Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-05-09-Speech-3-063"

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"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@en4
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"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@cs1
"Hr. formand! Forbindelserne mellem EU og Rusland forud for det kommende topmøde befinder sig i et kritisk stadie. Vi står over for en alvorlig krise på grund af flytningen af den sovjetiske mindestatue i Tallinn. Jeg kommer fra Det Forenede Kongerige, der gudskelov aldrig har stået direkte over for det sovjetiske hegemoni, og det er derfor let for mig at sætte spørgsmålstegn ved det fornuftige i den politiske beslutning om at flytte statuen og med den de faldne russiske soldater til en militærkirkegård. Det er ikke desto mindre den estiske regerings suveræne rettighed, og den blev udført på legal vis i henhold til den internationale ret. Det er hverken acceptabelt, at Rusland kræver den estiske regerings afgang, eller at det fremkalder uro gennem den ekstremistiske nationalistiske gruppering imod den estiske delegation i Moskva. Da jeg besøgte Moskva for nogle få uger siden, protesterede jeg personligt til viceudenrigsministeren over den samme behandling af den britiske ambassadør, hr. Anthony Brenton, der blev chikaneret for at deltage i Kasparov-mødet. Det er på tide, at Rusland vågner op til den nye geopolitiske virkelighed om, at det såkaldte "nære udland", hvor det bestemmer, ikke længere findes. Nu skal det respektere suveræniteten i disse nye lande som f.eks. Estland, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgien osv. Jeg betragter mig selv som ven af Rusland og i særdeleshed dets meget rige kultur, og efter min mening har EU brug for et stærkt og forenet Rusland, på samme måde som det har brug for os, men også for et Rusland, der overholder sine internationale forpligtelser som medlem af OSCE og Europarådet til at respektere demokrati og menneskerettigheder - i særdeleshed i Tjetjeneien og med hensyn til pressefrihed. Intimidering af naboerne er ikke gavnlig, specielt ikke nu hvor de kan kræve støtte fra EU og NATO, der er fast besluttet på at udvise stærk solidaritet i spørgsmål såsom forbuddet mod kød fra Polen og sagen om statuen i Estland, som vi diskuterer i dag. Vi har brug for Rusland - ikke kun som en pålidelig handelspartner på grund af dets olie og gas, men også for dets støtte i Sikkerhedsrådet til at dæmme op for Iran og Nordkoreas spredning af atomkraft, til at genstarte fredsprocessen mellem Arabien og Israel, til at finde acceptable løsninger på de fastfrosne konflikter fra Transnistrien og Georgien til Nagorno Karabakh og til at holde det despotiske regime i Belarus i skak. Vi skal også have Rusland til at underskrive en emissionsbegrænsningsstrategi som signatar af Kyoto-aftalen, da vi alle står over for de fælles farer ved den globale opvarmning, og da Rusland har store områder i de arktiske egne, der kan rammes hårdt af den globale opvarmning. Vi støtter Ruslands ønske om at komme med i WTO, da vi tror, at man ved at underlægge landet et regelbaseret multilateralt handelssystem vil gøre det muligt at indsende klager, hvis landet atter forsøger at indføre vilkårlige handelsforbud, sådan som det gjorde i spørgsmålet om vinforbuddet imod Moldova og mineralvandsforbuddet mod Georgien. Jeg forstår den russiske bekymring. Russerne er næsten paranoide over deres fremtidige demografiske befolkningskrise - de mister hvert år omkring 700.000 borgere - og mange EU-medlemsstater deler den samme fremtidige udfordring. Jeg mener imidlertid ikke, at det er i nogens langsigtede interesse at lade Rusland bore i vores svagheder ved at splitte de enkelte medlemsstater."@da2
"Herr Präsident! Die Beziehungen zwischen der EU und Russland befinden sich im Vorfeld des bevorstehenden Gipfels in einer kritischen Phase: Es zeichnet sich eine ernstzunehmende Krise bezüglich der Umsetzung der sowjetischen Gedenkstatue in Tallinn ab. Für mich, der ich aus dem Vereinigten Königreich komme, das die sowjetische Vorherrschaft glücklicherweise nie direkt zu spüren bekam, ist es leicht zu fragen, ob die politische Entscheidung klug war, die Statue umzusetzen und mit ihr die gefallenen russischen Soldaten auf einen Militärfriedhof zu verlegen. Dennoch handelt es sich definitiv um ein souveränes Recht der estnischen Regierung, das rechtmäßig entsprechend dem Völkerrecht ausgeübt wurde. Es ist weder annehmbar, dass Russland den Rücktritt der estnischen Regierung fordert, noch dass es – durch die extremistische nationalistische Organisation Unruhen gegenüber der estnischen Vertretung in Moskau schürt. Ich persönlich habe mich vor einigen Wochen in Moskau beim stellvertretenden Außenminister über dieselbe Behandlung des britischen Botschafters Anthony Brenton beschwert, der schikaniert wurde, weil er an der Kundgebung von Herrn Kasparow teilgenommen hatte. Russland muss sich der neuen geopolitischen Realität bewusst werden, dass das so genannte nahe Ausland, in dem es das Sagen hat, nicht mehr existiert. Es muss nun die Souveränität dieser neuen Länder wie Estland, Ukraine, Republik Moldau, Georgien usw. respektieren. Ich betrachte mich als Freund Russlands und vor allem seiner sehr reichen Kultur und bin davon überzeugt, dass die EU ein starkes, geeintes Russland ebenso braucht wie Russland uns, aber dass sie auch ein Russland braucht, das seinen internationalen Verpflichtungen als Mitglied der OSZE und des Europarates nachkommt, Demokratie und Menschenrechte, vor allem in Tschetschenien, sowie die Pressefreiheit zu achten. Es ist nicht hilfreich, seine Nachbarn zu tyrannisieren, vor allem, wenn sie jetzt auf die Unterstützung der EU und der NATO zählen können, die fest entschlossen sind, in Fragen wie dem Einfuhrverbot für polnisches Fleisch und dem Problem mit der Statue in Tallinn, mit dem wir uns heute befassen, eindeutige Solidarität zu zeigen. Wir brauchen Russland, nicht nur als verlässlichen Handelspartner für Öl und Gas, sondern auch für seine Unterstützung im Sicherheitsrat, um die Verbreitung von Atomwaffen durch den Iran und Nordkorea einzudämmen. Außerdem brauchen wir es, um den arabisch-israelischen Friedensprozess wieder in Gang zu bringen, annehmbare Lösungen für die schlummernden Konflikte von Transnistrien über Georgien bis hin zu Nagorny-Karabach zu finden und das despotische Regime in Belarus in Zaum zu halten. Wir brauchen Russland auch für die Verpflichtung zu einer Emissionsbegrenzungsstrategie als Unterzeichner des Kyoto-Protokolls, da wir alle der Gefahr der Erderwärmung ausgesetzt sind, und Russland natürlich in der Arktis sehr präsent ist, die stark von der globalen Erwärmung betroffen wäre. Wir unterstützen den Wunsch Russlands, der WTO beizutreten, da wir davon überzeugt sind, dass, wenn es einem geregelten multilateralen Handelssystem unterworfen wird, Beschwerden eingereicht werden können, wenn es erneut versuchen sollte, willkürlich Einfuhrverbote auszusprechen, wie es bei Wein aus der Republik Moldau und Mineralwasser aus Georgien der Fall war. Ich habe Verständnis für die Sorgen Russlands. Bezüglich einer demografischen Krise in Zukunft verhält es sich geradezu paranoid – es verliert jährlich rund 700 000 Einwohner –, und auch viele EU-Mitgliedstaaten müssen sich künftig dieser demografischen Herausforderung stellen. Aber ich bin auch fest davon überzeugt, dass es nicht in unserem langfristigen Interesse ist, zuzulassen, dass Russland unsere Schwächen testet, indem es die EU-Mitgliedstaaten aufspaltet."@de9
"Κύριε Πρόεδρε, οι σχέσεις ΕΕ-Ρωσίας ενόψει της επικείμενης συνόδου κορυφής βρίσκονται σε κρίσιμο σημείο καμπής: αντιμετωπίζουμε σοβαρή κρίση σχετικά με τη μετακίνηση του σοβιετικού μνημείου στο Ταλίν. Καθώς προέρχομαι από το Ηνωμένο Βασίλειο, μια χώρα η οποία είχε την καλή τύχη να μην αντιπαρατεθεί ποτέ κατά μέτωπο με τη σοβιετική ηγεμονία, μου είναι εύκολο να αμφισβητήσω τη σκοπιμότητα της πολιτικής απόφασης για μετακίνηση του αγάλματος, και μαζί με αυτό των πεσόντων ρώσων στρατιωτών, σε στρατιωτικό νεκροταφείο. Εντούτοις, αποτελεί σαφώς κυρίαρχο δικαίωμα της κυβέρνησης της Εσθονίας το οποίο ασκήθηκε νομίμως σύμφωνα με τους κανόνες του διεθνούς δικαίου. Είναι απαράδεκτο να ζητεί η Ρωσία την παραίτηση της κυβέρνησης της Εσθονίας ή να υποκινεί ταραχές –μέσω της ακραίας εθνικιστικής ομάδας Νάσι– κατά της εσθονικής διπλωματικής αποστολής στη Μόσχα. Διαμαρτυρήθηκα προσωπικά στον αναπληρωτή υπουργό Εξωτερικών, όταν επισκέφθηκα τη Μόσχα πριν από μερικές εβδομάδες, διότι παρόμοια μεταχείριση είχε επιφυλαχθεί και στον βρετανό πρέσβη, Anthony Brenton, ο οποίος υπέστη παρενοχλήσεις λόγω της παρουσίας του στη συγκέντρωση διαμαρτυρίας του κ. Κασπάροφ. Η Ρωσία πρέπει πλέον να αντιληφθεί τη νέα γεωπολιτική πραγματικότητα, να αντιληφθεί δηλαδή ότι το λεγόμενο «εγγύς εξωτερικό», στο οποίο κινούσε η ίδια τα νήματα, έχει πάψει να υπάρχει. Τώρα οφείλει να σέβεται την εθνική κυριαρχία των νέων αυτών χωρών, όπως η Εσθονία, η Ουκρανία, η Μολδαβία, η Γεωργία κλπ. Θεωρώ εαυτόν φίλο της Ρωσίας, και ειδικότερα της πλουσιότατης πολιτισμικής της κληρονομιάς, ενώ φρονώ ότι η ΕΕ χρειάζεται μια ισχυρή, ενωμένη Ρωσία –όπως και αυτή εμάς– μια Ρωσία, όμως, η οποία τηρεί τις διεθνείς της υποχρεώσεις, ως μέλος του ΟΑΣΕ και του Συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης, όσον αφορά τον σεβασμό της δημοκρατίας και των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, ιδίως στην Τσετσενία και στο θέμα της ελευθερίας του Τύπου. Η προσπάθεια εκφοβισμού των γειτόνων της δεν είναι εποικοδομητική, δεδομένου ιδίως ότι μπορούν τώρα να ζητήσουν την υποστήριξη της ΕΕ και του ΝΑΤΟ, στον βαθμό που διατηρούν τη σταθερή τους προσήλωση στην επίδειξη ισχυρής αλληλεγγύης για θέματα όπως η απαγόρευση των εισαγωγών κρέατος από την Πολωνία ή το θέμα του μνημείου στην Εσθονία που συζητούμε σήμερα. Χρειαζόμαστε τη Ρωσία, όχι μόνο ως αξιόπιστο εμπορικό εταίρο για το πετρέλαιο και το φυσικό της αέριο, αλλά και για τη βοήθειά της στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας όσον αφορά τον περιορισμό της διάδοσης των πυρηνικών στο Ιράν και τη Βόρεια Κορέα, την προσπάθεια επανέναρξης της αραβοϊσραηλινής ειρηνευτικής διαδικασίας, την εξεύρεση αποδεκτών λύσεων στις υποβόσκουσες συγκρούσεις, από την Υπερδνειστερία και τη Γεωργία ως το Ναγκόρνο-Καραμπάχ, και την απομόνωση του δεσποτικού καθεστώτος της Λευκορωσίας. Προσδοκούμε επίσης ότι η Ρωσία θα συνυπογράψει μια στρατηγική περιορισμού των εκπομπών, ως εταίρος στη συμφωνία του Κυότο, καθόσον μας απειλούν όλους οι κοινοί κίνδυνοι που προκαλεί η υπερθέρμανση του πλανήτη, και η Ρωσία έχει, βεβαίως, έντονη παρουσία στην Αρκτική, η οποία θα επηρεαστεί σοβαρά από την υπερθέρμανση του πλανήτη. Στηρίζουμε την επιθυμία της Ρωσίας να ενταχθεί στον ΠΟΕ, διότι θεωρούμε ότι η υπαγωγή της σε ένα σύστημα πολυμερούς εμπορίου που στηρίζεται σε κανόνες θα επιτρέψει την υποβολή ενστάσεων εφόσον προσπαθήσει να επιβάλει εκ νέου αυθαίρετες εμπορικές απαγορεύσεις, όπως στην περίπτωση της απαγόρευσης των εισαγωγών οίνου από τη Μολδαβία και μεταλλικού νερού από τη Γεωργία. Αντιμετωπίζω με ευαισθησία τις ρωσικές ανησυχίες· είναι, πράγματι, σχεδόν παρανοϊκοί ενόψει της δημογραφικής κρίσης που θα αντιμετωπίσουν στο μέλλον –χάνουν περίπου 700 000 πολίτες κάθε έτος– ενώ πολλά κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ βρίσκονται επίσης αντιμέτωπα με παρόμοιες μελλοντικές προκλήσεις. Εντούτοις, έχω συγχρόνως την ακλόνητη πεποίθηση ότι, αν επιτρέψουμε στη Ρωσία να εκμεταλλευτεί τις αδυναμίες μας, διχάζοντας τα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ, δεν θα εξυπηρετήσουμε τα μακροπρόθεσμα συμφέροντά μας."@el10
"Señor Presidente, las relaciones UE-Rusia antes de la próxima cumbre se encuentran en un punto crítico: nos enfrentamos a una grave crisis sobre el traslado de la estatua conmemorativa soviética en Tallin. Viniendo de Reino Unido, un país que nunca ha tenido que hacer frente directamente a la hegemonía soviética, me resulta fácil cuestionar la sabiduría de la decisión política de trasladar la estatua, y con ella a los soldados rusos caídos, a un cementerio militar. No obstante, sin duda es un derecho soberano del Gobierno estonio que se realizó de manera legal de acuerdo con el Derecho internacional. No es aceptable que Rusia exija la dimisión del Gobierno estonio ni que favorezca la agitación –a través de la agrupación nacionalista extremista contra la misión estonia en Moscú. Cuando estuve en Moscú hace algunas semanas, expresé personalmente mi protesta al Viceministro de Asuntos Exteriores por el mismo trato dado al embajador británico, Anthony Brenton, que fue acosado por asistir al mitin de Kaspárov. Ahora Rusia debe despertarse a la nueva realidad geopolítica de que el llamado «extranjero cercano», donde lleva la voz cantante, ya no existe. Ahora debe respetar la soberanía de estos nuevos países, como Estonia, Ucrania, Moldova, Georgia, etc. Me considero personalmente amigo de Rusia, y especialmente de su rica cultura, y creo que la UE necesita una Rusia fuerte y unida, como ella nos necesita a nosotros, pero también una Rusia que defienda sus obligaciones internacionales, como miembro de la OSCE y del Consejo de Europa, para respetar la democracia y los derechos humanos, especialmente en Chechenia y en materia de libertad de prensa. Intimidar a sus vecinos no ayuda, especialmente cuando ahora pueden solicitar el apoyo de una UE y una OTAN firmemente decididas a demostrar una solidaridad inquebrantable en cuestiones como la prohibición de carne procedente de Polonia y la cuestión de la estatua de Estonia que estamos debatiendo hoy. Necesitamos a Rusia, no solo como socio comercial fiable por su petróleo y su gas, sino también por su apoyo a la contención de la proliferación nuclear por parte de Irán y Corea del Norte en el Consejo de Seguridad, la reanudación del proceso de paz árabe-israelí, la búsqueda de soluciones aceptables para los conflictos congelados de Transdniéster y Georgia a Nagorno Karabaj y la contención del régimen despótico de Belarús. También necesitamos que Rusia suscriba una estrategia de limitación de las emisiones como país signatario de Kyoto, puesto que todos nos enfrentamos a los peligros comunes del calentamiento global, y Rusia tiene naturalmente un largo litoral ártico que se vería gravemente afectado por el calentamiento global. Apoyamos el deseo de Rusia de unirse a la OMC, pues creemos que integrarla en un sistema de comercio multilateral reglamentado permitirá interponer quejas si intenta imponer de nuevo, de manera arbitraria, prohibiciones comerciales, como hizo en el asunto de la prohibición del vino de Moldova y la prohibición del agua mineral de Georgia. Entiendo las preocupaciones rusas; en efecto, casi han caído en la paranoia con respecto a su futura crisis demográfica –pierden unos 700 000 ciudadanos cada año– y muchos Estados miembros de la UE comparten el mismo reto de cara al futuro. No obstante, también creo firmemente que permitir que Rusia pruebe nuestras debilidades dividiendo a los Estados miembros individuales de la UE no redunda en ninguno de nuestros intereses a largo plazo."@es21
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@et5
"Arvoisa puhemies, EU:n ja Venäjän suhteet ovat lähestyvän huippukokouksen alla ratkaisevassa vaiheessa: Tallinnassa on puhjennut vakava kriisi neuvostosotilaan muistopatsaan siirtämisestä. Koska kotimaani Yhdistynyt kuningaskunta on onneksi aina säästynyt Neuvostoliiton suoralta ylivallalta, minun on helppo epäillä sitä, oliko poliittinen päätös patsaan ja samalla kaatuneiden neuvostosotilaiden jäännösten siirtämisestä sotilashautausmaalle järkevä. Tästä huolimatta se on selvästi Viron hallituksen täysivaltainen oikeus ja hoidettiin laillisesti kansainvälisen oikeuden mukaan. Venäjällä ei ole oikeutta vaatia Viron hallitusta eroamaan eikä lietsoa levottomuuksia Viron Moskovan-lähetystöä vastaan äärinationalistisen ryhmittymän avulla. Vieraillessani muutama viikko sitten Moskovassa esitin apulaisulkoministerille henkilökohtaisen vastalauseen Yhdistyneen kuningaskunnan suurlähettilään Anthony Brentonin saamasta samanlaisesta kohtelusta: häntä ahdisteltiin hänen osallistuttuaan Kasparovin organisoimaan joukkokokoukseen. Venäjän on nyt totuteltava siihen uuteen geopoliittiseen tilanteeseen, että niin kutsuttuja "lähiulkomaita", joissa se käyttää määräysvaltaansa, ei enää ole. Sen on kunnioitettava näiden uusien maiden, kuten Viron, Ukrainan, Moldovan, Georgian ja muiden maiden suvereniteettiä. Pidän itseäni Venäjän ja etenkin sen rikkaan kulttuurin ystävänä, ja mielestäni EU tarvitsee vahvaa, yhtenäistä Venäjää, joka sekin tarvitsee meitä. Tarvitsemme kuitenkin myös sellaista Venäjää, joka noudattaa Etyjin ja Euroopan neuvoston jäsenyydestä johtuvia kansainvälisiä velvoitteitaan, eli kunnioittaa demokratiaa ja ihmisoikeuksia etenkin Tšetšeniassa, sekä valvoo lehdistönvapautta. Naapurivaltioiden uhkailu ei tehoa etenkään nyt, kun ne voivat tukeutua EU:hun ja Natoon, jotka ovat vakaasti päättäneet osoittaa vahvaa yhteisvastuuta muun muassa puolalaista lihaa koskevan kiellon tapauksessa ja tänään käsiteltävässä Viron patsasjupakassa. Tarvitsemme Venäjän luotettavaa kauppakumppanuutta sen öljyn ja kaasun takia, mutta tarvitsemme myös sen tukea turvallisuusneuvostossa hillitäksemme ydinaseiden leviämistä Iranissa ja Pohjois-Koreassa, käynnistääksemme uudelleen arabimaiden ja Israelin välisen rauhanprosessin, löytääksemme mielekkäitä ratkaisuja Transnistrian, Georgian ja Vuoristo-Karabahin lukkiutuneisiin konflikteihin sekä pitääksemme kurissa Valko-Venäjän itsevaltaisen hallinnon. Kioton sopimuksen allekirjoittajamaana Venäjän on myös sitouduttava päästöjen rajoittamista koskevaan järjestelmään, koska meitä kaikkia uhkaavat samat ilmaston lämpenemisen vaarat, ja Venäjän laajat arktiset alueet kärsisivät tietenkin vakavasti ilmaston lämpenemisestä. Tuemme Venäjän halua liittyä WTO:hon, sillä katsomme, että kun se saadaan noudattamaan sääntöihin perustuvaa monenvälistä kauppajärjestelmää, sitä vastaan voidaan nostaa kanteita, mikäli se yrittää jälleen määrätä mielivaltaisia kauppakieltoja, kuten se teki määrätessään kiellon moldovalaisille viineille ja georgialaisille mineraalivesille. Otan Venäjän huolenaiheet vakavasti. He suhtautuvat todellakin lähes vainoharhaisesti tulevaan väestörakenteelliseen kriisiinsä – Venäjän väkiluku vähenee vuosittain noin 700 000:lla – ja monilla EU:n jäsenvaltioilla on tulevaisuudessa edessään sama haaste. Olen kuitenkin myös vakaasti sitä mieltä, että ei ole pitkällä aikavälillä etujemme mukaista antaa Venäjän päästä perille heikoista kohdistamme aiheuttamalla hajaannusta yksittäisissä jäsenvaltioissa."@fi7
"Monsieur le Président, les relations entre l’UE et la Russie à la veille du sommet à venir sont à un stade critique: nous sommes face à une crise sérieuse suite au déplacement de la statue du mémorial soviétique à Tallinn. Originaire du Royaume-Uni, un pays qui n’a heureusement jamais dû faire face directement à l’hégémonie soviétique, il est facile pour moi de remettre en cause la sagesse de la décision politique de déplacer la statue et avec elle les soldats russes tombés au combat dans un cimetière militaire. Néanmoins, ce transfert est clairement un droit souverain du gouvernement estonien et a été effectué en conformité avec le droit international. Il n’est pas non plus acceptable que la Russie demande la démission du gouvernement estonien ni qu’elle fomente des troubles - par l’intermédiaire du groupement nationaliste extrémiste contre la mission estonienne à Moscou. Lors de ma visite à Moscou il y a quelques semaines, je me suis personnellement plaint auprès du vice-ministre des affaires étrangères du même traitement infligé à l’ambassadeur britannique, Anthony Brenton, qui a été harcelé pour avoir assisté au rassemblement de Kasparov. La Russie doit à présent s’éveiller à la nouvelle réalité géopolitique, à savoir que ce qu’il est convenu d’appeler le «proche étranger», où elle dicte sa loi, n’existe plus. Elle doit maintenant respecter la souveraineté de ces nouveaux pays, comme l’Estonie, l’Ukraine, la Moldova, la Géorgie, etc. Je me considère comme un ami de la Russie et en particulier de sa très riche culture, et je pense que l’UE a besoin d’une Russie forte et unie, comme celle-ci a besoin de nous, mais aussi d’une Russie qui honore, en tant que membre de l’OSCE et du Conseil de l’Europe, ses obligations internationales en matière de respect de la démocratie et des droits de l’homme, en particulier en Tchétchénie et en ce qui concerne la liberté de la presse. Tyranniser ses voisins ne sert à rien, en particulier lorsqu’ils peuvent à présent compter sur le soutien d’une UE et d’une OTAN fermement résolues à faire preuve d’une forte solidarité sur des questions telles que l’interdiction d’importer la viande polonaise et la question de la statue estonienne dont nous débattons aujourd’hui. Nous avons besoin de la Russie, pas seulement comme partenaire commercial fiable pour son pétrole et son gaz, mais aussi pour son soutien en vue d’empêcher la prolifération nucléaire en Iran et en Corée du Nord au Conseil de sécurité, pour relancer le processus de paix israélo-arabe, trouver des solutions acceptables aux conflits gelés de Transnitrie et de Géorgie au Nagorny-Karabakh, et contenir le régime despotique du Belarus. Nous avons également besoin de la Russie pour signer une stratégie de limitation des émissions en tant que signataire de Kyoto, puisque nous sommes tous confrontés aux dangers communs du réchauffement climatique, et la Russie, bien sûr, est largement présente dans l’Arctique, présence qui serait sérieusement affectée par ce réchauffement. Nous soutenons la volonté de la Russie de rejoindre l’OMC, car nous pensons que la soumettre à un système de commerce multilatéral basé sur des règles permettra que des plaintes soient introduites, si elle tente de nouveau d’imposer arbitrairement des interdictions commerciales, comme elle l’a fait sur le vin à l’encontre de la Moldova et sur l’eau minérale à l’encontre de la Géorgie. Je suis cependant sensible aux inquiétudes russes. En fait, les Russes sont presque paranoïaques au sujet de leur future crise démographique - la Russie perd quelque 700 000 citoyens chaque année - et de nombreux États membres de l’UE partagent aussi le même futur défi. Toutefois, je crois aussi fermement que permettre à la Russie de tester nos faiblesses en divisant les États membres ne va pas dans le sens d’aucun de nos intérêts à long terme."@fr8
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@hu11
"Signor Presidente, le relazioni UE-Russia alla vigilia del Vertice si trovano a un punto critico: siamo dinanzi a una grave crisi per via dello spostamento del monumento sovietico di Tallinn. Poiché provengo dal Regno Unito, paese che per fortuna non ha mai dovuto subire direttamente l’egemonia sovietica, è facile per me mettere in dubbio l’opportunità della decisione politica di spostare la statua, e con essa i soldati russi caduti, in un cimitero militare. E’ chiaro tuttavia che si tratta di un diritto sovrano del governo estone, esercitato legalmente nell’ambito del diritto internazionale. Non è accettabile né che la Russia chieda le dimissioni del governo estone né che fomenti – attraverso il gruppo estremista nazionalista agitazioni ai danni della missione estone a Mosca. Alcune settimane fa, durante la mia visita a Mosca, ho protestato personalmente con il viceministro degli Esteri, perché lo stesso trattamento è stato impartito all’Ambasciatore britannico, Anthony Brenton, che ha subito vessazioni per aver partecipato alla manifestazione di Kasparov. La Russia deve rendersi conto della nuova realtà geopolitica, in cui non esiste più il cosiddetto “estero vicino” in cui è lei a comandare. Ora deve rispettare la sovranità dei nuovi paesi, quali l’Estonia, l’Ucraina, la Moldova, la Georgia e così via. Mi reputo un amico della Russia e, in particolare, della sua ricchissima cultura, e credo che l’Unione europea abbia bisogno di una Russia forte e unita, così come la Russia ha bisogno di noi; tuttavia abbiamo bisogno anche di una Russia che ribadisca il proprio impegno internazionale, come membro dell’OSCE e del Consiglio d’Europa, a rispettare la democrazia e i diritti umani, soprattutto per quanto riguarda la Cecenia e la libertà di stampa. Intimidire i paesi vicini non aiuta, in particolare ora che possono richiedere il sostegno di un’Unione europea e di una NATO fermamente decise a dar prova di forte solidarietà in ambiti quali il divieto d’importazione di carni polacche e la questione della statua estone, di cui discutiamo oggi. La Russia ci serve non solo come commerciale affidabile per petrolio e gas, ma anche per il suo sostegno nel contrastare la proliferazione nucleare dell’Iran e della Corea del Nord in seno al Consiglio di sicurezza, per riavviare il processo di pace arabo-israeliano, per trovare soluzioni accettabili ai conflitti congelati dalla Transnistria alla Georgia al Nagorno-Karabach e per arginare il regime dispotico della Bielorussia. Ci serve altresì che la Russia sottoscriva una strategia di riduzione delle emissioni, in quanto firmataria di Kyoto, poiché tutti siamo esposti ai pericoli del riscaldamento terrestre, e la Russia, naturalmente, presenta estese regioni artiche che sarebbero gravemente colpite dal riscaldamento globale. Sosteniamo il desiderio della Russia di aderire all’OMC, poiché crediamo che inserirla in un sistema basato sulle regole del commercio internazionale permetterà di presentare reclami nel caso in cui tenti di nuovo di imporre arbitrariamente divieti di natura commerciale, come ha fatto con il vino ai danni della Moldova e con l’acqua minerale ai danni della Georgia. Sono sensibile ai timori russi; di fatto, i russi sono i più ossessionati dalla futura crisi demografica – perdono circa 700 000 cittadini l’anno – e anche molti Stati membri dell’Unione condividono la stessa sfida futura. Tuttavia credo altresì fermamente che permettere alla Russia di sondare le nostre debolezze spaccando in due i singoli Stati membri dell’Unione non faccia parte di alcuno dei nostri interessi a lungo termine."@it12
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@lt14
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@lv13
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@mt15
"Mijnheer de Voorzitter, de betrekkingen tussen de EU en Rusland bevinden zich, met de komende topontmoeting in zicht, op een kritiek punt: we worden geconfronteerd met een ernstige crisis in verband met de verplaatsing van het Sovjet-oorlogsmonument in Tallinn. Het is gemakkelijk voor mij, als iemand die afkomstig is uit het VK, een land dat gelukkig nooit rechtstreeks te maken heeft gehad met Sovjet-hegemonie, om vraagtekens zetten bij de wijsheid van het politieke besluit het standbeeld, en daarmee de gevallen Russische soldaten, naar een militaire begraafplaats te verplaatsen. Dat neemt niet weg dat de Estse regering onmiskenbaar het soevereine recht daartoe heeft en dat het besluit in overeenstemming met het internationale recht is uitgevoerd. Het is niet aanvaardbaar dat Rusland de Estse regering oproept af te treden, noch dat het onrust stookt - via de extremistische nationalistische groepering tegen de missie van Estland in Moskou. Toen ik een paar weken geleden in Moskou was, heb ik persoonlijk protest aangetekend bij de onderminister van Buitenlandse Zaken omdat de Britse ambassadeur, Anthony Brenton, eenzelfde behandeling ten deel viel: hij werd lastiggevallen omdat hij de protestbijeenkomst van Kasparov bijwoonde. Het is nu tijd dat Rusland zich bewust wordt van de nieuwe geopolitieke realiteit dat het zogenaamde ‘nabije buitenland’ waar het de dienst uitmaakt, niet langer bestaat. Het is nu tijd dat het de soevereiniteit van deze nieuwe landen, zoals Estland, Oekraïne, Moldavië, Georgië, enzovoort, eerbiedigt. Ik beschouw mezelf als een vriend van Rusland en in het bijzonder van zijn uitermate rijke cultuur. Ik geloof ook dat de EU een sterk, verenigd Rusland nodig heeft, net zoals Rusland ons nodig heeft. Maar we hebben ook een Rusland nodig dat zich, als lid van de OVSE en van de Raad van Europa, houdt aan zijn internationale verplichtingen om de democratie en de mensenrechten te eerbiedigen, vooral in Tsjetsjenië en ten aanzien van de persvrijheid. Het helpt niet bepaald als Rusland zijn buurlanden intimideert, vooral niet nu ze de steun kunnen inroepen van een EU en een NAVO die vastbesloten zijn een sterke solidariteit te tonen in kwesties als het verbod op vlees uit Polen en de zaak van het Estse standbeeld waar we het vandaag over hebben. We hebben Rusland niet alleen nodig als een betrouwbare handelspartner, vanwege zijn olie en gas, maar ook om in de Veiligheidsraad de nucleaire proliferatie door Iran en Noord-Korea in toom te houden, het Arabisch-Israëlisch vredesproces weer op de rails te zetten, aanvaardbare oplossingen te vinden voor de bevroren conflicten van Transnistrië en Georgië tot Nagorno-Karabach, en het despotische regime van Wit-Rusland in bedwang te houden. Het is ook nodig dat Rusland, als ondertekenaar van de Overeenkomst van Kyoto, een strategie voor emissiebeperking goedkeurt. De gevaren die de opwarming van de aarde met zich meebrengt, bedreigen ons immers allemaal. Rusland ligt voor een groot deel in het poolgebied, waar de gevolgen van de opwarming van de aarde zich sterk zouden doen voelen. Wij steunen de wens van Rusland om toe te treden tot de Wereldhandelsorganisatie. Immers, wanneer Rusland zich moet houden aan een op regels gebaseerd stelsel van multilaterale handel, wordt het mogelijk klachten in te dienen als het weer probeert willekeurige handelsverboden op te leggen, zoals de embargo’s op wijn uit Moldavië en mineraalwater uit Georgië die het heeft ingesteld. Ik heb begrip voor de bezorgdheid - om niet te zeggen paranoia - van Rusland over de demografische crisis die het in de toekomst te wachten staat: het land verliest ruwweg 700 000 burgers per jaar, en veel EU-lidstaten zien zich voor dezelfde toekomstige problemen gesteld. Ik ben er echter stellig van overtuigd dat het geen enkel van onze langetermijnbelangen dient als we toelaten dat Rusland onze zwakke plekken probeert te vinden door een wig te drijven tussen de afzonderlijke EU-lidstaten."@nl3
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@pl16
"Senhor Presidente, as relações entre a UE e a Rússia no período que antecede a próxima cimeira estão numa conjuntura crítica: confrontamo-nos com uma grave crise, em virtude da deslocação da Estátua de Homenagem ao Soldado Soviético em Talin. Oriundo como sou do Reino Unido, um país que, por misericórdia, nunca teve de enfrentar directamente a hegemonia soviética, é fácil para mim pôr em dúvida a bondade da decisão política de deslocar a estátua, e com ela a memória dos soldados russos que tombaram em combate, para um cemitério militar. Todavia, esse é sem dúvida um direito soberano do Governo da Estónia e foi legalmente levado à prática nos termos do direito internacional. Não é aceitável nem que a Rússia exija a demissão do Governo da Estónia nem que fomente distúrbios contra a missão da Estónia em Moscovo por intermédio do grupo nacionalista extremista . Quando estive em Moscovo, há umas semanas, apresentei pessoalmente o meu protesto junto do Ministro-Adjunto dos Negócios Estrangeiros pelo facto de o Embaixador britânico, Anthony Brenton, ter sido objecto de um tratamento semelhante: foi molestado por ter participado no comício de Kasparov. É altura de a Rússia abrir os olhos para a nova realidade geopolítica: o chamado "near abroad", o "estrangeiro aqui perto", onde ela põe e dispõe, já não existe. A Rússia tem de respeitar agora a soberania destes novos países: Estónia, Ucrânia, Moldávia, Geórgia, etc. Considero-me amigo da Rússia e, em especial, da sua riquíssima cultura, e estou convencido de que a UE precisa de uma Rússia forte e unida, tal como ela precisa de nós, mas também de uma Rússia que cumpra as suas obrigações internacionais, enquanto membro da OSCE e do Conselho da Europa: as obrigações de respeitar a democracia e os direitos humanos, em especial na Chechénia e no que se prende com a liberdade de imprensa. Tiranizar os vizinhos não ajuda nada, especialmente numa altura em que estes podem solicitar o apoio de uma UE e de uma NATO firmemente decididas a demonstrar uma forte solidariedade no que respeita a questões como o boicote à carne proveniente da Polónia e a questão da estátua na Estónia que hoje estamos a debater. Precisamos da Rússia, não apenas como parceiro comercial fiável por causa do seu petróleo e gás, mas também por causa do seu apoio à contenção da proliferação nuclear por parte do Irão e da Coreia do Norte no Conselho de Segurança, ao recomeço do processo de paz entre Árabes e Israelitas, à descoberta de soluções aceitáveis para os conflitos que se encontram congelados e que vão da Transnístria e da Geórgia a Nagorno-Karabakh, e à contenção do regime despótico na Bielorrússia. Precisamos também de que a Rússia subscreva uma estratégia de limitação de emissões enquanto signatária de Quioto, pois todos nós enfrentamos os perigos comuns do aquecimento global e a Rússia, como é evidente, tem uma grande presença no Árctico, a qual seria gravemente afectada pelo aquecimento global. Apoiamos o desejo da Rússia de aderir à OMC, pois consideramos que subordiná-la a um sistema de comércio multilateral assente em regras permitirá que sejam apresentadas queixas se aquele país voltar a tentar impor arbitrariamente boicotes comerciais, como aconteceu no que respeita à questão do boicote ao vinho, contra a Moldávia, e do boicote à água mineral relativamente à Geórgia. Sou sensível às preocupações russas; a verdade é que eles estão quase paranóicos por causa da sua crise demográfica no futuro – estão a perder cerca de 700 000 cidadãos por ano – e muitos Estados-Membros da UE também partilham do mesmo desafio futuro. No entanto, também acredito firmemente que permitir que a Rússia sonde os nossos pontos fracos, dividindo os diferentes Estados-Membros da UE, não se coaduna com nenhum dos nossos interesses a longo prazo."@pt17
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@ro18
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@sk19
"Mr President, EU-Russia relations ahead of the forthcoming summit are at a critical juncture: we are facing a serious crisis over the relocation of the Soviet Memorial Statue in Tallinn. Coming from the UK, a country that has mercifully never had to face Soviet hegemony directly, it is easy for me to question the wisdom of the political decision to relocate the statue, and with it the fallen Russian soldiers, to a military cemetery. Nevertheless, it is clearly a sovereign right of the Estonian Government and was conducted lawfully under international law. It is neither acceptable for Russia to call for the resignation of the Estonian Government nor for it to foment unrest – through the extremist nationalist grouping against the Estonian mission in Moscow. I personally protested to the Deputy Foreign Minister when I was in Moscow a few weeks ago about the same treatment meted out to the British Ambassador, Anthony Brenton, who was harassed for attending the Kasparov rally. Russia must now wake up to the new geopolitical reality that the so-called ‘near abroad’, where it calls the shots, no longer exists. It must now respect the sovereignty of these new countries, like Estonia, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, etc. I consider myself a friend of Russia and, particularly, its very rich culture, and believe the EU needs a strong, united Russia, as it needs us, but also a Russia that upholds its international obligations, as a member of the OSCE and of the Council of Europe, to respect democracy and human rights, particularly in Chechnya and over press freedom. Bullying its neighbours is not helpful, particularly when they can now call on the support of an EU and NATO firmly resolved to show strong solidarity over issues like the ban on meat from Poland and the Estonia statue issue we are discussing today. We need Russia, not only as a reliable trading partner for its oil and gas, but also for its support in containing nuclear proliferation by Iran and North Korea in the Security Council, restarting the Arab-Israeli peace process, finding acceptable solutions to the frozen conflicts from Transnistria and Georgia to Nagorno-Karabakh and containing the despotic regime in Belarus. We also need Russia to sign up to an emissions limitation strategy as a signatory of Kyoto, as we all face the common perils of global warming, and Russia, of course, has a large Arctic presence that would be seriously affected by global warming. We support Russia’s desire to join the WTO, as we believe making it subject to a rules-based system of multilateral trade will enable complaints to be lodged if it attempts again to arbitrarily impose trade bans, as it did on the issue of the wine ban against Moldova and the mineral water ban on Georgia. I am sensitive to Russian worries; indeed, they are almost paranoid over their demographic population crisis in future – they are losing some 700 000 citizens every year – and many EU Member States also share the same future challenge. However, I also believe strongly that allowing Russia to probe our weaknesses by splitting the individual EU Member States is not in any of our long-term interests."@sl20
"Herr talman! Förbindelserna mellan EU och Ryssland befinner sig i ett kritiskt stadium inför det kommande stormötet: vi står inför en allvarlig kris i fråga om omlokaliseringen av det sovjetiska minnesmonumentet i Tallinn. För mig som kommer från Storbritannien, ett land som har skonats från direkt konfrontation med Sovjetunionens ledarskap, är det lätt att ifrågasätta visheten i det politiska beslutet att flytta monumentet, och med det gravarna med de ryska soldaterna, till en krigskyrkogård. Men det är helt klart den estniska regeringens oinskränkta rättighet, och det har skett i enlighet med internationell lagstiftning. Det är varken acceptabelt att Ryssland kräver den estniska regeringens avgång eller att man underblåser oroligheter – genom den extremistiska nationalistiska gruppen riktade mot den estniska ambassaden i Moskva. Jag framförde personligen en protest till vice utrikesministern när jag var i Moskva för några veckor sedan mot att den brittiske ambassadören, Anthony Brenton, utsattes för liknande behandling efter att han hade medverkat vid Kasparovmötet. Ryssland måste öppna ögonen för den nya geopolitiska verkligheten som innebär att det så kallade ”närliggande utlandet”, där landet bestämmer, inte längre existerar. Man måste respektera självständigheten i de nya länderna, t.ex. i Estland, Ukraina, Moldavien, Georgien etc. Jag betraktar mig själv som en vän till Ryssland och i synnerhet till dess mycket rika kultur, och jag anser att EU behöver ett starkt, enat Ryssland, liksom Ryssland behöver oss, men också ett Ryssland som upprätthåller sina internationella åtaganden som medlem av OSSE och Europarådet, och som respekterar demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter, särskilt i fråga om Tjetjenien och pressfrihet. Det hjälper inte att trakassera sina grannar, i synnerhet inte när de som nu kräver stöd av EU och Nato, som är fast beslutna att visa stark solidaritet i frågor som förbudet mot kött från Polen och den fråga om statyn i Estland som vi diskuterar i dag. Vi behöver Ryssland, inte bara som tillförlitlig handelspartner för landets olja och gas, utan också för dess stöd i att i säkerhetsrådet hindra Irans och Nordkoreas spridning av kärnvapen, att återuppta den arabisk-israeliska fredsprocessen, att finna godtagbara lösningar på de frusna konflikterna från Transnistrien och Georgien till Nagorno-Karabach och att tygla den despotiska regimen i Vitryssland. Vi vill också att Ryssland, i egenskap av undertecknare av Kyotoavtalet, ska underteckna en strategi för begränsning av utsläpp, eftersom vi alla står inför risken för global uppvärmning, och eftersom Ryssland naturligtvis har ett stort arktiskt område som skulle påverkas allvarligt av en global uppvärmning. Vi stöder Rysslands önskan att bli medlem i WTO, eftersom vi tror att klagomål skulle kunna inges om man återigen skulle försöka införa handelsförbud på ett godtyckligt sätt som man gjorde i fråga om förbudet mot handel med vin med Moldavien och förbudet mot handel med mineralvatten med Georgien, om landet skulle underkastas ett regelbaserat system för multilateral handel. Jag är lyhörd för Rysslands oro. De är faktiskt nästan paranoida när det gäller den demografiska befolkningskrisen i framtiden – de förlorar omkring 700 000 medborgare varje år – och många medlemsstater i EU står inför samma framtida utmaning. Jag anser emellertid inte att det ligger i vårt intresse på lång sikt att tillåta Ryssland att pressa fram våra svagheter genom att splittra EU:s enskilda medlemsstater."@sv22
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21http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Spanish.ttl.gz
22http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Swedish.ttl.gz
23http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/spokenAs.ttl.gz

The resource appears as object in 2 triples

Context graph