Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-05-09-Speech-3-046"

PredicateValue (sorted: default)
rdf:type
dcterms:Date
dcterms:Is Part Of
dcterms:Language
lpv:document identification number
"en.20070509.12.3-046"6
lpv:hasSubsequent
lpv:speaker
lpv:spoken text
". Herr Präsident! Heute vor 62 Jahren, im Jahr 1945, feierte Europa Russlands День Победы – seinen Tag des Sieges – und den Sieg der Freiheit, des Rechts und der Menschenwürde über die Macht des von den Nazis verbreiteten Hasses. Damals hat uns eine gemeinsame Sache geeint. Nun hat uns ein Symbol genau dieses Krieges, das uns geeint hat, zu einem uns schwächenden Streit geführt. Und wir dürfen nicht darüber hinwegsehen, wenn wir die pragmatische Zusammenarbeit mit der Regierung Putin wirklich fortsetzen und einen Konsens über den endgültigen Status des Kosovo erzielen wollen. Besonders am Herzen liegt den Liberalen und Demokraten die russische Menschenrechtsbilanz. Nur wenn Politiker von einer unabhängigen Justiz, Meinungsfreiheit und Demokratie nicht mehr nur sprechen und Journalisten, Oppositionsparteien und NRO ohne Angst vor Repressalien arbeiten können, wird Russland sein Engagement für einen gemeinsamen Raum der Freiheit, der Sicherheit und des Rechts unter Beweis gestellt haben, den seine Mitgliedschaft im Europarat mit sich bringt und dem es sich auf dem Gipfeltreffen in Sankt Petersburg verpflichtet hat. Die Verhaftung und Inhaftierung von Oppositionellen wie Kasparow oder Chodorkowski deuten nicht darauf hin, dass die Zeiten sich ändern. Die Duma-Wahlen im Dezember, ganz zu schweigen von den Präsidentschaftswahlen im nächsten Jahr, werden hier ebenso wie Russlands Vorgehen in Tschetschenien, wo Folter und geheime Inhaftierungen nach wie vor Anlass zur Sorge geben, eine Bewährungsprobe darstellen. Ein Dialog erfordert Forschritte bei der Energiesicherheit, bei der in Bezug auf das Unternehmen Gasprom, bei dem es mehr um Politik als um Profit geht, die Gefahr weiterer brutaler Taktiken fortbesteht. Wir sind es Mitgliedstaaten wie Lettland und Litauen, die Opfer der Energiepolitik geworden sind, schuldig, eine Antwort zu geben, die keine Zweifel lässt. Das bedeutet, dass wir darauf bestehen müssen, dass künftige Abkommen zwischen der Europäischen Union und Russland an die Grundsätze des Energiecharta-Vertrags und des Kyoto-Abkommens geknüpft sind, um zu gewährleisten, dass die Zukunft sicherer und nachhaltiger ist. Ja, es gibt tatsächlich einige Anzeichen für Fortschritte im Bereich Justiz und Inneres, in dem wir Grenzabkommen mit den baltischen Staaten, Visafreiheit und die Rückübernahme illegaler Einwanderer gemäß unserer gemeinsamen Strategie aushandeln. Aber die Früchte des konstruktiven Dialogs sind Mangelware. Der heutige „Tag des Sieges“ sollte uns daran erinnern, dass die gegenseitige Abhängigkeit uns vor nur 60 Jahren dabei geholfen hat, gemeinsame Herausforderungen energisch zu bewältigen. Sie kann es wieder schaffen, wenn wir couragiert genug sind, zu handeln! Ich weiß, dass die Kommission zu einem Dialog rät, um den Stillstand zwischen Tallinn und Moskau im Hinblick auf das russische Kriegerdenkmal zu beenden. Aber „ein Dialog ist besser als zwei Monologe“ – wie Max Kampelman, der ehemalige US-Botschafter bei der KSZE, einmal sagte. Wenn Einschüchterung über Verhandlungen triumphiert, können die Europäische Union und Russland nicht mehr wie gewohnt weitermachen. Daher hat meine Fraktion heute Morgen beschlossen, ihre Unterstützung für den Entschließungsantrag zum Gipfel EU-Russland zurückzuziehen. Problematisch ist in unseren Augen nicht, was in dem Antrag steht, sondern was nicht in ihm steht. Russland braucht ein unmissverständliches Zeichen, dass genug genug ist. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! Lassen Sie mich Ihnen also einen direkten Vorschlag unterbreiten: Verschieben wir den Gipfel, bis Russland bereit ist, eine konstruktive Beziehung zur Union einzugehen und alle Gewalt gegen Personal und Eigentum der EU zu verurteilen. Wir müssen Estland zur Seite stehen. Wir müssen Polen zur Seite stehen. Demokratische Solidarität ist wichtiger als bilaterale Öl- und Gasverträge."@de9
lpv:spokenAs
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@cs1
"Hr. formand! På denne dag i 1945 fejrede Europa Ruslands День Победы - deres sejrsdag - og frihedens, rettens og den menneskelige værdigheds sejr over de nazistyrkers had. Dengang stod vi sammen i en fælles sag. Nu har et symbol på den krig, der førte os sammen, låst os fast i en destabiliserende strid. Og vi må ikke blinke først, hvis vi virkelig ønsker at bevare et pragmatisk samarbejde med Putins regering og skaffe enighed om Kosovos endelige status. Vi Liberale og Demokrater er særligt bekymrede over Ruslands generalieblad vedrørende menneskerettigheder. Først når en uafhængig dømmende magt, ytringsfrihed og demokrati ikke kun findes som velvalgte uddrag af taler, og når journalister, oppositionspartier og ngo'er kan virke uden frygt for gengældelse, vil Rusland have bevist sin klare forpligtelse til at oprette et fælles område med frihed, sikkerhed og retfærdighed i overensstemmelse med dets medlemskab af Europarådet og det dokument, som det underskrev på topmødet i Skt. Petersborg. Arrestationen og tilbageholdelsen af medlemmer af oppositionen, det være sig Kasparov eller Khodorkovsky, peger ikke i retning af nye tider. December måneds valg til Dumaen for ikke at nævne næste års præsidentvalg, bliver en lakmusprøve i denne henseende på samme måde som Ruslands aktioner i Tjetjenien, hvor tortur og hemmelige tilbageholdelser fortsat giver anledning til bekymring. En dialog kræver fremskridt vedrørende energisikkerhed, hvor udsigten til yderligere voldelige metoder truer, nu hvor Gazprom handler mere om politik end om profit. Vi skylder medlemsstater som Letland og Litauen, der er blevet ofre for energipolitikker, at reagere med mere handling end ord. Det betyder, at vi skal insistere på, at fremtidige aftaler mellem EU og Rusland kædes sammen med principperne i traktaten om det europæiske energicharter og Kyoto-aftalen for at skabe større sikkerhed og en bæredygtig fremtid. Ja, der er tegn på fremskridt inden for retlige og indre anliggender, hvor vi forhandler om grænseaftaler med de baltiske lande, visumfri rejser og tilbagetagelse af ulovlige indvandrere i tråd med vores fælles strategi. Der er imidlertid for langt mellem den konstruktive dialogs frugt. I dag skulle "sejrens dag" minde os om, at den indbyrdes afhængighed for bare 60 år siden hjalp os med at klare nogle fælles udfordringer. Det kan den gøre igen, hvis vi har modet til at handle! Jeg ved, at Kommissionen anbefaler en dialog for at løse hårknuden mellem Tallinn og Moskva over den russiske krigsstatue. Man må imidlertid huske på, at "en dialog er mere end to monologer", som den tidligere amerikanske ambassadør ved CSCE, Max Kampelman, engang sagde. Når intimidering sejrer over forhandling, kan der ikke længere være normale forhold mellem EU og Rusland. Derfor besluttede min gruppe her til morgen at trække støtten til beslutningsforslaget om topmødet mellem EU og Rusland tilbage. Problemet er ikke, hvad forslaget siger, men hvad det ikke siger. Russerne har brug for et klart signal om, at nu er det nok. Hr. Glose, hr. Verheugen! De gav os smukke ord, men kun bløde ord, ingen handling! Hr. formand! Så lad mig komme med et direkte forslag til Dem: Udskyd topmødet, indtil Rusland er villig til at cementere et konstruktivt forhold til EU, og fordøm al vold mod EU's personale og ejendom. Vi skal stå sammen med Estland. Vi skal stå sammen med Polen. Demokratisk solidaritet er vigtigere end bilaterale olie- og gasaftaler."@da2
". Κύριε Πρόεδρε, σαν σήμερα το 1945 η Ευρώπη εόρτασε τη ρωσική День Победы –την Ημέρα της Νίκης– και τη νίκη της ελευθερίας, του δικαίου και της ανθρώπινης αξιοπρέπειας απέναντι στις δυνάμεις του ναζιστικού μίσους. Τότε, είχαμε αγωνιστεί μαζί για κοινούς στόχους. Τώρα, ένα σύμβολο αυτού του πολέμου που μας είχε φέρει τον ένα κοντά στον άλλον μας παγιδεύει σε μια αποσταθεροποιητική διαμάχη. Επιπλέον, δεν πρέπει να είμαστε οι πρώτοι που θα υπαναχωρήσουν, εάν επιθυμούμε σοβαρά τη διατήρηση της ρεαλιστικής συνεργασίας με την κυβέρνηση Πούτιν και την επίτευξη συμφωνίας σχετικά με το τελικό καθεστώς του Κοσσυφοπεδίου. Ιδιαίτερη ανησυχία προκαλούν στους Φιλελεύθερους και Δημοκράτες οι επιδόσεις της Ρωσίας στον τομέα των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Μόνον όταν η ανεξαρτησία της δικαιοσύνης και η ελευθερία έκφρασης πάψουν να αποτελούν απλά φραστικά σχήματα, μόνον όταν οι δημοσιογράφοι, τα κόμματα της αντιπολίτευσης και οι ΜΚΟ αποκτήσουν την ελευθερία να επιτελούν το έργο τους χωρίς τον φόβο αντιποίνων, τότε μόνο θα έχει αποδείξει η Ρωσία την προσήλωσή της στον στόχο της δημιουργίας ενός κοινού χώρου ελευθερίας, ασφάλειας και δικαιοσύνης, όπως προκύπτει από τη συμμετοχή της στο Συμβούλιο της Ευρώπης και όπως συμφώνησε με την υπογραφή της στη Σύνοδο Κορυφής της Αγίας Πετρούπολης. Η σύλληψη και κράτηση αντιπολιτευτικών φωνών, είτε πρόκειται για τον Κασπάροφ είτε για τον Χοντορκόφσκι, δεν αποτελεί σε καμία περίπτωση ένδειξη αλλαγής σελίδας. Οι εκλογές του Δεκεμβρίου για την εκλογή των μελών της Δούμας, και πολύ περισσότερο οι προεδρικές εκλογές το προσεχές έτος, θα αποτελέσουν λυδία λίθο σε αυτόν τον τομέα, όπως άλλωστε και η συμπεριφορά της Ρωσίας στην Τσετσενία, όπου τα βασανιστήρια και οι κρατήσεις σε μυστικές τοποθεσίες συνεχίζουν να προκαλούν ανησυχία. Ο διάλογος προϋποθέτει την επίτευξη προόδου στον τομέα της ενεργειακής ασφάλειας, καθόσον το γεγονός ότι η Gazprom λειτουργεί περισσότερο με βάση πολιτικά κριτήρια παρά με κριτήριο το κέρδος σημαίνει ότι παραμένει ορατή η προοπτική εκ νέου χρησιμοποίησης εκβιαστικών τακτικών. Έχουμε χρέος απέναντι σε κράτη μέλη όπως η Λετονία και η Λιθουανία, τα οποία έπεσαν θύματα της ενεργειακής πολιτικής, να αντιδράσουμε με πιο πρακτικά μέτρα, παρά με φραστικές διακηρύξεις. Αυτό σημαίνει ότι πρέπει να επιμείνουμε στη σύνδεση των μελλοντικών συμφωνιών μεταξύ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και της Ρωσίας με τις αρχές της Συνθήκης για τον Ενεργειακό Χάρτη και της συμφωνίας του Κυότο προκειμένου να εξασφαλίσουμε ένα ασφαλέστερο και βιώσιμο μέλλον. Πράγματι, υπάρχουν ορισμένες ενδείξεις προόδου στους τομείς της δικαιοσύνης και των εσωτερικών υποθέσεων, στους οποίους διαπραγματευόμαστε συνοριακές συμφωνίες με τις χώρες της Βαλτικής, τη δυνατότητα πραγματοποίησης ταξιδίων χωρίς θεώρηση και την επανεισδοχή παράνομων μεταναστών σύμφωνα με την κοινή μας στρατηγική. Ωστόσο, οι καρποί του εποικοδομητικού διαλόγου είναι πολύ λίγοι και σπάνιοι. Η σημερινή «Ημέρα της Νίκης» πρέπει να μας υπενθυμίζει ότι, πριν από 60 μόλις χρόνια, η αλληλεξάρτηση μας βοήθησε να αντιμετωπίσουμε αποτελεσματικά κοινές προκλήσεις. Αυτό μπορεί να συμβεί και πάλι, αρκεί να έχουμε το θάρρος να αναλάβουμε δράση! Γνωρίζω ότι η Επιτροπή συνιστά διάλογο για τον τερματισμό της αντιπαράθεσης μεταξύ του Ταλίν και της Μόσχας με αφορμή το ρωσικό πολεμικό μνημείο. Ωστόσο, «διάλογος δεν σημαίνει δύο μονολόγους», όπως είχε πει κάποτε ο Max Kampelman, πρώην πρέσβης των ΗΠΑ στη ΔΑΣΕ. Όταν ο εκφοβισμός κυριαρχεί αντί των διαπραγματεύσεων, δεν μπορούμε να συμπεριφερόμαστε σαν να μην συμβαίνει τίποτε στις σχέσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με τη Ρωσία. Γι’ αυτό, η πολιτική μου ομάδα αποφάσισε σήμερα το πρωί να αποσύρει τη στήριξή της προς την πρόταση ψηφίσματος σχετικά με τη Σύνοδο Κορυφής ΕΕ-Ρωσίας. Το πρόβλημα δεν είναι αυτά που περιλαμβάνει, αλλά αυτά που παραλείπει. Οι Ρώσοι πρέπει να λάβουν το σαφές μήνυμα ότι δεν θα ανεχθούμε τη συνέχιση αυτής της κατάστασης. Κύριε Gloser, κύριε Verheugen, μας προσφέρατε ωραία λόγια, που όμως είναι απλά λόγια και όχι πράξεις. Επιτρέψτε μου, λοιπόν, να σας απευθύνω μια σαφή πρόταση: αναβάλετε τη σύνοδο κορυφής μέχρις ότου η Ρωσία δείξει ότι είναι διατεθειμένη να αναπτύξει με συνέπεια μια εποικοδομητική σχέση με την Ένωση και να καταδικάσει κάθε μορφή βίας κατά του προσωπικού και της ιδιοκτησίας της ΕΕ. Πρέπει να σταθούμε αλληλέγγυοι στο πλευρό της Εσθονίας. Πρέπει να σταθούμε αλληλέγγυοι στο πλευρό της Πολωνίας. Η δημοκρατική αλληλεγγύη είναι πιο σημαντική από διμερείς συμφωνίες για το πετρέλαιο και το φυσικό αέριο."@el10
". Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Mr Gloser, Commissioner Verheugen, what you have given us are fine words, no more than soft words, but no action. So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@en4
". Señor Presidente, en esta misma fecha del año 1945, Europa festejaba el День Победы de Rusia –su Día de la Victoria– y la victoria de la libertad, el Derecho y la dignidad humana sobre las fuerzas del odio nazi. Después nos unimos en una causa común. Ahora, un símbolo de esa misma guerra que nos unió nos ha metido en un conflicto desestabilizador. Y no debemos parpadear primero si nos tomamos en serio la necesidad de mantener una cooperación pragmática con el Gobierno de Putin y de lograr un consenso en torno al estatuto definitivo de Kosovo. El historial de Rusia en materia de derechos humanos preocupa especialmente a los liberales y demócratas. Solo cuando el poder judicial independiente y la libertad de expresión y la democracia dejen de existir como meras citas jugosas y cuando los periodistas, los partidos de la oposición y las ONG puedan funcionar sin miedo al castigo, Rusia habrá demostrado su compromiso con la creación de un espacio común de libertad, seguridad y justicia, como implica su pertenencia al Consejo de Europa y como suscribió en la Cumbre de San Petersburgo. La detención y el encarcelamiento de las voces de la oposición, ya sean Kaspárov o Jodorkóvsky, no indican precisamente que las cosas están cambiando. Las elecciones a la Duma de diciembre, por no mencionar las elecciones presidenciales del año que viene, serán una prueba de fuego a este respecto, del mismo modo que lo serán las medidas de Rusia en Chechenia, donde la tortura y las detenciones secretas siguen siendo motivo de preocupación. El diálogo requiere avanzar en materia de seguridad energética, y visto que Gazprom habla más de política que de beneficios, en este ámbito se mantienen las perspectivas de que seguirá la táctica de mano dura. Se lo debemos a Estados miembros como Letonia y Lituania, que han sido víctimas de la política energética; debemos dar una respuesta que sea más nueces que ruido. Eso significa insistir en que los futuros acuerdos entre la Unión Europea y Rusia se vinculen a los principios del Tratado sobre la Carta de la Energía y el Acuerdo de Kyoto para garantizar un futuro más seguro y sostenible. Sí, hay ciertos signos de progreso en justicia y asuntos de interior, donde estamos negociando acuerdos fronterizos con los Estados bálticos, desplazamientos sin necesidad de visados y la readmisión de inmigrantes ilegales en línea con nuestra estrategia conjunta. No obstante, los frutos del diálogo constructivo son demasiado pocos y llegan a cuentagotas. El «Día de la Victoria» que se conmemora hoy debería recordarnos que, hace tan solo 60 años, la interdependencia nos ayudó a enfrentarnos a los retos comunes. Y puede hacerlo de nuevo, siempre que tengamos la valentía de actuar. Sé que la Comisión aconseja el diálogo para poner fin al enfrentamiento entre Tallin y Moscú en torno a la estatua de guerra rusa. No obstante, «un diálogo es algo más que dos monólogos», como dijo una vez el anterior Embajador de los Estados Unidos en la CSCE, Max Kampelman. Cuando la intimidación triunfa sobre la negociación, las cosas no pueden seguir su curso normal entre la Unión Europea y Rusia. Por este motivo, mi Grupo ha decidido esta mañana retirar su apoyo a la propuesta de resolución sobre la cumbre UE-Rusia. El problema no es lo que dice, sino lo que no dice. Los rusos necesitan una señal clara de que ya es suficiente. Señor Gloser, señor Verheugen, lo que nos han dado son palabras bonitas, nada más que blandas palabras, pero nada de acción. Permítanme hacerles una propuesta directa: retrasar la cumbre hasta que Rusia esté dispuesta a cimentar una relación constructiva con la Unión y a condenar cualquier forma de violencia contra el personal y los bienes de la UE. Debemos mantenernos firmes al lado de Estonia. Debemos mantenernos firmes al lado de Polonia. La solidaridad democrática es más importante que los tratos bilaterales sobre petróleo y gas."@es21
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@et5
". Arvoisa puhemies, tänä samana päivänä vuonna 1945 Eurooppa juhli venäläisten voiton päivää –День Победы – ja vapauden, oikeuden ja ihmisarvon voittoa natsien vihan vallasta. Silloin seisoimme yhdessä yhteisen asian takana. Nyt tuon saman, meidät yhdistäneen sodan symboli on jumittanut meidät epävakautta lisäävään kiistaan. Emmekä me saa epäröidä ensimmäisinä, jos haluamme vakavissamme ylläpitää käytännön yhteistyötä Putinin hallituksen kanssa tai saada aikaan yksimielisyyden Kosovon lopullisesta asemasta. Meille liberaalidemokraateille erityisenä huolenaiheena on Venäjän ihmisoikeustilanne. Vasta kun itsenäinen tuomioistuinlaitos ja ilmaisuvapaus ja demokratia eivät enää jää pelkiksi iskulauseiksi, kun toimittajat, oppositiopuolueet ja kansalaisjärjestöt voivat toimia vapaasti ilman koston pelkoa, vasta silloin Venäjä on osoittanut sitoutumisensa yhteisen vapauden, turvallisuuden ja oikeuden alueen luomiseen, niin kuin sen jäsenyys Euroopan neuvostossa edellyttää ja niin kuin se Pietarin huippukokouksessa lupasi. Opposition äänitorvien, niin Kasparovin kuin Hodorkovskin, pidätykset eivät ainakaan ole mitenkään osoittaneet, että ajat olisivat muuttumassa. Joulukuiset duuman vaalit, puhumattakaan ensi vuoden presidentinvaaleista, ovat tässä suhteessa todellinen koetinkivi, niin kuin myös Venäjän toimet Tšetšeniassa, jossa kidutukset ja salaiset pidätykset ovat edelleen huolenaiheena. Vuoropuhelu edellyttää edistymistä energiavarmuuden takaamisessa – Gaspromin tarkoituksena kun on tehdä enemmänkin politiikkaa kuin voittoa – nimittäin sillä alalla voimakeinoihin turvautuminen näyttää edelleen mahdolliselta. Velvollisuutemme energiapolitiikan uhreiksi joutuneita jäsenvaltioita, kuten Latviaa ja Liettuaa kohtaan on saada aikaan ratkaisu, joka ei ole pelkkää tyhjää puhetta. Tämä tarkoittaa, että meidän on pidettävä kiinni siitä, että tulevat Euroopan unionin ja Venäjän väliset sopimukset perustuvat energiaperuskirjaan ja Kioton sopimukseen, jotta varmistetaan turvallisempi ja kestävämpi tulevaisuus. Joitakin edistymisen merkkejä on todellakin nähtävissä oikeus- ja sisäasioissa, joihin liittyen käymme parhaillaan neuvotteluja rajasopimuksista Baltian maiden kanssa, viisumivapaudesta sekä laittomien maahanmuuttajien takaisinotosta yhteisen strategiamme mukaisesti. Rakentavan vuoropuhelun tuloksia on kuitenkin edelleen liian harvassa. Tämänpäiväisen "voiton päivän" pitäisi muistuttaa meitä siitä, että vain 60 vuotta sitten keskinäinen riippuvuutemme auttoi meitä vastaamaan yhteisiin haasteisiin. Niin voisi tapahtua nytkin, jos meillä vain olisi rohkeutta toimia! Tiedän, että komissio suosittelee vuoropuhelua Tallinnan ja Moskovan välisen venäläistä sotilaspatsasta koskevan kiistan lopettamiseksi. "Vuoropuhelu on kuitenkin enemmän kuin kaksi yksinpuhelua", kuten Yhdysvaltojen entinen Etyj-suurlähettiläs Max Kampelman kerran totesi. Kun uhkailu vie voiton neuvotteluista, kaikki ei voi enää olla ennallaan Euroopan unionin ja Venäjän välillä. Siitä syystä ryhmäni päätti tänä aamuna vetää tukensa EU:n ja Venäjän välistä huippukokousta koskevalta päätöslauselmaehdotukselta. Ongelmana ei ole se, mitä siinä sanotaan, vaan se, mitä siinä ei sanota. Venäläisille on tehtävä selväksi, että nyt riittää. Arvoisa puheenjohtaja Gloser, arvoisa varapuheenjohtaja Verheugen, olette tarjoilleet meille kauniita sanoja, vain ympäripyöreitä sanoja, mutta ei tekoja. Saanen siis tehdä teille suoran ehdotuksen: lykätkää huippukokousta siihen asti, kunnes Venäjä on valmis rakentavaan suhteeseen unionin kanssa ja tuomitsemaan kaiken väkivallan EU:n henkilökuntaa ja omaisuutta kohtaan. Meidän on seisottava Viron rinnalla. Meidän on seisottava Puolan rinnalla. Demokraattinen solidaarisuus on tärkeämpää kuin kahdenväliset öljy- ja kaasusopimukset."@fi7
". Monsieur le Président, ce jour-ci, en 1945, l’Europe fêtait le «День Победы» /dièn pabiédé/ de la Russie - sa Journée de la Victoire - et la victoire de la liberté, du droit et de la dignité humaine sur les forces de la haine nazie. Nous étions alors réunis pour une cause commune. Or, c’est un symbole de cette même guerre qui nous avait rassemblés qui nous enferme à présent dans une polémique déstabilisante. Et nous ne devons pas être les premiers à vaciller, si nous voulons sérieusement entretenir des relations pragmatiques de coopération avec le gouvernement de Poutine et obtenir un accord sur le statut définitif du Kosovo. Le groupe des libéraux et des démocrates trouve particulièrement préoccupant ce qu’il se passe en Russie en matière de droits de l’homme. Ce n’est que lorsque le système judiciaire sera indépendant, que la liberté d’expression et la démocratie auront cessé d’exister en tant que purs slogans, lorsque les journalistes, les partis d’opposition et les ONG seront en mesure d’opérer sans crainte de représailles, que la Russie aura fait la preuve de sa volonté d’établir un espace commun de liberté, de sécurité et de justice, ainsi que l’implique son adhésion au Conseil de l’Europe, et comme elle s’y est engagée lors du Sommet de Saint-Pétersbourg. L’arrestation et le placement en détention de voix de l’opposition telles que Kasparov ou Khodorkovsky n’ont rien fait pour indiquer que les temps changent. Les élections du mois de décembre à la Douma, sans même parler des élections présidentielles de l’année prochaine, seront un test à cet égard, tout comme le seront les actions de la Russie en Tchétchénie, où la torture et les mises au secret continuent d’être une source d’inquiétude. Le dialogue exige des progrès sur le plan de la sécurité énergétique, domaine dans lequel la perspective d’une persistance de la «manière forte» reste bien présente, Gazprom s’occupant davantage de politique que de faire des profits. C’est à des États membres comme la Lettonie ou la Lituanie, qui ont été les victimes de cette politique énergétique, que nous devons notre capacité à fournir une réponse qui ait suffisamment de mordant. Cela implique que nous insistions pour que les futurs accords passés entre l’Union européenne et la Russie soient liés aux principes de la Charte énergétique et du protocole de Kyoto, afin de garantir un avenir plus sûr et plus durable. Oui, il y a quelques signes de progrès en matière de justice et d’affaires intérieures, domaines dans lesquels nous négocions des accords frontaliers avec les États baltes, sur les déplacements sans visas et sur la réadmission des migrants illégaux, conformément à notre stratégie commune. Toutefois, les fruits de ce dialogue constructif sont trop rares et clairsemés. La «Journée de la Victoire», célébrée aujourd’hui, devrait nous rappeler qu’il y a seulement 60 ans, c’est l’interdépendance qui nous a aidés à relever les défis communs. Or, cela est à nouveau possible, à condition d’avoir le courage d’agir! Je sais que la Commission recommande le dialogue pour mettre un terme à la confrontation entre Tallinn et Moscou à propos de la statue russe érigée en souvenir de la guerre. Toutefois, «un dialogue, c’est plus que deux monologues», comme l’a dit un jour Max Kampelman, ambassadeur américain auprès de la CSCE. À l’heure où l’intimidation triomphe sur la négociation, on ne peut plus continuer comme si de rien n’était entre l’Union européenne et la Russie. C’est pourquoi mon groupe a décidé ce matin de retirer son soutien à la proposition de résolution sur le sommet UE/Russie. Le problème n’est pas ce qu’elle dit, mais ce qu’elle ne dit pas. Il faut envoyer aux Russes un signal clair leur disant que cela suffit! Monsieur Gloser, Monsieur le Commissaire Verheugen, ce que vous nous avez livré ici, ce sont de belles paroles, mais rien d’autre que de douces paroles, et pas d’actes! Permettez-moi donc de formuler une proposition directe: reporter le sommet jusqu’à ce que la Russie soit prête à cimenter une relation constructive avec l’Union et condamne toute violence à l’encontre du personnel et de la propriété de l’Union européenne. Nous devons nous tenir aux côtés de l’Estonie. Nous devons nous tenir aux côtés de la Pologne. La solidarité démocratique est plus importante que les accords pétroliers et gaziers."@fr8
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@hu11
"Signor Presidente, in questo giorno, nel 1945, l’Europa celebrava il День Победы – la festa della vittoria – della Russia, e la vittoria della libertà, del diritto e della dignità umana sulle forze dell’odio nazista. Allora eravamo uniti nella causa comune. Ora un simbolo di quella stessa guerra che ci ha avvicinati ci ha stretti in una disputa destabilizzante. E non dobbiamo cedere per primi se vogliamo seriamente mantenere una cooperazione concreta con il governo Putin e nel raccogliere consensi sullo definitivo del Kosovo. Per il gruppo dell’Alleanza dei Democratici e dei Liberali per l’Europa, i trascorsi russi in materia di diritti umani sono motivo di particolare preoccupazione. Solo quando un sistema giudiziario indipendente, la libertà di espressione e la democrazia smetteranno di essere meri e quando i giornalisti, i partiti di opposizione e le ONG potranno operare senza timore di ripercussioni, la Russia avrà dimostrato il proprio impegno per l’istituzione di uno spazio comune di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia, come implica la sua partecipazione al Consiglio d’Europa e come si è impegnata a fare in seno al Vertice di San Pietroburgo. L’arresto e la detenzione degli oppositori, che si tratti di Kasparov o Khodorkovsky, non indicano certo che i tempi sono cambiati. Le elezioni della Duma di dicembre, per non parlare di quelle presidenziali dell’anno prossimo, saranno la prova del nove al riguardo, come pure le azioni della Russia in Cecenia, dove tortura e detenzioni segrete continuano a dare motivo di preoccupazione. Il dialogo richiede progressi nell’ambito della sicurezza energetica, in cui, con più orientata alla politica che ai profitti, permane la prospettiva di ulteriori tattiche intimidatorie. A Stati membri come Lettonia e Lituania, vittime della politica energetica, dobbiamo una risposta che non sia solo fumo, il che significa insistere sul fatto che i futuri accordi tra Unione europea e Russia siano associati ai principi della Carta dell’energia e del Protocollo di Kyoto, al fine di garantire un futuro più sicuro e sostenibile. Sì, vi sono segni di progresso in materia di giustizia e affari interni, ambiti in cui stiamo negoziando accordi frontalieri con gli Stati baltici, l’abolizione dell’obbligo del visto per gli spostamenti e la riammissione degli immigrati illegali in linea con la nostra strategia comune. I frutti del dialogo costruttivo sono però troppo scarsi e sporadici. L’odierno “giorno della vittoria” dovrebbe ricordarci che, solo 60 anni fa, la dipendenza reciproca ci ha aiutati ad affrontare le sfide comuni. Può accadere di nuovo, purché abbiamo il coraggio di agire! So che la Commissione raccomanda il dialogo per porre fine alla situazione di stallo tra Tallinn e Mosca in merito al monumento bellico russo. Tuttavia, come ebbe a dire l’ex Ambasciatore degli Stati Uniti alla CSCE, Max Kampelman, “un dialogo è qualcosa di più di due monologhi”. Quando l’intimidazione prevale sulla negoziazione, non può più essere tutto come prima tra Unione europea e Russia. Per questo motivo il mio gruppo stamani ha deciso di revocare il proprio sostegno alla proposta di risoluzione sul Vertice UE-Russia. Il problema non è quello che dice, ma quello che non dice. Ai russi si deve dare il chiaro segnale che la misura è colma. Presidente Gloser, Commissario Verheugen, quel che ci avete dato sono belle parole, nient’altro che miti parole, ma non ci avete dato azione. Vorrei pertanto farvi una proposta diretta: rinviate il Vertice finché la Russia non sarà disposta a cementare un rapporto costruttivo con l’Unione e a condannare ogni violenza ai danni del personale e della proprietà comunitaria. Dobbiamo restare compatti al fianco dell’Estonia, al fianco della Polonia. La solidarietà democratica è più importante degli accordi bilaterali sul petrolio e sul gas."@it12
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@lt14
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@lv13
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@mt15
". Mijnheer de Voorzitter, op deze dag in 1945 vierde Europa de День Победы van Rusland: de dag van de overwinning, van de overwinning van de vrijheid, het recht en de menselijke waardigheid op de krachten van de nazi-haat. Toen stonden we gezamenlijk voor een zelfde doelstelling. Nu houdt een symbool van dezelfde oorlog die ons samenbracht, ons in de houdgreep van een destabiliserend dispuut. En we mogen ook geen krimp geven als het ons menens is met de voortzetting van een pragmatische samenwerking met de regering van Poetin en het werven van steun voor een definitieve status voor Kosovo. Een punt van bijzondere bezorgdheid is voor ons liberalen en democraten de reputatie van Rusland op het gebied van de mensenrechten. Alleen als er meer dan lippendienst wordt bewezen aan een onafhankelijke rechtspraak, aan vrijheid van meningsuiting en democratie, en alleen als journalisten, oppositiepartijen en NGO’s kunnen opereren zonder angst voor represailles, alleen dan heeft Rusland het bewijs geleverd oprecht te streven naar een gemeenschappelijke ruimte van vrijheid, veiligheid en rechtvaardigheid, waar het zich toch al aan gehouden moet achten door zijn lidmaatschap van de Raad van Europa en zijn handtekening onder de verklaring van de top in Sint Petersburg. De aanhouding en detentie van oppositieleden, of dat nu een Kasparov of een Chodorkovski is, zijn bepaald geen tekenen van een verandering ten goede. De verkiezingen voor de Doema in december - om over de presidentsverkiezingen van volgend jaar maar te zwijgen - vormen wat dat betreft een lakmoestest, evenals het optreden van Rusland in Tsjetsjenië, waar foltering en geheime gevangenissen nog steeds aanleiding tot bezorgdheid geven. Dialoog vereist dat vorderingen worden gemaakt ten aanzien van de energiezekerheid, terwijl daar nu juist het gevaar van nieuw spierballenvertoon op de loer ligt, met een Gazprom dat het meer om politieke invloed dan om winst te doen is. Het is onze plicht tegenover lidstaten als Letland en Litouwen, die het slachtoffer van zulke energiepolitiek geworden zijn, harder te bijten dan we blaffen. Dat betekent dat we erop moeten aandringen dat toekomstige overeenkomsten tussen de Europese Unie en Rusland stroken met de beginselen van het Verdrag inzake het Energiehandvest en de Overeenkomst van Kyoto, om zo een veiliger en duurzamer toekomst te waarborgen. Inderdaad, er zijn tekenen van vooruitgang in de rechtspraak en op het gebied van binnenlandse zaken, waar wij aan het onderhandelen zijn over grensakkoorden met de Baltische staten, visumvrij reizen en overname van illegale immigranten overeenkomstig onze gezamenlijke strategie. Toch werpt een constructieve dialoog nog veel te zelden vruchten af. Een bevrijdingsdag als vandaag zou ons eraan moeten herinneren hoe we nog maar zestig jaar geleden door onderlinge verbondenheid een gemeenschappelijke vijand op de knieën gedwongen hebben. Zoiets kan herhaald worden, als we er maar de moed voor hebben! Ik weet dat de Commissie pleit voor een dialoog om de tegenstelling tussen Tallinn en Moskou over het Russische oorlogsmonument te overbruggen. ‘Een dialoog is echter meer dan twee monologen bij elkaar’, zoals de voormalige ambassadeur van de Verenigde Staten bij de CVSE, Max Kampelman, ooit zei. Als intimidatie het wint van onderhandelingen, kunnen we niet doen alsof er niets aan de hand is in de relatie tussen Rusland en de Europese Unie. Daarom heeft mijn fractie hedenochtend besloten om haar steun voor een ontwerpresolutie over de EU-Rusland-Top in te trekken. Het probleem is niet zozeer, wat erin staat, maar wat er niet in staat. De Russen moeten het heldere signaal krijgen dat de maat vol is. Mijnheer Gloser, mijnheer Verheugen, u hebt ons mooie woorden geboden, maar het zijn zachte woorden, geen daden! Laat ik u daarom een rechtstreeks voorstel doen: stelt u de ontmoeting uit, tot Rusland bereid is een constructieve relatie met de Unie op te bouwen en elke vorm van geweld tegen personeel en eigendommen van de EU te veroordelen. We moeten ons achter Estland scharen. We moeten achter Polen staan. Democratische solidariteit weegt zwaarder dan bilaterale afspraken over olie- en gasleveringen."@nl3
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@pl16
"Senhor Presidente, neste dia do ano de 1945 a Europa festejou o День Победы da Rússia – o seu Dia da Vitória - e a vitória da liberdade, do direito e da dignidade humana sobre as forças do ódio nazi. Nessa data, estávamos unidos em torno de uma causa comum. Agora, um símbolo dessa mesma guerra que nos uniu prendeu-nos nas malhas de um conflito desestabilizador. E não podemos pestanejar se é queremos mesmo manter uma cooperação pragmática com o Governo de Putin e chegar a consenso sobre o estatuto final do Kosovo. O historial da Rússia em matéria de direitos humanos é particularmente preocupante para os Liberais e Democratas. Só quando "poder judicial independente" e "liberdade de expressão" e "democracia" deixarem de ser meras expressões de conveniência e quando os jornalistas, os partidos da oposição e as ONG puderem actuar sem receio de represálias, é que a Rússia terá dado provas do seu empenho na criação de um espaço comum de liberdade, segurança e justiça, tal como está implícito na sua adesão ao Conselho da Europa e tal como subscreveu na Cimeira de São Petersburgo. A prisão e detenção de vozes da oposição, sejam elas Kasparov ou Khodorkovsky, não contribuíram em nada para indicar que os tempos estão a mudar. As eleições de Dezembro para a Duma, para já não falar das eleições presidenciais do próximo ano, serão um teste decisivo a este respeito, e o mesmo se pode dizer da actuação da Rússia na Chechénia, onde a tortura e as prisões secretas continuam a ser motivo de preocupação. O diálogo exige progressos em matéria de segurança energética, domínio em que, com a Gazprom a ser mais uma questão de política do que de lucros, se arrastam as perspectivas de continuação da táctica do braço-de-ferro. Temos para com Estados-Membros como a Letónia e a Lituânia, que foram vítimas da utilização da energia para fins políticos, o dever de dar uma resposta em que se passe das palavras aos actos. Significa isso insistir em que acordos futuros entre a União Europeia e a Rússia estejam ligados aos princípios do Tratado da Carta da Energia e do Acordo de Quioto, de modo a garantir um futuro mais seguro e sustentável. É verdade que há indícios de progressos no domínio da justiça e dos assuntos internos, em que estamos a negociar acordos de fronteira com os Estados Bálticos, viagens sem necessidade de vistos e a readmissão de imigrantes ilegais em sintonia com a nossa estratégia comum. No entanto, os frutos do diálogo construtivo são muito poucos e muito espaçados. "O Dia da Vitória", que hoje se comemora, deveria recordar-nos que, há apenas 60 anos, a interdependência contribuiu para enfrentarmos com confiança desafios comuns. Pode voltar a fazê-lo, desde que tenhamos coragem para agir! Sei que a Comissão aconselha que se recorra ao diálogo para pôr fim a este conflito sem solução à vista entre Talin e Moscovo por causa da Estátua da Guerra Russa. No entanto, como disse em tempos Max Kampelman, antigo embaixador dos EUA na CSCE, "um diálogo é mais do que dois monólogos". Quando a intimidação triunfa sobre a negociação, as coisas deixam de poder seguir o seu curso normal entre a União Europeia e a Rússia. Foi por isso que o meu grupo decidiu hoje de manhã retirar o seu apoio à proposta de resolução sobre a Cimeira UE-Rússia. O problema não está no que a proposta de resolução diz, mas no que ela não diz. Os Russos precisam que se lhes envie um sinal indicativo de que tudo tem os seus limites. Senhor Ministro Gloser, Senhor Comissário Verheugen, aquilo que V. Exas. nos deram são palavras, nada mais do que palavras, e nenhuns actos. Permitam-me, pois, que vos faça uma proposta directa: adiem a cimeira até a Rússia se dispor a estabelecer uma relação construtiva com a União e a condenar toda a violência exercida contra o pessoal e os bens da UE. Temos de ser solidários com a Estónia. Temos de ser solidários com a Polónia. A solidariedade democrática é mais importante do que os acordos bilaterais relativos ao petróleo e ao gás."@pt17
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@ro18
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@sk19
"Mr President, on this day in 1945 Europe fêted Russia’s День Победы – their Day of Victory – and the victory of freedom, law and human dignity over the forces of Nazi hate. Then, we stood together in common cause. Now, a symbol of that same war that brought us together has locked us in a destabilising dispute. And we must not blink first if we are serious about maintaining pragmatic cooperation with Putin’s government and garnering consensus on Kosovo’s final status. Of particular concern to Liberals and Democrats is Russia’s record on Human Rights. Only when an independent judiciary and freedom of expression and democracy cease to exist solely as sound-bites, and when journalists, opposition parties, and NGOs are able to operate without fear of retribution, will Russia have proved its commitment to establishing a common space of freedom, security and justice, as implied in its membership of the Council of Europe and as it signed up to at the St Petersburg Summit. The arrest and detention of opposition voices, whether Kasparov or Khodorkovsky, has done nothing to indicate that times are changing. December’s elections to the Duma, not to mention next year’s presidential elections, will be a litmus test in this regard, as will Russia’s actions in Chechnya, where torture and secret detention continue to give cause for concern. Dialogue requires progress on energy security, where, with Gazprom more about politics than profit, the prospect of further strong-arm tactics lingers. We owe it to Member States like Latvia and Lithuania, which have fallen victim to energy politics, to deliver a response that has more bite than bark. That means insisting that future agreements between the European Union and Russia be linked to the principles of the Energy Charter Treaty and the Kyoto Agreement to ensure a more secure and sustainable future. Yes, there are some signs of progress in justice and home affairs, where we are negotiating border agreements with the Baltic States, visa-free travel and the readmission of illegal migrants in line with our joint strategy. However, the fruits of constructive dialogue are too few and far between. Today’s ‘Victory Day’ should remind us that, only 60 years ago, interdependence helped us face down common challenges. It can do so again, provided we have the courage to act! I know the Commission advises dialogue to end the stand-off between Tallinn and Moscow over the Russian War Statue. However, ‘a dialogue is more than two monologues’, as the former US Ambassador to the CSCE, Max Kampelman, once said. When intimidation triumphs over negotiation, it can no longer be business as usual between the European Union and Russia. That is why my group decided this morning to withdraw its support for the motion for a resolution on the EU-Russia summit. The problem is not what it says, but what it does not say. The Russians need a clear signal that enough is enough. Herr Gloser, Herr Verheugen! Sie haben uns schöne Worte geliefert, aber nur weiche Worte, keine Aktion! So let me make you a direct proposal: postpone the summit until Russia is prepared to cement a constructive relationship with the Union and condemn all violence against EU staff and property. We must stand together with Estonia. We must stand together with Poland. Democratic solidarity is more important than bilateral oil and gas deals."@sl20
". Herr talman! Denna dag 1945 firade Europa Rysslands deras segerdag – och frihetens, lagstiftningens och den mänskliga värdighetens seger över de nazistiska styrkornas hat. Då stod vi enade i en gemensam sak. Nu har en symbol för samma krig som sammanförde oss låst oss i en destabiliserande tvist. Och vi får inte vara de första att bli förvånade om vi menar allvar med att fortsätta ett pragmatiskt samarbete med Vladimir Putins regering och skapa enighet om Kosovos slutliga status. Liberalerna och demokraterna är särskilt oroade för Ryssland när det gäller de mänskliga rättigheterna. Det är först när en oberoende dömande makt och rätten till yttrandefrihet och demokrati upphör att existera i enbart korta brottstycken, och när journalister, oppositionspartier och icke-statliga organisationer kan verka utan att frukta straff, som Ryssland kommer att ha visat sitt åtagande att upprätta ett gemensamt utrymme för frihet, säkerhet och rättvisa, som dess medlemskap i Europarådet ålägger landet att göra och som man lovade under toppmötet i Sankt Petersburg. Arresteringen och kvarhållandet av oppositionens företrädare, oavsett det är Garry Kasparov eller Michail Chodorkovskij, har inte bidragit till att indikera att något håller på att förändras. Valet till duman i december, för att inte nämna nästa års presidentval, kommer att utgöra ett avgörande prov i detta avseende, liksom Rysslands åtgärder i Tjetjenien, där tortyr och hemliga fängelser fortsätter att ge anledning till oro. Dialog kräver framsteg när det gäller energiförsörjning, där det fortfarande finns risk för ytterligare hårdhänt taktik, eftersom Gazprom handlar mer om politik än om vinst. Vi är skyldiga medlemsstater som Lettland och Litauen, som har fallit offer för energipolitiken, att ge ett svar som innehåller något mer än bara ord. Detta innebär att man måste insistera på att framtida avtal mellan Europeiska unionen och Ryssland ska kopplas till principerna i Energistadgefördraget och Kyotoprotokollet för att säkerställa en säkrare och mer hållbar framtid. Ja, det finns vissa tecken på framsteg inom rättsväsendet och inrikesfrågorna, där vi i linje med vår gemensamma strategi förhandlar om gränsavtal med de baltiska staterna, viseringsfria resor och återsändande av illegala invandrare. Men resultaten av den konstruktiva dialogen är för få och kommer med alltför långa mellanrum. Dagens ”segerdag” borde påminna oss om att det bara var 60 år sedan som oberoendet hjälpte oss att stå upp mot gemensamma utmaningar. Den kan hjälpa oss igen, förutsatt att vi har modet att agera! Jag vet att kommissionen förordnar dialog i syfte att få ett slut på dödläget mellan Tallinn och Moskva när det gäller den ryska krigsstatyn. Men ”en dialog är fler än två monologer” som den före detta amerikanska ambassadören vid Europeiska säkerhetskonferensen (ESK), Max Kampelman, en gång sa. När hot besegrar förhandling kan det inte längre fortsätta som vanligt mellan Europeiska unionen och Ryssland. Det är av denna anledning som min grupp i morse beslutade att dra tillbaka stödet för resolutionsförslaget om toppmötet mellan EU och Ryssland. Problemet är inte det som sägs, utan det som inte sägs. Ryssland behöver få en tydlig signal om att nu får det vara nog. Herr Gloser, kommissionsledamot Verheugen! Det ni har gett oss är vackra ord, inget annat än vackra ord, men inga åtgärder. Så låt mig lägga fram ett direkt förslag till er: senarelägg toppmötet till dess att Ryssland är berett att främja en konstruktiv förbindelse med unionen, och fördöm allt våld mot EU:s personal och egendom. Vi måste stå enade med Estland. Vi måste stå enade med Polen. Demokratisk solidaritet är viktigare än bilaterala avtal om olja och gas."@sv22
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"(Applause)"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,13,4
"(Beifall)"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,2,13,9
"Graham Watson,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
"on behalf of the ALDE Group"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4

Named graphs describing this resource:

1http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Czech.ttl.gz
2http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Danish.ttl.gz
3http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Dutch.ttl.gz
4http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/English.ttl.gz
5http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Estonian.ttl.gz
6http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Events_and_structure.ttl.gz
7http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Finnish.ttl.gz
8http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/French.ttl.gz
9http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/German.ttl.gz
10http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Greek.ttl.gz
11http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Hungarian.ttl.gz
12http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Italian.ttl.gz
13http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Latvian.ttl.gz
14http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Lithuanian.ttl.gz
15http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Maltese.ttl.gz
16http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Polish.ttl.gz
17http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Portuguese.ttl.gz
18http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Romanian.ttl.gz
19http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Slovak.ttl.gz
20http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Slovenian.ttl.gz
21http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Spanish.ttl.gz
22http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/Swedish.ttl.gz
23http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/rdf/spokenAs.ttl.gz

The resource appears as object in 2 triples

Context graph