detta och varför vi t.ex. insisterar på att kanalisera stöd via den tillfälliga internationella mekanismen vilket, även om det hjälper några av de fattigaste omöjligt kan förhindra den växande humanitära och politiska krisen: detta undergräver den palestinska statens apparat och auktoritet och, vilket är mycket viktigt, berövar EU det inflytande som vi skulle kunna – och borde – ha på de israeliska myndigheterna att utöva påtryckningar på dem att överföra de palestinska skatteintäkter som de fortfarande olagligt undanhåller. Vi träffade informationsminister Mustafa Barghouti, och han gjorde oss villrådiga när han sa: ”Om EU vill att den palestinska myndigheten ska kollapsa så borde man säga det. Låt oss tala klarspråk: det är dit vår politik leder. Jag är övertygad om att varken vi eller rådet vill att den palestinska myndigheten ska kollapsa, och därför frågar jag återigen rådet: vad väntar vi på nu?"@sv22
lpv:translated text
"Mijnheer de Voorzitter, ook ik moet de heer Rocard mijn verontschuldigingen voor aanbieden voor het feit dat ik mij concentreer op één vraagstuk: Palestina. Ik ben eveneens van mening dat wij - tenzij de EU haar huidige standpunt wijzigt en de regering van nationale eenheid in Palestina erkent - de mogelijkheden voor goede betrekkingen met de Arabische wereld juist ondermijnen, dat we de armoede en het lijden in de bezette gebieden verhevigen, dat we de Palestijnse Autoriteit zelf dreigen te fnuiken en dat we de hoop van het Palestijnse volk nu al in rook doen opgaan. We zijn ook volslagen inconsequent en schijnheilig. De Palestijnen die ik ontmoet heb, hebben mij terecht gevraagd: “Zegt de EU niet dat democratie beter is dan geweld?” Inderdaad, dat zeggen wij. “Hebben de verkiezingswaarnemers van de EU niet verklaard dat de Palestijnse verkiezingen vrij en eerlijk verlopen zijn?” Inderdaad, dat hebben ze verklaard. “Heeft de wettig verkozen Hamas-regering zich desondanks niet omgevormd tot een echte regering van nationale eenheid toen haar dat gevraagd werd?” Ja, dat heeft ze gedaan. “Heeft de regering niet ingestemd met de drie eisen van het Kwartet, namelijk afzwering van geweld, eerbiediging van bestaande overeenkomsten en erkenning van de staat Israël?” Ja, dat heeft ze gedaan. Ze stellen mij vragen, en ik stel op mijn beurt vanavond een vraag aan de hier aanwezige Raad : “Waar wacht de EU nog op?” Ik ben zojuist teruggekeerd van het bezoek dat een Parlementaire delegatie heeft gebracht aan Palestina, waar wij een ontmoeting hebben gehad met premier Haniyeh en veel van zijn ministers. Allemaal hadden ze dezelfde boodschap: ze hebben de eisen van het Kwartet ingewilligd, ze aanvaarden een tweestatenoplossing die gebaseerd is op de grenzen van 1967 en ze zijn meer dan bereid tot het voeren van vredesonderhandelingen. Ze begrijpen maar niet waarom de EU daar niet op reageert, en waarom wij er bijvoorbeeld op staan onze hulpverlening via het Tijdelijk Internationaal Mechanisme te laten lopen. Daarmee worden weliswaar enkelen van de armsten geholpen, maar daarmee kan de groeiende humanitaire en politieke crisis niet worden voorkomen. Dat ondermijnt het overheidsapparaat en het gezag van de Palestijnse Autoriteit en - en dit is van groot belang - het ontneemt de EU een machtsmiddel dat we zouden kunnen - en moeten - gebruiken om de Israëlische autoriteiten onder druk te zetten en hen ertoe te bewegen de Palestijnse belastingopbrengsten vrij te geven die ze nog altijd onrechtmatig achterhouden. We hebben een ontmoeting gehad met Mustafa Barghouti, de minister van Informatie, en hij bracht ons aan het twijfelen toen hij zei: “Als de EU wil dat de Palestijnse Autoriteit ineenstort, laat ze er dan gewoon voor uitkomen.” Laat dit heel duidelijk zijn: dat is waar ons beleid toe leidt. Ik ben ervan overtuigd dat de Raad net zo min als wij wil dat de Palestijnse Autoriteit ineenstort en dus vraag ik de Raad nogmaals: “Waar wacht u nog op?”"@nl3
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@lv13
lpv:translated text
". Κύριε Πρόεδρε, οφείλω και εγώ να ζητήσω συγγνώμη από τον κ. Rocard διότι θα εστιάσω την προσοχή μου σε ένα θέμα – την Παλαιστίνη. Θεωρώ και εγώ ότι, αν η ΕΕ δεν μεταβάλει την τρέχουσα στάση της και αν δεν αναγνωρίσει την κυβέρνηση εθνικής ενότητας στην Παλαιστίνη, υπονομεύουμε τις δυνατότητες ανάπτυξης καλών σχέσεων με τον αραβικό κόσμο, επιτείνουμε τη φτώχεια και τον πόνο στα Κατεχόμενα Εδάφη, κινδυνεύουμε να καταστρέψουμε την ίδια την Παλαιστινιακή Αρχή, ενώ είναι βέβαιο ότι καταστρέφουμε ήδη τις ελπίδες του παλαιστινιακού λαού. Επίσης, είμαστε εντελώς ασυνεπείς και υποκριτικοί, διότι, όπως πολύ σωστά με ρώτησαν οι Παλαιστίνιοι με τους οποίους συναντήθηκα: Δεν υποστηρίζει η ΕΕ ότι η δημοκρατία είναι καλύτερη από τη βία; Πράγματι, αυτό υποστηρίζουμε. Δεν αποφάνθηκαν οι εκλογικοί παρατηρητές της ΕΕ ότι οι εκλογές στην Παλαιστίνη ήταν ελεύθερες και δίκαιες; Πράγματι, αυτό ήταν το πόρισμά τους. Παρόλα αυτά, όταν της ζητήθηκε, η νομίμως εκλεγμένη κυβέρνηση της Χαμάς δεν μετατράπηκε σε γνήσια κυβέρνηση εθνικής ενότητας; Πράγματι, αυτό ακριβώς έπραξε. Δεν έχει συμφωνήσει μήπως αυτή η κυβέρνηση με τις τρεις απαιτήσεις της Τετραμερούς να αποκηρύξει τη βία, να σεβαστεί τις προηγούμενες συμφωνίες και να αναγνωρίσει το Κράτος του Ισραήλ; Πράγματι, έχει συμφωνήσει. Με ρώτησαν, λοιπόν, και απευθύνω και εγώ απόψε στο Συμβούλιο το ίδιο ακριβώς ερώτημα: τι άλλο περιμένει, επιτέλους, η ΕΕ; Μόλις επέστρεψα από επίσκεψη κοινοβουλευτικής αντιπροσωπείας στην Παλαιστίνη, όπου συναντηθήκαμε με τον πρωθυπουργό Χανίγια και με πολλούς από τους υπουργούς του, και το μήνυμα που μας μετέφεραν όλοι τους ήταν το ίδιο: έχουν ανταποκριθεί στις απαιτήσεις της Τετραμερούς, αποδέχονται μια λύση δύο κρατών βάσει των συνόρων του 1967 και είναι έτοιμοι και πρόθυμοι να ξεκινήσουν ειρηνευτικές διαπραγματεύσεις. Δεν μπορούν να κατανοήσουν γιατί η ΕΕ δεν ανταποκρίνεται και γιατί επιμένουμε, για παράδειγμα, να προσφέρουμε βοήθεια μέσω του προσωρινού διεθνούς μηχανισμού, ο οποίος, ενώ βοηθά ορισμένους από τους φτωχότερους κατοίκους, δεν μπορεί να αποτρέψει την εντεινόμενη ανθρώπινη και πολιτική κρίση: υπονομεύει τις διοικητικές δομές και το κύρος του Παλαιστινιακού Κράτους και, πράγμα που έχει κρίσιμη σημασία, αφαιρεί από την ΕΕ τα αναγκαία μέσα για την πίεση την οποία θα μπορούσαμε –και οφείλουμε– να ασκούμε στις ισραηλινές αρχές προκειμένου να απελευθερώσουν τα φορολογικά έσοδα των Παλαιστινίων, τα οποία συνεχίζουν να παρακρατούν παρανόμως. Συναντηθήκαμε με τον Mustafa Barghouti, τον υπουργό Πληροφοριών, και δεν μας άφησε την παραμικρή αμφιβολία όταν δήλωσε: «Αν η ΕΕ επιθυμεί την κατάρρευση της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής, θα ήταν καλό να μας το πει». Πρέπει να είμαστε απολύτως σαφείς: εκεί οδηγούν οι πολιτικές μας. Είμαι βέβαιη ότι κανείς μας, ούτε εμείς ούτε το Συμβούλιο, δεν επιθυμεί την κατάρρευση της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής, γι’ αυτό ερωτώ και πάλι το Συμβούλιο: τι άλλο περιμένει;"@el10
lpv:translated text
". Herr Präsident! Auch ich muss Herrn Rocard um Entschuldigung bitten, dass ich mich auf ein Thema – Palästina – konzentriere. Ich bin ebenfalls davon überzeugt, dass wir, solange die EU ihren derzeitigen Standpunkt nicht ändert und die nationale Einheitsregierung in Palästina nicht anerkennt, die Chancen für gute Beziehungen zur arabischen Welt untergraben, Armut und Leid in den besetzten Gebieten noch vergrößern, Gefahr laufen, die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde zu zerstören und mit Sicherheit bereits die Hoffnungen des palästinensischen Volkes zunichte machen. Wir verhalten uns darüber hinaus völlig inkonsequent und heuchlerisch, weil die Palästinenser, die ich getroffen habe, mich zu Recht fragten: Behauptet die EU nicht, dass Demokratie besser ist als Gewalt? Ja, das tun wir in der Tat. Haben die Wahlbeobachter der EU nicht verkündet, dass die palästinensischen Wahlen frei und gerecht abliefen? Ja, das haben sie. Hat sich die rechtmäßig gewählte Hamas-Regierung nicht dennoch, als sie darum gebeten wurde, zu einer echten Regierung der nationalen Einheit gewandelt? Ja, das hat sie. Hat diese Regierung nicht den drei Forderungen des Quartetts, auf Gewalt zu verzichten, frühere Abkommen einzuhalten und den Staat Israel anzuerkennen, stattgegeben? Ja, das hat sie. Die Palästinenser, mit denen ich gesprochen habe, haben mich das gefragt, und nun frage ich wiederum heute hier den Rat, worauf die EU noch wartet? Ich bin gerade von dem Besuch einer Delegation dieses Parlaments in Palästina zurückgekommen, bei dem wir mit Ministerpräsident Hanija und vielen seiner Minister zusammentrafen, die alle dieselbe Botschaft verlauten ließen: Sie haben die Forderungen des Quartetts erfüllt, sie akzeptieren eine Zweistaatenlösung auf der Grundlage der Grenzen von 1967 und sind bereit und erpicht auf Friedensverhandlungen. Sie können nicht verstehen, warum die EU nicht reagiert und warum wir beispielsweise darauf bestehen, die Hilfe über den vorläufigen internationalen Mechanismus laufen zu lassen, der zwar einigen der Ärmsten hilft, aber die zunehmende humanitäre und politische Krise nicht aufhalten kann: Er unterminiert den palästinensischen Staatsapparat und seine Autorität und, was besonders bedeutend ist, beraubt die EU ihres Einflusses, den wir auf die israelischen Behörden haben könnten – und sollten –, um dahingehend Druck auf sie auszuüben, dass sie die palästinensischen Steuereinnahmen freigibt, die sie noch immer illegal einbehält. Wir haben den Informationsminister Mustafa Barghouti getroffen, der uns nicht im Unklaren ließ, als er sagte: „Wenn die EU will, dass die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde zusammenbricht, sollte sie das sagen.“ Sagen wir es rundheraus: Genau dahin führt unsere Politik. Ich bin mir sicher, dass weder wir noch der Rat möchte, dass sie zusammenbricht, weswegen ich den Rat noch einmal frage: Worauf wartet er noch?"@de9
lpv:spoken text
". – Mr President, I, too, must beg forgiveness of Mr Rocard by focusing on one issue – Palestine. I also believe that, until the EU changes its current position and recognises the National Unity Government in Palestine, we are precisely undermining the opportunities for good relations with the Arab world, we are exacerbating poverty and suffering in the Occupied Territories, we are in danger of destroying the Palestinian Authority itself and we are certainly already destroying the hopes of the Palestinian people. We are also being entirely inconsistent and hypocritical, because the Palestinians I have met have rightly challenged me: Does the EU not say that democracy is better than violence? Well, yes, we do. Did the EU election observers not pronounce the Palestinian elections free and fair? Well, yes, they did. In spite of that, when asked to do so, did the legitimately elected Hamas Government not transform itself into a genuine government of national unity? Yes, it did. Has that government not agreed to the three demands of the quartet to renounce violence, to respect previous agreements and to recognise the State of Israel? Yes, it has. They ask me and I, in turn, ask the Council here tonight, what else is the EU waiting for? I have just come back from a parliamentary delegation visit to Palestine where we met Prime Minister Haniyeh and many of his ministers, and the message from all of them was the same: they have met the demands of the Quartet, they accept a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders and they are ready and eager for peace negotiations. They cannot understand why the EU does not respond and why we insist, for example, on channelling aid via the Temporary International Mechanism, which, while it helps some of the poorest, is unable to prevent the growing humanitarian and political crisis: it undermines the apparatus and the authority of the Palestinian State and, crucially, it strips the EU of the leverage we could – and should – have with the Israeli authorities to pressure them into releasing the Palestinian tax revenues which they are still illegally withholding. We met Mustafa Barghouti, the Minister of Information, and he left us in doubt when he said, ‘If the EU wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, then it should say so’. Let us be very clear: that is where our policies are leading. I am sure that neither we nor the Council wants the Palestinian Authority to collapse, and so I ask the Council once again: what else is it waiting for?"@en4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Caroline Lucas,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Signor Presidente, anch’io devo scusarmi con l’onorevole Rocard perché vorrei concentrare l’attenzione su un’unica questione: la Palestina. Credo inoltre che, finché l’Unione non cambierà la sua posizione attuale e non riconoscerà il governo di unità nazionale in Palestina, pregiudicherà proprio le opportunità di costruire buone relazioni con il mondo arabo, aggraverà la povertà e la sofferenza nei territori occupati e rischierà di distruggere la stessa Autorità palestinese; sicuramente, sta già distruggendo le speranze del popolo palestinese. Siamo inoltre del tutto incoerenti e ipocriti, perché i palestinesi che ho incontrato hanno giustamente obiettato: l’Unione europea non afferma forse che la democrazia è meglio della violenza? Sì, è così. Gli osservatori dell’Unione europea non hanno dichiarato che le elezioni palestinesi si sono svolte in modo libero e corretto? Sì, è così. Nonostante ciò, quando gli è stato chiesto di farlo, il governo di legittimamente eletto non si è trasformato in un autentico governo di unità nazionale? Sì, lo ha fatto. Tale governo non ha forse accettato le tre richieste del Quartetto di rinunciare alla violenza, di rispettare gli accordi precedenti e di riconoscere lo Stato di Israele? Sì. Ora mi chiedono e io, a mia volta, chiedo al Consiglio qui stasera, cos’altro sta aspettando l’Unione europea? Sono appena tornata da una visita della delegazione parlamentare in Palestina, dove abbiamo incontrato il Primo Ministro Haniyeh e molti dei suoi ministri, e il messaggio di tutti loro è stato lo stesso: hanno soddisfatto le richieste del Quartetto, accettano una soluzione a due Stati basata sui confini del 1967 e sono pronti e desiderosi di avviare i negoziati di pace. Non capiscono perché l’Unione europea non risponde e perché insistiamo, per esempio, a canalizzare gli aiuti attraverso il meccanismo temporaneo internazionale, che, mentre aiuta alcuni dei più poveri, non è in grado di evitare la crescente crisi umanitaria e politica: questo strumento mina alla base l’apparato e l’autorità dello Stato palestinese e, soprattutto, sottrae all’Unione europea il potere che potremmo – e dovremmo – esercitare nei confronti delle autorità israeliane per imporre loro di restituire le entrate fiscali palestinesi che ancora trattengono illegalmente. Abbiamo incontrato Mustafa Barghouti, ministro dell’Informazione, che ci ha lasciati perplessi quando ha detto: “Se l’Unione europea vuole provocare il crollo dell’Autorità palestinese, dovrebbe dirlo”. Diciamocelo molto chiaramente: è a questo che le nostre politiche stanno conducendo. Sono sicura che né noi né il Consiglio vogliamo che l’Autorità palestinese crolli, perciò ancora una volta chiedo al Consiglio: cos’altro sta aspettando?"@it12
lpv:translated text
". Señor Presidente, yo también debo rogar al señor Rocard que me perdone por centrarme en una cuestión: Palestina. También creo que hasta que la UE cambie su posición actual y reconozca al Gobierno de Unidad Nacional de Palestina, estaremos minando ni más ni menos que la posibilidad de mantener buenas relaciones con el mundo árabe y exacerbando la pobreza y el sufrimiento en los Territorios Ocupados, correremos peligro de destruir a la propia Autoridad Palestina y sin duda ya estamos destruyendo las esperanzas del pueblo palestino. También somos totalmente incoherentes e hipócritas, porque los palestinos con los que me he reunido ya me han puesto en un aprieto, y con razón: ¿No dice la UE que la democracia es mejor que la violencia? Bueno, sí, eso decimos. ¿No dijeron los observadores de la UE que las elecciones palestinas fueron libres y legítimas? Bueno, sí, eso hicieron. A pesar de ello, cuando se lo pidieron, ¿no se transformó el Gobierno de Hamás elegido legítimamente en un verdadero Gobierno de unidad nacional? Sí, eso hizo. ¿No ha aceptado ese Gobierno las tres exigencias del «Cuarteto» de renunciar a la violencia, de respetar los acuerdos previos y de reconocer el Estado de Israel? Sí, eso ha hecho. Me preguntan, y yo, por mi parte, pregunto al Consejo aquí esta noche: ¿qué más quiere la UE? Acabo de volver de una visita de una delegación parlamentaria a Palestina, donde nos hemos reunido con el Primer Ministro Haniya y muchos de sus Ministros, y el mensaje de todos ellos ha sido el mismo: han cumplido las exigencias del «Cuarteto», aceptan una solución que incluya dos Estados basada en las fronteras de 1967 y están dispuestos y deseosos de entablar negociaciones de paz. No entienden por qué la Unión Europea no responde y por qué insistimos, por ejemplo, en canalizar la ayuda a través del Mecanismo Internacional Temporal, que, al tiempo que ayuda a algunos de los más pobres, es incapaz de evitar la creciente crisis política y humanitaria: mina el aparato y la autoridad del Estado palestino y –esto es crucial– despoja a la UE de la influencia que podríamos –y deberíamos– tener en las autoridades israelíes para presionar a favor de la entrega de los ingresos fiscales palestinos que siguen reteniendo de manera ilegal. Nos reunimos con Mustafá Barguti, el Ministro de Información, y nos dejó con dudas cuando dijo: «Si la UE quiere que la Autoridad Palestina se derrumbe, debería decirlo». Seamos muy claros: ahí es adonde llevan nuestras políticas. Estoy segura de que ni nosotros ni el Consejo queremos que la Autoridad Palestina se derrumbe, por le pregunto al Consejo una vez más: ¿qué más quiere?"@es21
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
lpv:translated text
"Senhor Presidente, também eu tenho de pedir desculpa ao senhor deputado Rocard por me centrar numa questão – a Palestina. Considero igualmente que, enquanto a UE não mudar a sua posição actual e reconhecer o Governo de Unidade Nacional na Palestina, estamos precisamente a minar as oportunidades de estabelecer boas relações com o mundo árabe, estamos a aumentar a pobreza e o sofrimento nos territórios ocupados, corremos o risco de perder a própria Autoridade palestiniana e estamos, seguramente, a destruir as esperanças do povo palestiniano. Estamos também a ser totalmente incoerentes e hipócritas, pois os Palestinianos com quem me encontrei questionaram-me, e com razão, sobre o seguinte: A UE não diz que a democracia é melhor do que a violência? Sim, diz. Os observadores eleitorais da UE não afirmaram que as eleições palestinianas foram livres e justas? Sim, afirmaram. E, apesar disso, o Governo do Hamas, legitimamente eleito, não se transformou num verdadeiro governo de unidade nacional quando lho foi pedido? Sim, transformou-se. Esse Governo não aceitou as três exigências do Quarteto, a saber, renunciar à violência, respeitar os anteriores acordos e reconhecer o Estado de Israel? Sim, aceitou. Eles perguntaram-me, e eu, por minha vez, pergunto ao Conselho hoje à noite, neste Hemiciclo: do que é que está à espera? Acabei de regressar de uma visita da delegação parlamentar à Palestina, onde tive oportunidade de me avistar com o Primeiro-Ministro Haniyeh e muitos dos seus ministros, e a mensagem de todos foi a mesma: as exigências do Quarteto foram respeitadas, a solução de dois Estados com base nas fronteiras de 1967 foi aceite, e estão prontos e desejosos de dar início a negociações de paz. Não conseguem compreender por que motivo a UE não reage e por que razão insistimos, por exemplo, em canalizar a ajuda por via do Mecanismo Temporário Internacional, que, embora ajude alguns dos mais pobres, não está a conseguir travar a crescente crise humanitária e política: prejudica o aparelho e autoridade do Estado palestiniano e, fundamentalmente, retira à UE a influência que podia – ou devia – ter junto das autoridades israelitas para os pressionar a desbloquear os rendimentos dos impostos que pertencem aos Palestinianos e que continuam a ser ilegalmente retidos. Encontrámo-nos com o Ministro da Informação, o Sr. Mustafa Barghouti, que nos deixou a pensar quando disse o seguinte, "Se a UE quer que a Autoridade Palestiniana caia, então que o diga logo". Sejamos bem claros: é aí que conduzem as nossas políticas. Tenho a certeza de que nem nós nem o Conselho quer que a Autoridade Palestiniana caia, pelo que pergunto, mais uma vez, ao Conselho: do que é que estão à espera?"@pt17
lpv:translated text
". Monsieur le Président, je prie, moi aussi, M. Rocard de m’excuser de me concentrer sur un sujet, la Palestine. Je pense également qu’aussi longtemps que l’UE n’aura pas changé sa position actuelle et reconnu le Gouvernement d’Union Nationale en Palestine, elle continuera de compromettre les occasions d’instaurer de bonnes relations avec le monde arabe, exacerbera la pauvreté et la souffrance dans les territoires occupés, risquera de mener l’Autorité palestinienne elle-même à sa perte et ruine certainement dès à présent les espoirs du peuple palestinien. Nous sommes aussi totalement incohérents et hypocrites, car les Palestiniens que j’ai rencontrés m’ont défiée avec raison: «L’UE n’a-t-elle pas dit que la démocratie était préférable à la violence? C’est ce que nous disons. Les observateurs électoraux de l’UE n’ont-ils pas déclaré que les élections palestiniennes s’étaient déroulées de façon libre et régulière? C’est ce qu’ils ont dit. Malgré cela, lorsqu’on lui a demandé de le faire, le gouvernement du Hamas légitimement élu n’a-t-il pas accepté de se transformer en véritable gouvernement d’union nationale? Si, il l’a fait. Ce gouvernement n’a-t-il pas accepté de respecter les trois exigences du quartet de renoncer à la violence, respecter les accords antérieurs et reconnaître l’État d’Israël? Si, il l’a fait!» Ils m’ont posé ces questions et moi, en retour, je demande au Conseil, ici, ce soir: que faut-il encore à l’UE? Je rentre d’une visite en Palestine dans le cadre d’une délégation parlementaire où nous avons rencontré le Premier ministre Haniyeh et quelques-uns de ses ministres. Le message qu’ils nous ont tous adressé était le même: ils ont accédé aux demandes du quartet, accepté la solution de deux États basés sur les frontières de 1967 et ils sont prêts et impatients de mener des négociations de paix. Ils ne peuvent pas comprendre que l’UE ne réponde pas, ni pourquoi nous insistons, par exemple, pour acheminer l’aide via le Mécanisme international temporaire qui, même s’il aide certains des plus pauvres, n’est pas en mesure d’empêcher la crise humanitaire et politique grandissante: il affaiblit l’appareil et l’autorité de l’État palestinien et cela retire à l’UE l’influence qu’elle aurait pu et dû avoir sur les autorités israéliennes pour les amener à libérer les revenus fiscaux palestiniens qu’elles continuent de détenir illégalement. Nous avons rencontré Mustafa Barghouti, le ministre de l’information, et il nous a plongés dans le doute en déclarant que «si l’UE veut que l’Autorité palestinienne s’effondre, elle n’a qu’à le dire». Nous devons être très lucides, c’est bien là que conduisent nos politiques. Je suis certaine que ni nous, ni le Conseil, ne souhaitons l’effondrement de l’Autorité palestinienne. C’est pourquoi je demande encore une fois au Conseil ce qu’il lui faut encore pour prendre attitude."@fr8
rdf:type
dcterms:Date
dcterms:Is Part Of
dcterms:Language
lpv:document identification number
"en.20070509.13.3-095"6
lpv:hasSubsequent
lpv:speaker

Named graphs describing this resource:

1http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Czech.ttl.gz
2http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Danish.ttl.gz
3http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Dutch.ttl.gz
4http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/English.ttl.gz
5http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Estonian.ttl.gz
6http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Events_and_structure.ttl.gz
7http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Finnish.ttl.gz
8http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/French.ttl.gz
9http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/German.ttl.gz
10http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Greek.ttl.gz
11http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Hungarian.ttl.gz
12http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Italian.ttl.gz
13http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Latvian.ttl.gz
14http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Lithuanian.ttl.gz
15http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Maltese.ttl.gz
16http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Polish.ttl.gz
17http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Portuguese.ttl.gz
18http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Romanian.ttl.gz
19http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Slovak.ttl.gz
20http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Slovenian.ttl.gz
21http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Spanish.ttl.gz
22http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Swedish.ttl.gz
23http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/spokenAs.ttl.gz

The resource appears as object in 2 triples

Context graph