Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2007-03-28-Speech-3-092"

PredicateValue (sorted: none)
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@ro18
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@et5
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@sl20
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@mt15
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@cs1
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@sk19
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@lt14,14
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@lt14,14
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@pl16,16
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@pl16,16
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@hu11,11
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@hu11,11
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
"Fru formand, mine damer og herrer! Først vil jeg gerne takke og lykønske ordføreren hr. Lagendijk og medlemmerne for deres omfattende og intensive arbejde med denne betænkning. Vi ved alle, at EU i øjeblikket står over for store udenrigspolitiske udfordringer i andre områder, herunder Mellemøsten, Afghanistan og Darfur. Kosovo er ikke den eneste finansieringsprioritet. Men Europa har et særligt ansvar i Kosovo, som ligger ved vores grænser, og som er en del af vores kommende område. På mødet for EU's udenrigsministre i Bremen på fredag, Gymnich-mødet, vil jeg understrege, at ressourcerne ikke kun skal hentes fra EU-budgettet. EU's medlemsstater og vores partnere i det internationale samfund skal deles om ansvaret. Kommissionen vil sammensætte en finansieringspakke, der afspejler omfanget af vores ansvar. Jeg regner med Deres støtte i denne sag, for der er behov for stærk støtte fra budgetmyndighederne for at kunne sammensætte en troværdig finansieringspakke. En sidste bemærkning om Serbien: Jeg kan forsikre Dem for, at EU fortsat er fuldt ud engageret i Serbiens udsigter til medlemskab. Vi er parate til at arbejde hen imod dette mål sammen med en ny regering. Nu er det op til den nye serbiske regering at opfylde betingelserne for en genoptagelse af forhandlingerne om en stabiliserings- og associeringsaftale med EU. Det er vigtigt at arbejde tæt sammen med Serbien for at bringe statusprocessen til en vellykket afslutning. Et Serbien, der har tillid til sin europæiske fremtid, vil have lettere ved at frigøre sig af sin fortid. Som jeg sagde tidligere, er rapporten og forslaget fra den særlige udsending, hr. Ahtisaari, blevet overdraget til Sikkerhedsrådet i mandags. Jeg tilslutter mig opbakningen fra FN's generalsekretær Ban Ki-moon og EU-formandskabet til rapporten og forslaget fra hr. Ahtisaari. Jeg tror, at vi alle kan blive enige om, at i en ideel verden, ville de to parter selv have fundet et acceptabelt kompromis. I løbet af de seneste 14 måneders forhandlinger nåede man til enighed om adskillige praktiske aspekter ved aftalen. Desværre var Beograd og Priština stadig fuldkommen uenige i det centrale spørgsmål om selve statussen. Hr. Ahtisaaris forslag har til formål at fremme opbygningen af et demokratisk, multietnisk samfund i Kosovo baseret på retsstatsprincippet. Det indeholder vidtgående bestemmelser, der har til formål at sikre fremtiden for alle samfundsgrupper i Kosovo samt beskyttelse af religiøse bygninger og kulturarven. Som hr. Lagendijk med rette fremhævede, er det centrale i en beslutning om Kosovo europæisk enighed, her og i New York. Vi må støtte hr. Ahtisaari og hans forslag beslutsomt i FN's Sikkerhedsråd. Vi vinder intet ved at udskyde beslutningen. FN har kørt Kosovo i otte år, og status quo er helt klart uholdbart. Derfor forventer jeg, at Sikkerhedsrådet lever op til sit ansvar i den ansvarlige multilateralismes ånd og fører processen til en hurtig og vellykket afslutning. Når statusspørgsmålet er afklaret, begynder gennemførelsesfasen, som naturligvis vil føre til sin egen skabelse. Også her må EU tale med én stemme. EU vil skulle spille en førerrolle både i forbindelse med gennemførelsen af internationale civile missioner og som støtte for Kosovos udsigter til EU-medlemskab. Dette vil kræver, at vi sætter alle vores instrumenter og betydelige ressourcer ind. Vi har ikke nogen tilbagetrækningsstrategi, kun en indgangsstrategi, på Vestbalkan og i Kosovo. Lad mig understrege, at lokalt ejerskab og partnerskab med det internationale samfund er nøglen til succes for fastlæggelsen af Kosovos status. EU og vores internationale partnere kan ikke overtage Kosovos egen indsats, hverken med hensyn til politisk vilje eller med hensyn til ressourcer. Men vi kan bistå, og afklaringen af Kosovos status bliver ikke gratis. Kosovos økonomiske behov efter afklaringen af stausspørgsmålet kan ikke fastslås fuldt ud på nuværende tidspunkt, men tidlige skøn viser, at der kan blive behov for international bistand på omkring 1,3 til 1,5 milliarder euro i de første tre år efter afklaringen af statusspørgsmålet. Fire hovedområder vil skulle dækkes: Kosovos andel af Jugoslaviens gæld, udgifterne til gennemførelsen af Kosovos status, økonomiske udviklingsbehov og udgifterne til den internationale tilstedeværelse, herunder den planlagte ESFP-mission, som ventes at blive den største civile krisestyringsmission, EU nogensinde har gennemført. EU's samlede tilstedeværelse i Kosovo vil formentlig komme til at ligge på mellem 1.500 og 2.000 personer."@da2
lpv:translated text
"Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisat jäsenet, haluan ensinnäkin kiittää ja onnitella esittelijä Lagendijkiä ja jäseniä heidän huomattavasta ja intensiivisestä työstään. Tiedämme kaikki, että EU:lla on tällä hetkellä edessään merkittäviä ulkopoliittisia haasteita myös muualla maailmassa kuten Lähi-idässä, Afganistanissa ja Darfurissa. Kosovo ei ole ainoa merkittävä rahoituskohde. Euroopan unionilla on kuitenkin erityisvastuu Kosovossa, joka sijaitsee rajoillamme ja on tulevaisuudessa osa kotipesäämme. EU:n ulkoministereiden kokouksessa Bremenissä ensi perjantaina eli niin kutsutussa Gymnichin kokouksessa aion korostaa, että varat eivät voi olla peräisin pelkästään EU:n talousarviosta. EU:n jäsenvaltioiden ja kansainvälisten kumppaniemme on jaettava vastuuta. Komissio yhdistelee rahoituspaketin, jossa kuvastuu vastuumme laajuus. Luotan tukeenne tässä asiassa, koska tarvitsemme budjettivallan käyttäjän voimakasta tukea kootaksemme uskottavan rahoituspaketin. Vielä muutama sana Serbiasta: haluan vakuuttaa teille, että EU on yhä sitoutunut Serbian eurooppalaisiin tulevaisuudennäkymiin. Olemme valmiit tekemään työtä uuden hallituksen kanssa tämän tavoitteen edistämiseksi. Serbian uuden hallituksen on nyt täytettävä edellytykset, jotta vakaus- ja assosiaatiosopimuksen tekemistä Euroopan unionin kanssa koskevat neuvottelut voitaisiin aloittaa uudelleen. Serbian sitoutuminen on keskeisen tärkeää, jotta Kosovon asemaa koskeva prosessi voidaan saattaa menestyksekkäästi päätökseen. Eurooppalaisiin tulevaisuudennäkymiinsä luottavaa Serbiaa autetaan pääsemään yli menneisyytensä taakasta. Kuten edellä totesin, mietintö ja erityisedustaja Martti Ahtisaaren ehdotus toimitettiin maanantaina turvallisuusneuvostolle. Yhdyn YK:n pääsihteerin Ban Ki-moonin ja EU:n puheenjohtajavaltion kantaan ja tuen mietintöä sekä Martti Ahtisaaren välittämää ehdotusta. Uskon, että voimme olla yhtä mieltä siitä, että ihannetilanteessa osapuolet löytäisivät keskenään hyväksyttävissä olevan kompromissin. Viimeiset 14 kuukautta kestäneissä neuvotteluissa on löydetty yhteinen perusta moniin Kosovon asemaa koskevan ratkaisun käytännön näkökohtiin. Valitettavasti Serbia ja Kosovo ovat yhä aivan päinvastaista mieltä itse asemaa koskevasta ydinkysymyksestä. Martti Ahtisaaren ehdotuksella on tarkoitus lujittaa Kosovon demokraattista ja monietnistä yhteiskuntaa, joka perustuu oikeusvaltion periaatteiden kunnioittamiseen. Se sisältää laaja-alaisia järjestelyjä, joilla on tarkoitus turvata kaikkien yhteisöjen tulevaisuus sekä varmistaa uskonnollisten paikkojen ja kulttuuriperinnön suojelu. Kuten jäsen Lagendijk oikeutetusti korosti, Kosovoa koskevan päätöksen ydinkysymys on Euroopan unionin yhtenäisyys, sekä täällä että New Yorkissa. Meidän on tuettava YK:n turvallisuusneuvostossa Martti Ahtisaarta ja hänen ehdotustaan johdonmukaisesti ja päättäväisesti. Päätöksen siirtämisestä ei ole mitään hyötyä. YK on hallinnut Kosovoa kahdeksan vuotta eikä nykytilanne ole selvästikään kestävä. Tästä syystä odotan, että turvallisuusneuvosto kantaa vastuunsa vastuullisen monenkeskisyyden hengessä ja saattaa prosessin nopeasti menestyksellä päätökseen. Kun Kosovon asema on ratkaistu, käynnistyy täytäntöönpanovaihe, jolla on luonnollisesti oma syntyvaiheensa. Myös tässä vaiheessa EU:n on toimittava yhtenäisesti. EU:lla on oltava johtava rooli sekä kansainvälisessä siviilitehtävässä että Kosovon eurooppalaisten tulevaisuudennäkymien tukemisessa. Tämä edellyttää kaikkien käytössämme olevien välineiden hyödyntämistä ja merkittäviä resursseja. Meillä ei ole Länsi-Balkanin eikä Kosovon osalta maastapoistumisstrategiaa vaan ainoastaan maahansaapumisstrategia. Haluan korostaa, että paikallinen omistajuus ja kumppanuus kansainvälisen yhteisön kanssa ovat avainasemassa Kosovan asemaa koskevan ratkaisun täytäntöönpanon kannalta. EU ja sen kansainväliset kumppanit eivät voi korvata Kosovon omia ponnisteluja, ei poliittisen tahdon eikä resurssien osalta. Voimme kuitenkin antaa tukea, sillä Kosovon asemaa koskeva ratkaisu ei ole helppo. Kosovon taloudellisia tarpeita alueen asemaa koskevan ratkaisun jälkeen ei voida vielä täysin tietää, mutta varhaisten arvioiden mukaan kansainvälistä apua voidaan tarvita 1,3–1,5 miljardia euroa asemaa koskevan ratkaisun selviämisen jälkeisten kolmen vuoden aikana. Neljä keskeistä asiaa on ratkaistava: Kosovon osuus Jugoslavian veloista, Kosovon asemaa koskevan lopullisen ratkaisun täytäntöönpanon kustannukset, tarpeet taloudellisen kehityksen varmistamiseksi sekä kansainvälisen läsnäolon kustannukset, ja tähän kansainväliseen läsnäoloon kuuluu myös suunniteltu ETPP-tehtävä, jonka odotetaan olevan suurin kriisinhallintatehtävä, johon Euroopan unioni on koskaan ryhtynyt. EU:n läsnäolon kokonaislaajuus Kosovossa on todennäköisesti 1 500–2 000 miehen suuruinen kansainvälinen joukko-osasto."@fi7
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". Mijnheer de Voorzitter, geachte afgevaardigden, om te beginnen dank en feliciteer ik de rapporteur, de heer Lagendijk, en de Parlementsleden voor hun substantiële en intensieve inspanningen ten aanzien van dit verslag. We weten allemaal dat de EU momenteel voor belangrijke uitdagingen staat op het gebied van buitenlands beleid in andere crisisgebieden, waaronder het Midden-Oosten, Afghanistan en Darfur. Kosovo is niet onze enige prioriteit, maar Europa heeft een speciale verantwoordelijkheid in Kosovo, dat aan de EU grenst en in de toekomst tot ons eigen territorium gaat behoren. Tijdens de vergadering van de EU-ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken, de Gymnich-bijeenkomst vrijdag in Bremen, zal ik benadrukken dat de middelen niet alleen van de EU-begroting mogen komen. De EU-lidstaten en onze partners in de internationale gemeenschap moeten de verantwoordelijkheid delen. De Commissie zal een financieringspakket samenstellen dat een neerslag is van de omvang van onze verantwoordelijkheid. Ik reken op uw steun hiervoor, omdat krachtige steun van de begrotingsautoriteit nodig is om een overtuigend financieringspakket te kunnen samenstellen. Een laatste opmerking over Servië: ik verzeker u dat de EU nog steeds volledig achter de Europese aspiraties van Servië staat. We zijn bereid om met een nieuwe regering aan deze doelstelling te werken. Het is nu aan de nieuwe regering van Servië om te voldoen aan de voorwaarden voor hervatting van de onderhandelingen over een stabilisatie- en associatieovereenkomst binnen de Europese Unie. Een sterke betrokkenheid bij Servië is essentieel als we het proces met betrekking tot de status tot een succesvol einde willen brengen. Een Servië dat vertrouwen heeft in zijn Europese toekomst, is beter in staat om de erfenis van het verleden te boven te komen. Zoals ik hier al eerder heb gezegd: het verslag en het voorstel van de speciaal gezant, de heer Ahtisaari, zijn maandag aan de Veiligheidsraad overhandigd. Ik sluit me aan bij de secretaris-generaal, Ban Ki-moon, en het EU-voorzitterschap en steun het verslag en het voorstel die de heer Ahtisaari heeft ingediend. Ik denk dat we het er allemaal over eens zijn dat de twee partijen in een ideale wereld een aanvaardbaar compromis zouden hebben gesloten. Tijdens de afgelopen veertien maanden van onderhandelingen is er ten aanzien van verschillende praktische aspecten van de regeling overeenstemming bereikt. Helaas bleven Belgrado en Pristina ten aanzien van de kernvraag inzake de status lijnrecht tegenover elkaar staan. Het voorstel van de heer Ahtisaari beoogt de vorming van een democratische, multi-etnische samenleving op basis van de rechtsstaat in Kosovo te stimuleren. Het voorstel bevat uiteenlopende bepalingen bedoeld om de toekomst van alle gemeenschappen in Kosovo veilig te stellen en de religieuze plaatsen en het cultureel erfgoed te beschermen. Zoals de heer Lagendijk terecht benadrukt: het draait bij een besluit over Kosovo om Europese eenheid, hier en ook in New York. We moeten de heer Ahtisaari en zijn voorstel in de VN-Veiligheidsraad consequent en vastberaden steunen. Uitstel van het besluit levert niets op. De VN bestuurt Kosovo nu acht jaar en het is duidelijk dat de status-quo niet houdbaar is. Ik verwacht dan ook van de Veiligheidsraad dat hij zijn verantwoordelijkheden in een geest van verantwoord multilateralisme nakomt en het proces tot een tijdig en succesvol einde brengt. Als de kwestie van de status eenmaal is geregeld, begint de tenuitvoerlegging, die natuurlijk ook niet zonder slag of stoot tot stand zal komen. Ook hier moet de EU eensgezind te werk gaan. De EU zal een leidende rol moeten vervullen bij het organiseren van internationale civiele missies en ter ondersteuning van de Europese aspiraties van Kosovo. Hiervoor zullen we al onze instrumenten en omvangrijke middelen moeten inzetten. We hebben in de westelijke Balkan en in Kosovo geen eindstrategie, allen een beginstrategie. Ik wijs er nadrukkelijk op dat eigen inbreng ter plaatse en partnerschap met de internationale gemeenschap de sleutel zijn tot een succesvolle tenuitvoerlegging van de regeling met betrekking tot de status. De EU en haar internationale partners kunnen het werk niet van Kosovo overnemen, qua politieke wil noch qua middelen, maar we kunnen wel helpen en de regeling met betrekking tot de status komt er niet zonder kosten. Het is nog niet mogelijk om een volledig beeld te hebben van de financiële behoeften van Kosovo na het toekennen van de status, maar uit eerste schattingen komt naar voren dat gedurende de eerste drie jaar na de regeling met betrekking tot de status misschien wel 1,3 tot 1,5 miljard euro aan internationale steun nodig is. We kunnen vier hoofdterreinen onderscheiden: het aandeel van Kosovo in de schuld van Joegoslavië, de kosten van de tenuitvoerlegging van de regeling met betrekking tot de status, behoeften op het gebied van economische ontwikkeling en de kosten in verband met de internationale aanwezigheid, waaronder de geplande EVDB-missie, die vermoedelijk de grootste civiele crisisbeheersmissie wordt die de Europese Unie ooit heeft ondernomen. De totale aanwezigheid van de EU in Kosovo zal waarschijnlijk zo’n 1500 tot 2000 internationale personeelsleden omvatten."@nl3
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". Herr talman, ärade ledamöter! Först och främst vill jag tacka och gratulera föredraganden, Joost Lagendijk, och ledamöterna för deras väsentliga och intensiva arbete med detta betänkande. Vi känner alla till att EU för närvarande står inför viktiga, utrikespolitiska utmaningar på andra områden, däribland Mellanöstern, Afghanistan och Darfur. Kosovo är inte den enda prioriterade finansieringen. Men Europa har ett särskilt ansvar i Kosovo, som ligger vid våra gränser och som är vårt framtida territorium. Vid mötet för EU:s utrikesministrar i Bremen på fredag, Gymnichmötet, kommer jag att betona att resurserna inte bara kan tas från EU:s budget. EU:s medlemsstater och våra partner i världssamfundet måste dela ansvaret. Kommissionen kommer att sammanställa ett stödpaket som motsvarar omfattningen av vårt ansvar. Jag räknar med ert stöd för detta, för det krävs ett starkt stöd från budgetmyndigheten för en sammanställning av ett trovärdigt stödpaket. Ett sista ord om Serbien: jag kan försäkra er om att EU fortsätter att engagera sig starkt för Serbiens kandidatur till EU. Vi är redo att samarbeta för detta mål med en ny regering. Nu är det upp till Serbiens regering att uppfylla villkoren för ett återupptagande av förhandlingarna om ett stabiliserings- och associeringsavtal med Europeiska unionen. Ett starkt samarbete med Serbien är nödvändigt för att en framgångsrik lösning ska kunna uppnås i denna statusprocess. Ett Serbien som känner tillförsikt inför sin europeiska framtid kan hjälpas att övervinna arvet från det förflutna. Som jag sa tidigare överlämnades rapporten och förslaget från det särskilda sändebudet, Martti Ahtisaari, till säkerhetsrådet i måndags. Jag stöder, liksom FN:s generalsekreterare Ban Ki-moon och EU:s ordförandeskap, den rapport och det förslag som Ahtisaari har lagt fram. Jag tror att vi alla kan enas om att de två parterna skulle ha kunnat enas om en godtagbar kompromiss på egen hand i en perfekt värld. Under de senaste 14 månadernas förhandlingar har man funnit en gemensam grund i fråga om ett flertal praktiska aspekter av lösningen. Olyckligtvis står Belgrad och Pristina fortfarande på rakt motsatta sidor när det gäller själva kärnfrågan om statusen. Martti Ahtisaaris förslag är utformat för att främja uppbyggnaden av ett demokratiskt, multietniskt samhälle i Kosovo som grundas på rättsstatsprincipen. Det innehåller omfattande bestämmelser som syftar till att säkra framtiden för alla samhällen i Kosovo, samt skyddet av religiösa platser och av kulturarv. Som Joost Lagendijk med rätta betonade är europeisk enighet, här och i New York, väsentlig för ett beslut om Kosovo. Vi måste stödja Ahtisaari och hans förslag med konsekvent beslutsamhet i FN:s säkerhetsråd. Det finns inget att vinna på att fördröja beslutet. FN har styrt Kosovo i åtta år, och det rådande läget är uppenbarligen inte hållbart. Därför förväntar jag mig att säkerhetsrådet ska ta sitt ansvar i den ansvarsfulla multilateralismens anda och leda processen till en snabb och framgångsrik lösning. När statusfrågan väl har lösts kommer genomförandefasen att inledas, vilket naturligtvis kommer att innebära en egen genesis. Även här måste EU uppträda enat. EU måste spela en ledande roll både vad gäller genomförandet av internationella, civila uppdrag och stödet för de europeiska möjligheterna i Kosovo. Detta kommer att kräva utnyttjande av alla våra instrument och betydande resurser. Vi har ingen utgångsstrategi, bara en ingångsstrategi, i västra Balkan och i Kosovo. Jag vill understryka att lokalt ägarskap och partnerskap med världssamfundet är nyckeln till framgång för genomförandet av lösningen om slutlig status. EU och dess internationella partner kan inte ersätta Kosovos egna ansträngningar, varken i fråga om politisk vilja eller i fråga om resurser. Men vi kan ge stöd, och beslutet om slutlig status kommer inte att vara kostnadsfritt. Vi vet ännu inte något bestämt om Kosovos ekonomiska behov efter det att uppgörelsen om dess status har ingåtts, men tidiga uppskattningar visar på att det kan komma att krävas ett internationellt stöd på omkring 1,3 till 1,5 miljarder euro för de första tre åren efter beslutet om status. Det är fyra huvudsakliga områden som måste täckas: Kosovos del i Jugoslaviens skulder, kostnaden för genomförandet av lösningen om slutlig status, ekonomiska utvecklingsbehov och kostnaden för den internationella närvaron, inklusive det planerade uppdraget för den europeiska säkerhets- och försvarspolitiken (ESFP), vilket förväntas bli det mest omfattande civila krishanteringsuppdrag som Europeiska unionen någonsin har åtagit sig. EU:s totala närvaro i Kosovo kommer sannolikt att uppgå till en internationell personal på mellan 1 500 och 2 000 personer."@sv22
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". Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αξιότιμοι βουλευτές, επιτρέψτε μου καταρχάς να συγχαρώ τον εισηγητή, κ. Lagendijk, και τους συναδέλφους του για τις ουσιαστικές και εντατικές προσπάθειές τους σχετικά με αυτήν την έκθεση. Όλοι γνωρίζουμε ότι η ΕΕ βρίσκεται σήμερα αντιμέτωπη με σοβαρές προκλήσεις στον τομέα της εξωτερικής πολιτικής σε άλλες περιοχές του κόσμου, όπως η Μέση Ανατολή, το Αφγανιστάν και το Νταρφούρ. Το Κοσσυφοπέδιο δεν είναι η μόνη χρηματοδοτική προτεραιότητα. Η Ευρώπη, όμως, έχει ειδική ευθύνη στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο, το οποίο βρίσκεται στα σύνορά μας και αποτελεί μελλοντική επικράτειά μας. Στη άτυπη συνεδρίαση των υπουργών Εξωτερικών της ΕΕ την Παρασκευή στη Βρέμη, θα υπογραμμίσω ότι οι πόροι δεν μπορούν να προέρχονται μόνο από τον προϋπολογισμό της ΕΕ. Τα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ και οι εταίροι μας στη διεθνή κοινότητα πρέπει να μοιραστούν την ευθύνη. Η Επιτροπή θα καταρτίσει δέσμη μέτρων χρηματοδότησης η οποία θα αντικατοπτρίζει το μέγεθος της ευθύνης μας. Προσβλέπω στη στήριξή σας για αυτήν την πρόταση, καθότι, για την κατάρτιση μιας αξιόπιστης χρηματοδοτικής δέσμης, απαιτείται η ισχυρή στήριξη της δημοσιονομικής αρχής. Μια τελευταία επισήμανση σχετικά με τη Σερβία: θέλω να σας διαβεβαιώσω ότι η ΕΕ παραμένει πλήρως προσηλωμένη στην ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική της Σερβίας. Είμαστε έτοιμοι να συνεργαστούμε με μια νέα κυβέρνηση για την επίτευξη του στόχου αυτού. Εναπόκειται τώρα στη νέα κυβέρνηση της Σερβίας να τηρήσει τις προϋποθέσεις για την επανέναρξη των διαπραγματεύσεων ενόψει της σύναψης συμφωνίας σταθεροποίησης και σύνδεσης με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Η στενή συνεργασία με τη Σερβία είναι αναγκαία για την επιτυχή έκβαση της διαδικασίας οριστικοποίησης του καθεστώτος. Μια Σερβία η οποία έχει εμπιστοσύνη στο ευρωπαϊκό της μέλλον θα μπορέσει να ξεπεράσει την κληρονομιά του παρελθόντος. Όπως ανέφερα προηγουμένως, η έκθεση και η πρόταση του ειδικού απεσταλμένου, κ. Ahtisaari, διαβιβάστηκαν στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας τη Δευτέρα. Στηρίζω, μαζί με τον Γενικό Γραμματέα του ΟΗΕ, Ban Ki-moon, και την Προεδρία της ΕΕ, την έκθεση και την πρόταση που κατέθεσε ο κ. Ahtisaari. Νομίζω ότι μπορούμε όλοι να συμφωνήσουμε ότι, σε έναν ιδεώδη κόσμο, οι δύο πλευρές θα είχαν καταλήξει από μόνες τους σε έναν αποδεκτό συμβιβασμό. Κατά τη διάρκεια των τελευταίων 14 μηνών των διαπραγματεύσεων, βρέθηκαν κοινά σημεία σε αρκετές πρακτικές πτυχές. Δυστυχώς, το Βελιγράδι και η Πρίστινα διατήρησαν εκ διαμέτρου αντίθετες θέσεις στο κεντρικό θέμα του ιδίου του καθεστώτος. Η πρόταση του κ. Ahtisaari αποσκοπεί στην προώθηση μιας δημοκρατικής, πολυεθνικής κοινωνίας στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο η οποία θα στηρίζεται στο κράτος δικαίου. Περιλαμβάνει πληθώρα μέτρων τα οποία αποβλέπουν στη διασφάλιση του μέλλοντος όλων των κοινοτήτων στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο, καθώς και στην προστασία των θρησκευτικών χώρων και της πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς. Όπως ορθώς επεσήμανε ο κ. Lagendijk, η ουσία μιας απόφασης για το Κοσσυφοπέδιο είναι η ευρωπαϊκή ενότητα, εδώ και στη Νέα Υόρκη. Πρέπει να στηρίξουμε τον κ. Ahtisaari και την πρότασή του με συνέπεια και αποφασιστικότητα στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ. Δεν πρόκειται να κερδίσουμε τίποτε αν καθυστερήσει η λήψη απόφασης. Ο ΟΗΕ διοικεί το Κοσσυφοπέδιο επί οκτώ χρόνια και είναι σαφές ότι το τρέχον καθεστώς δεν είναι διατηρήσιμο. Αναμένω, λοιπόν, από το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας να ανταποκριθεί στις ευθύνες του σε πνεύμα υπεύθυνης πολυμέρειας και να επιτύχει την ταχεία και επιτυχή ολοκλήρωση αυτής της διαδικασίας. Εφόσον διευθετηθεί το ζήτημα του καθεστώτος, θα ξεκινήσει η φάση της εφαρμογής, η οποία θα έχει βεβαίως από μόνη της κοσμογονικό χαρακτήρα. Και σε αυτήν τη διαδικασία, η ΕΕ οφείλει να εργαστεί ενωμένη. Η ΕΕ θα κληθεί να διαδραματίσει ηγετικό ρόλο όσον αφορά τη διοίκηση των διεθνών πολιτικών αποστολών και τη στήριξη των ευρωπαϊκών προοπτικών του Κοσσυφοπεδίου. Η προσπάθεια αυτή θα απαιτήσει τη χρησιμοποίηση όλων των μέσων που έχουμε στη διάθεσή μας και σημαντικών πόρων. Στα δυτικά Βαλκάνια και το Κοσσυφοπέδιο, δεν διαθέτουμε στρατηγική εξόδου, παρά μόνο στρατηγική εισόδου. Επιτρέψτε μου να υπογραμμίσω ότι η τοπική συμμετοχή και η εταιρική σχέση με τη διεθνή κοινότητα θα είναι αποφασιστική για την επιτυχία της εφαρμογής του καθεστώτος. Η ΕΕ και οι διεθνείς εταίροι της δεν μπορούν να υποκαταστήσουν τις προσπάθειες του ιδίου του Κοσσυφοπεδίου, ούτε ως προς την πολιτική βούληση ούτε ως προς τη διάθεση πόρων. Μπορούμε, όμως, να βοηθήσουμε, και η διευθέτηση του καθεστώτος δεν πρόκειται να επιτευχθεί χωρίς κόστος. Οι οικονομικές ανάγκες του Κοσσυφοπεδίου μετά τη συμφωνία επί του καθεστώτος δεν είναι ακόμη πλήρως γνωστές, όμως, σύμφωνα με προκαταρκτικές εκτιμήσεις, η διεθνής βοήθεια αναμένεται ότι θα κυμαίνεται μεταξύ 1,3 και 1,5 δισ. ευρώ για την πρώτη τριετία μετά τη συμφωνία επί του καθεστώτος. Θα χρειαστεί να καλυφθούν τέσσερις βασικοί τομείς: το μερίδιο του χρέους της Γιουγκοσλαβίας που αναλογεί στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο, το κόστος της εφαρμογής του καθεστώτος, οι ανάγκες στον τομέα της οικονομικής ανάπτυξης και το κόστος της διεθνούς παρουσίας, περιλαμβανομένης της σχεδιαζόμενης αποστολής στο πλαίσιο της ΕΠΑΑ, η οποία αναμένεται να είναι η μεγαλύτερη αποστολή διαχείρισης πολιτικών κρίσεων στην ιστορία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Η συνολική παρουσία της ΕΕ στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο αναμένεται να περιλαμβάνει περί τα 1 500 έως 2 000 μέλη διεθνούς προσωπικού."@el10
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"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@lv13
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:translated text
". Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Abgeordnete! Zunächst möchte ich dem Berichterstatter, Herrn Lagendijk, und den Abgeordneten für ihre bedeutende und intensive Arbeit an diesem Bericht danken. Wir alle wissen, dass die EU momentan wichtige außenpolitische Herausforderungen in anderen Gebieten wie dem Nahen Osten, Afghanistan und Darfur bewältigen muss. Der Kosovo ist nicht die einzige Priorität, die finanzielle Unterstützung benötigt. Aber beim Kosovo hat Europa eine besondere Verantwortung, da er an uns angrenzt und künftig zu unserem Hoheitsgebiet gehören wird. Am Freitag werde ich bei der Tagung der EU-Außenminister in Bremen, der Gymnich-Tagung, darauf hinweisen, dass die Mittel nicht allein aus dem EU-Haushalt kommen dürfen. Die EU-Mitgliedstaaten und unsere Partner in der internationalen Gemeinschaft müssen sich die Verantwortung teilen. Die Kommission wird ein Finanzierungspaket zusammenstellen, das das Ausmaß unserer Verantwortung widerspiegelt. Dabei zähle ich auf Ihre Unterstützung, da eine starke Unterstützung seitens der Haushaltsbehörde erforderlich ist, um ein glaubwürdiges Finanzpaket zu schnüren. Ein letztes Wort noch zu Serbien: Ich versichere Ihnen, dass die EU sich der europäischen Perspektive Serbiens nach wie vor uneingeschränkt verpflichtet fühlt. Wir sind bereit, mit einer neuen Regierung auf dieses Ziel hinzuarbeiten. Nun ist es an der neuen Regierung Serbiens, die Bedingungen zu erfüllen, um die Verhandlungen über ein Stabilisierungs- und Assoziierungsabkommen mit der Europäischen Union wieder aufzunehmen. Es ist ein starkes Engagement Serbiens erforderlich, um den Statusprozess zu einem erfolgreichen Abschluss zu bringen. Wir werden einem Serbien, das Vertrauen in seine europäische Zukunft hat, dabei helfen, das Vermächtnis der Vergangenheit hinter sich zu lassen. Wie ich hier bereits sagte, wurden der Bericht und der Vorschlag des Sondergesandten Ahtisaari am Montag dem Sicherheitsrat übergeben. Ich schließe mich dem UN-Generalsekretär, Ban Ki-Moon, und der EU-Ratspräsidentschaft an und befürworte den Bericht und den Vorschlag von Herrn Ahtisaari. Ich denke, wir sind uns alle einig, dass die beiden Parteien in einer idealen Welt selbst in der Lage gewesen wären, einen annehmbaren Kompromiss zu erzielen. Bei den 14-monatigen Verhandlungen wurde zu mehreren praktischen Aspekten der Regelung ein gemeinsamer Standpunkt erzielt. Bedauerlicherweise sind Belgrad und Priština in der entscheidenden Statusfrage selbst nach wie vor genau entgegengesetzter Ansicht. Mit Herrn Ahtisaaris Vorschlag soll die Bildung einer demokratischen, multiethnischen und auf rechtsstaatlichen Prinzipien basierenden Gesellschaft im Kosovo gefördert werden. Sein Vorschlag enthält weitreichende Bestimmungen, mit denen allen Gemeinschaften im Kosovo eine Zukunft gesichert werden soll und die religiösen Stätten und das Kulturerbe geschützt werden sollen. Wie Herr Lagendijk zu Recht betonte, ist das Wichtigste an einer Entscheidung zum Kosovo die Einigkeit Europas, hier und in New York. Wir müssen im UN-Sicherheitsrat konsequent und entschlossen hinter Herrn Ahtisaari und seinem Vorschlag stehen. Eine Aufschiebung der Entscheidung bringt keinerlei Vorteile mit sich. Die UNO verwaltet den Kosovo nunmehr seit acht Jahren und der Status quo ist definitiv nicht tragbar. Deswegen erwarte ich vom Sicherheitsrat, dass er seinen Aufgaben im Geiste des verantwortungsvollen Multilateralismus gerecht wird und den Prozess bald erfolgreich abschließt. Sobald die Statusfrage geklärt ist, beginnt die Durchführungsphase, die selbstverständlich eine eigene Entstehungsgeschichte haben wird. Auch hier muss die EU geschlossen handeln. Sie wird sowohl bei der Leitung internationaler ziviler Missionen als auch bei der Unterstützung der europäischen Perspektive für den Kosovo eine führende Rolle übernehmen müssen. Das wird den Einsatz all unserer Instrumente und beachtliche Ressourcen erfordern. Wir haben für den westlichen Balkan und den Kosovo keine Ausgangs-, sondern nur eine Eingangsstrategie. Ich möchte hervorheben, dass lokale Eigenverantwortung und eine Partnerschaft mit der internationalen Gemeinschaft der Schlüssel zum Erfolg sind, wenn es um die Durchsetzung des Status geht. Die EU und ihre internationalen Partner können die Bemühungen des Kosovo selbst nicht ersetzen, weder was den politischen Willen, noch was die Ressourcen angeht. Aber wir können ihm behilflich sein, und die Regelung der Statusfrage hat ihren Preis. Wie hoch der Finanzbedarf des Kosovo nach der Gewährung des Status sein wird, können wir nicht genau sagen, aber Schätzungen zufolge könnte in den ersten drei Jahren nach der Regelung der Statusfrage internationale Hilfe in Höhe von rund 1,3 bis 1,5 Milliarden Euro erforderlich sein. Dabei werden vier Hauptbereiche abgedeckt werden müssen: Der Anteil des Kosovo an den Schulden Jugoslawiens, die Kosten für die Durchsetzung des Status, der Finanzbedarf für die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und die Kosten für die internationale Präsenz, einschließlich der geplanten ESVP-Mission, die voraussichtlich die größte zivile Krisenmanagementmission sein wird, die die Europäische Union je entsendet hat. Im Kosovo werden aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach 1500 bis 2000 internationale Mitarbeiter tätig sein."@de9
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"Senhora Presidente, Senhores Deputados, antes de mais permitam-me agradecer e felicitar o relator, senhor deputado Lagendijk, e demais deputados pelo trabalho profundo e intensivo que desenvolveram para a elaboração deste relatório. Todos sabemos que, actualmente, a UE enfrenta desafios de política externa consideráveis noutros teatros incluindo o Médio Oriente, o Afeganistão e o Darfur. O Kosovo não é a única prioridade a nível de financiamento. Mas a Europa tem uma responsabilidade especial no Kosovo, que se situa imediatamente além das nossas fronteiras e é futuro território nosso. Na reunião dos Ministros dos Negócios Estrangeiros de Bremen da próxima sexta-feira, a reunião Gymnich, frisarei que os recursos não podem provir unicamente do orçamento da UE. Os Estados-Membros da UE e os nossos parceiros na comunidade internacional terão de partilhar responsabilidades. A Comissão vai apresentar um pacote de financiamento que reflicta a escala da nossa responsabilidade. Conto com o vosso apoio, pois precisamos de forte apoio da autoridade orçamental para reunir um pacote financeiro credível. Uma última palavra relativamente à Sérvia: posso garantir que a UE se mantém firmemente empenhada na perspectiva europeia da Sérvia. Estamos dispostos a trabalhar com o novo governo para atingir essa meta. Cabe agora ao novo governo da Sérvia reunir condições para reabrir as negociações sobre o acordo de estabilização e associação com a União Europeia. Um compromisso forte com a Sérvia é essencial para conduzir o processo do estatuto a uma conclusão bem sucedida. Uma Sérvia que confie no seu futuro europeu ultrapassará mais facilmente o peso do passado. Como antes referi, o relatório e propostas do enviado especial, Martti Ahtisaari, foram transmitidos ao Conselho de Segurança na segunda-feira. Junto-me ao Secretário-Geral da ONU, Ban Ki-moon, e à Presidência da UE no apoio ao relatório e propostas de Martti Ahtisaari. Decerto todos concordamos que, num mundo ideal, as duas partes teriam chegado, entre si, a um compromisso aceitável. Nos últimos 14 meses de negociações chegou-se a um entendimento sobre diversos aspectos práticos do acordo. Infelizmente, Belgrado e Priština mantiveram posições diametralmente opostas quanto à questão central do estatuto. As propostas do enviado especial Martti Ahtisaari vão no sentido de promover o estabelecimento, no Kosovo, de uma sociedade democrática e multi-étnica baseada no primado do direito. Contêm uma diversidade de medidas destinadas a garantir o futuro de todas as comunidades no Kosovo, assim como a protecção de locais religiosos e do património cultural. Como muito bem salientou o senhor deputado Lagendijk, a essência de uma decisão sobre o Kosovo reside na unidade europeia, aqui e em Nova Iorque. Temos de apoiar de forma determinada e coerente Martti Ahtisaari e as suas propostas no Conselho de Segurança da ONU. Nada lucraremos em adiar a decisão. Há oito anos que a ONU administra o Kosovo e o não é, claramente, sustentável. Espero, portanto, que o Conselho de Segurança corresponda às suas responsabilidades dentro do espírito de multilateralismo responsável e encontre uma conclusão rápida e coroada de êxito para o processo. Assim que esteja decidida a questão do estatuto terá início a fase de execução que terá, obviamente, uma génese própria. Também aqui a UE tem de se mostrar unida. A União deverá desempenhar um papel de liderança quer na gestão de missões civis internacionais quer no apoio às perspectivas europeias do Kosovo. Para isso, será necessário recorrer a todos os nossos instrumentos, assim como serão necessários recursos consideráveis. Não há estratégia de saída, apenas estratégia de entrada nos Balcãs Ocidentais e no Kosovo. Há que frisar que a apropriação local e a parceria com a comunidade internacional são fundamentais para o sucesso da aplicação do estatuto. A UE e seus parceiros internacionais não podem substituir os esforços do Kosovo nem em termos de vontade política nem em termos de recursos. Podemos, porém, dar apoio, e o estatuto será dispendioso. Não conhecemos ainda cabalmente quais as necessidades do Kosovo em termos financeiros após a concessão do estatuto mas cálculos prévios apontam para uma assistência internacional da ordem dos 1,3 a 1,5 mil milhões de euros para os primeiros três anos de aplicação do estatuto. Será necessário cobrir três domínios principais: a parte do Kosovo na dívida da Jugoslávia, o custo da aplicação do estatuto, as necessidades económicas para o desenvolvimento e ainda o custo da presença internacional, incluindo a missão PESD prevista, que se espera venha a ser a mais importante missão de gestão de crises civis que a União Europeia leva a cabo. A presença global da UE no Kosovo deverá exigir entre 1 500 e 2 000 funcionários internacionais."@pt17
lpv:spoken text
"Mr President, Honourable Members, first of all let me thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Lagendijk, and the Members for their substantive and intensive work on this report. We all know that the EU currently faces important foreign policy challenges in other theatres, including the Middle East, Afghanistan and Darfur. Kosovo is not the only funding priority. But Europe has a special responsibility in Kosovo, which is on our borders and is our future home territory. At the EU Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Bremen on Friday, the Gymnich meeting, I will stress that resources cannot come from the EU budget alone. EU Member States and our partners in the international community must share responsibility. The Commission will put together a funding package that reflects the scale of our responsibility. I count on your support for this, because strong support from the budgetary authority is needed to put together a credible funding package. A final word on Serbia: let me assure you that the EU remains fully committed to Serbia’s EU prospects. We are ready to work with a new government towards this goal. It is now up to the new Government of Serbia to meet the conditions for resuming the negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union. Strong engagement with Serbia is essential to bringing the status process to a successful conclusion. A Serbia that has confidence in its European future will be helped to overcome the legacy of the past. As I said here before, the report and proposal of the Special Envoy, Mr Ahtisaari, were handed to the Security Council on Monday. I join the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, and the EU Presidency in supporting the report and the proposal put forward by Mr Ahtisaari. I believe that we can all agree that in an ideal world, the two parties would have found an acceptable compromise between themselves. Over the past 14 months of negotiations, common ground was found on several practical aspects of the settlement. Unfortunately, Belgrade and Priština remained diametrically opposed on the core question of the status itself. Mr Ahtisaari’s proposal is designed to foster the building of a democratic, multi-ethnic society in Kosovo based on the rule of law. It contains wide-ranging provisions intended to secure the future of all communities in Kosovo, as well as protection of religious sites and cultural heritage. As Mr Lagendijk rightly underlined, the essence of a decision on Kosovo is European unity, here and in New York. We need to support Mr Ahtisaari and his proposal with consistent determination in the UN Security Council. There is no gain in delaying the decision. The UN has been running Kosovo for eight years and, clearly, the status quo is not sustainable. Therefore I expect the Security Council to live up to its responsibilities in the spirit of responsible multilateralism and bring the process to an early and successful conclusion. Once the status issue is settled, the implementation phase will start, which will of course bring its own genesis. Here too, the EU must work as one. The EU will have to play a leading role both in the running of international civilian missions and in support of Kosovo’s European prospects. This will require deployment of all our instruments and considerable resources. We have no exit strategy, only an entry strategy, in the Western Balkans and in Kosovo. Let me underline that local ownership and partnership with the international community is the key to success for status implementation. The EU and its international partners cannot substitute Kosovo’s own efforts, neither in terms of political will nor in terms of resources. But we can assist, and the status settlement will not come for free. Kosovo’s financial needs after the granting of status cannot yet be fully known, but early estimates suggest that international assistance of around EUR 1.3 to 1.5 billion may be required for the first three years after the status settlement. There will be four main areas to cover: Kosovo’s share of the Yugoslav debt, the cost of status implementation, economic development needs and the cost of the international presence, including the planned ESDP mission, which is expected to be the largest civilian crisis management mission the European Union has ever undertaken. The EU’s overall presence in Kosovo is likely to be in the order of 1500 to 2000 international staff."@en4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Member of the Commission"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
"Olli Rehn,"18,5,20,15,1,19,14,16,11,13,4
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
lpv:translated text
"Signora Presidente, onorevoli deputati, innanzi tutto ringrazio il relatore, onorevole Lagendijk, e i parlamentari, e mi congratulo per il notevole e costruttivo lavoro che hanno svolto su questa relazione. Sappiamo tutti che l’UE sta attualmente affrontando importanti sfide di politica estera in altri contesti, compreso il Medio Oriente, l’Afghanistan e il Darfur. Il Kosovo non è l’unica priorità di finanziamento, ma l’Europa ha una speciale responsabilità nel Kosovo, che è ai nostri confini e in futuro farà parte del nostro territorio nazionale. Al Vertice dei ministri degli Esteri UE che si terrà a Brema venerdì, il Vertice di Gymnich, preciserò che le risorse non possono provenire esclusivamente dal bilancio comunitario. Questa responsabilità dovrà essere condivisa anche dagli Stati membri e dai nostri della comunità internazionale. La Commissione elaborerà un pacchetto di finanziamento che rifletterà il nostro livello di responsabilità. A questo proposito conto sul vostro aiuto, poiché occorre un forte sostegno da parte dell’autorità di bilancio per riuscire a mettere insieme un pacchetto di finanziamento credibile. Un’ultima parola sulla Serbia: posso assicurarvi che l’UE rimane vincolata agli impegni assunti sulle prospettive di adesione di questo paese. Siamo pronti a lavorare alla realizzazione di tale obiettivo con un nuovo governo. Spetta ora al nuovo governo della Serbia soddisfare le condizioni per la ripresa dei negoziati su un accordo di stabilizzazione e associazione con l’Unione europea. E’ indispensabile un forte impegno con la Serbia per riuscire a concludere positivamente il processo per la definizione dello . Una Serbia fiduciosa nel suo futuro europeo potrà superare più facilmente il retaggio del passato. Come ho detto prima, la relazione e la proposta dell’inviato speciale Ahtisaari sono state trasmesse al Consiglio di sicurezza lunedì. Mi associo al Segretario generale dell’ONU, Ban Ki-Moon, e alla Presidenza UE nell’appoggiare la relazione e la proposta presentate da Martti Ahtisaari. Ritengo che possiamo convenire tutti che, in un mondo ideale, le due parti sarebbero riuscite a giungere a un compromesso accettabile. Negli ultimi 14 mesi di negoziati si è trovato un punto d’incontro su diversi aspetti pratici dell’accordo. Purtroppo Belgrado e Priština sono rimaste su posizioni diametralmente opposte sulle questioni chiave dello stesso. La proposta dell’inviato speciale Ahtisaari è intesa a promuovere la costruzione di una società democratica e multietnica in Kosovo sulla base dello Stato di diritto. Contiene disposizioni di ampio respiro volte a garantire il futuro di tutte le comunità del Kosovo, nonché la protezione di siti religiosi e patrimoni culturali. Come ha giustamente sottolineato l’onorevole Lagendijk, l’essenziale per una decisione sul Kosovo è l’unità europea, qui e a New York. Dobbiamo sostenere con determinazione costante Martti Ahtisaari e la sua proposta all’interno del Consiglio di sicurezza dell’ONU. E’ inutile rimandare la decisione. L’UE gestisce il Kosovo da otto anni e, chiaramente, non è sostenibile mantenere questa situazione. Mi aspetto dunque che il Consiglio di sicurezza tenga fede alle proprie responsabilità nello spirito del multilateralismo responsabile e conduca il processo a una rapida ed efficace conclusione. Una volta risolta la questione dello inizierà la fase di attuazione, che ovviamente avrà la propria genesi. Anche in questo caso l’UE dovrà operare in maniera compatta. L’Unione europea dovrà svolgere un ruolo guida sia nella gestione delle missioni civili internazionali sia a sostegno delle prospettive europee del Kosovo. A tal fine dovremo impiegare tutti i nostri strumenti nonché notevoli risorse. Nei Balcani occidentali e nel Kosovo non abbiamo una strategia di uscita, ma solo una strategia di ingresso. Vorrei sottolineare che la responsabilizzazione locale e il partenariato con la comunità internazionale sono la chiave per il successo dell’attuazione dello . L’UE e i suoi internazionali non si possono sostituire agli sforzi del Kosovo, né in termini di volontà politica né a livello di risorse. Possiamo però dare il nostro contributo e l’accordo sullo non si otterrà certo gratuitamente. Non si può ancora sapere con esattezza quali saranno le esigenze finanziarie del Kosovo dopo la concessione dello ma dalle prime stime emerge che potrebbe essere necessaria un’assistenza finanziaria di circa 1,3-1,5 miliardi di euro nei primi tre anni successivi all’accordo. Dovremo occuparci di quattro aree principali: la parte del Kosovo nel debito jugoslavo, il costo dell’attuazione dello le esigenze di sviluppo economico e il costo della presenza internazionale, compresa la prevista missione PESD, che si prevede sarà la più grande missione di gestione civile delle crisi che l’Unione europea abbia mai intrapreso. Probabilmente la presenza complessiva dell’UE nel Kosovo sarà dell’ordine di 1 500-2 000 membri di personale internazionale."@it12
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata
lpv:translated text
". Monsieur la Président, Mesdames et Messieurs, permettez-moi tout d’abord de remercier et de féliciter le rapporteur, M. Lagendijk, et les membres de cette Assemblée pour leur travail intensif et considérable en vue de la rédaction du présent rapport. Nul d’entre nous n’ignore qu’à l’heure actuelle, l’Union européenne est confrontée à des défis majeurs sur le plan de la politique étrangère sur d’autres fronts, tels que le Moyen-Orient, l’Afghanistan et le Darfour. Dès lors, sur le plan du financement, le Kosovo n’est pas la seule priorité. Néanmoins, une responsabilité spéciale incombe à l’Europe dans cette région, qui se trouve le long de nos frontières et rejoindra nos rangs un jour. Lors du Conseil européen des ministres des affaires étrangères à Brême vendredi, la réunion Gymnich, je rappellerai que les ressources ne peuvent provenir du seul budget européen. Les États membres de l’UE et nos partenaires de la communauté internationale doivent assumer leur part de responsabilité. La Commission élaborera un programme de financement reflétant l’étendue de nos responsabilités. À cet égard, je compte sur votre soutien. En effet, tout programme de financement crédible exige le soutien de l’autorité budgétaire. Un dernier mot sur la Serbie: je peux vous assurer que l’UE demeure pleinement engagée vis-à-vis des perspectives d’adhésion de la Serbie à l’Union européenne. Nous sommes prêts à travailler avec un nouveau gouvernement à la poursuite de cet objectif. Il incombe maintenant au nouveau gouvernement serbe de satisfaire aux conditions imposées pour la reprise des négociations sur un accord de stabilisation et d’association avec l’Union européenne. Un engagement fort envers la Serbie est indispensable si nous voulons conclure avec succès le règlement du statut. Une Serbie qui croit en son avenir européen aura moins de mal à surmonter son lourd héritage. Comme je l’ai dit auparavant, le rapport et la proposition de l’envoyé spécial, M. Ahtisaari, ont été remis au Conseil de sécurité lundi. À l’instar du secrétaire général des Nations unies, M. Ban Ki-moon, et de la présidence actuelle de l’Union, j’adhère au rapport et à la proposition de M. Ahtisaari. Je pense que nous sommes tous d’accord pour dire que, dans un monde idéal, les deux parties seraient parvenues à un compromis acceptable. Au cours de ces négociations, qui ont duré 14 mois, un terrain d’entente a pu être trouvé sur plusieurs aspects pratiques du règlement. Malheureusement, Belgrade et Priština ont continué de camper sur leurs positions, diamétralement opposées, sur la question clé du statut lui-même. La proposition de M. Ahtisaari a pour but de promouvoir l’établissement d’une société multiethnique démocratique au Kosovo, fondée sur l’État de droit. Elle contient des dispositions étendues destinées à garantir l’avenir de toutes les communautés du Kosovo ainsi que la protection des sites religieux et du patrimoine culturel. Comme M. Lagendijk l’a souligné à juste titre, l’unité européenne, ici et à New York, constitue le fondement de toute décision sur le Kosovo. Nous devons soutenir M. Ahtisaari et sa proposition avec opiniâtreté au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Reporter la prise d’une décision ne servira à rien. Voilà huit ans que le Kosovo est sous le mandat des Nations unies, et le statu quo n’est pas viable, c’est une évidence. Aussi, j’attends du Conseil de sécurité qu’il assume ses responsabilités, et ce dans l’esprit d’un multilatéralisme prudent, et mène ce processus à terme, rapidement et correctement. Une fois que la question du statut sera réglée, la phase de mise en œuvre pourra commencer, laquelle s’accompagnera bien sûr de sa propre genèse. Là encore, les États membres de l’Union doivent agir de concert. L’Union devra jouer un rôle majeur au niveau aussi bien de la gestion de missions civiles internationales que du renforcement de l’avenir européen du Kosovo. Pour ce faire, nous devrons impérativement déployer tous nos instruments et dégager des moyens financiers considérables. Nous ne disposons d’aucune stratégie de sortie dans les Balkans occidentaux et au Kosovo, mais uniquement d’une stratégie d’entrée. Permettez-moi de rappeler que la clé d’une mise en œuvre réussie du statut réside dans l’appropriation locale et le partenariat avec la communauté internationale. L’UE et ses partenaires internationaux ne peuvent se substituer aux efforts des Kosovars eux-mêmes, ni en termes de volonté politique ni en termes de ressources. Mais nous pouvons les aider. En outre, le règlement du statut aura un coût. À l’heure actuelle, il est impossible de chiffrer exactement les besoins financiers du Kosovo après l’établissement du statut. Néanmoins, selon les premières estimations, l’aide internationale se situerait entre quelque 1,3 et 1,5 milliard d’euros pour les trois premières années post-règlement. Quatre grands domaines devront être couverts: la part du Kosovo à la dette de la Yougoslavie, le coût de la mise en œuvre du statut, les besoins en termes de développement économique et le coût de la présence internationale, en ce compris la mission prévue de la PESD, qui devrait être la plus grande mission de gestion d’une crise civile jamais entreprise par l’Union européenne. En termes d’effectifs, la présence globale de l’Union au Kosovo devrait se situer entre 1 500 et 2 000 agents internationaux."@fr8
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". Señor Presidente, Señorías, permítanme en primer lugar dar las gracias y felicitar al ponente, el señor Lagendijk, y a los diputados por su labor sustancial e intensa en torno a este informe. Todos sabemos que la Unión Europea se enfrenta actualmente a importantes retos en materia de política exterior en otros escenarios, entre ellos Oriente Próximo, Afganistán y Darfur. Kosovo no es la única prioridad de financiación. Pero Europa tiene una responsabilidad especial para con Kosovo, puesto que está junto a nuestras fronteras y será territorio nuestro en el futuro. En la reunión de Ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de la UE que se celebrará en Bremen el viernes, la reunión de Gymnich, insistiré en que los recursos no pueden proceder únicamente del presupuesto de la UE. Los Estados miembros de la UE y nuestros socios de la comunidad internacional deben compartir la responsabilidad. La Comisión reunirá un paquete de financiación que refleje la escala de nuestra responsabilidad. Cuento con su apoyo para este fin, porque es necesario un apoyo firme por parte de la autoridad presupuestaria para reunir un paquete de financiación creíble. Unas últimas palabras sobre Serbia: permítanme asegurarles que la UE sigue defendiendo plenamente las perspectivas serbias de adhesión a la UE. Estamos dispuestos a colaborar con un nuevo Gobierno en pos de este objetivo. Ahora le corresponde al nuevo Gobierno de Serbia cumplir las condiciones necesarias para reanudar las negociaciones en torno a un acuerdo de estabilización y asociación con la Unión Europea. Un compromiso firme con Serbia es esencial para llevar el proceso del estatuto a buen puerto. Una Serbia que confíe en su futuro europeo recibirá ayuda para superar el legado del pasado. Como he dicho anteriormente, el informe y la propuesta del Enviado Especial, el señor Ahtisaari, se entregaron al Consejo de Seguridad el lunes. Me uno al Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas, Ban Ki-moon, y a la Presidencia de la Unión Europea en el apoyo al informe y la propuesta presentados por el señor Ahtisaari. Creo que todos estaremos de acuerdo en que, en un mundo ideal, ambas partes habrían llegado a un compromiso aceptable entre ellas. En los últimos 14 meses de negociaciones se ha encontrado un terreno común en varios aspectos prácticos del arreglo. Lamentablemente, Belgrado y Pristina han mantenido posiciones diametralmente opuestas en la cuestión central del estatuto propiamente dicho. La propuesta del señor Ahtisaari está concebida para fomentar la construcción de una sociedad democrática multiétnica en Kosovo, basada en el Estado de Derecho. Dicha propuesta incluye disposiciones de gran alcance, encaminadas a asegurar el futuro de todas las comunidades de Kosovo, al igual que la protección de los lugares religiosos y el patrimonio cultural. Como ha subrayado con razón el señor Lagendijk, la esencia de una decisión sobre Kosovo es la unidad europea, aquí y en Nueva York. Tenemos que apoyar al señor Ahtisaari y su propuesta con firmeza y coherencia en el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidos. No se conseguirá nada retrasando la decisión. Las Naciones Unidas llevan administrando Kosovo durante ocho años y está claro que la situación actual es insostenible. Por ello, espero que el Consejo de Seguridad esté a la altura de sus responsabilidades en el espíritu de un multilateralismo responsable y pueda concluir el proceso en breve y con éxito. Una vez resuelta la cuestión del estatuto, comenzará la fase de implementación, que sin duda comportará su propia génesis. También en esta vertiente la UE debe actuar unida. La UE tiene que desempeñar el liderazgo tanto en la realización de misiones civiles internacionales como en el apoyo de las perspectivas europeas de Kosovo. Este aspecto exige el despliegue de todos nuestros instrumentos y bastantes recursos. En los Balcanes occidentales y en Kosovo no tenemos una estrategia de salida, solo con una estrategia de entrada. Permítanme subrayar que la responsabilización local y la asociación con la comunidad internacional es la clave del éxito de la implementación del estatuto. La Unión Europea y sus socios internacionales no pueden suplir los esfuerzos del propio Kosovo, ni en voluntad política ni en recursos. Pero podemos ayudar, y la solución del estatuto no vendrá a cambio de nada. Las necesidades financieras de Kosovo tras la concesión del estatuto todavía no pueden conocerse en su totalidad, pero las estimaciones tempranas sugieren que podría necesitarse una ayuda internacional de alrededor de 1 300 a 1 500 millones de euros durante los tres primeros años posteriores a la sanción del estatuto. Habrá cuatro ámbitos principales por cubrir: la parte de la deuda yugoslava que corresponde a Kosovo, el coste de la implementación del estatuto, las necesidades de desarrollo económico y el coste de la presencia internacional, incluida la misión prevista de la PESD, que se espera que sea la misión civil en materia de gestión de crisis más amplia que habrá realizado jamás la Unión Europea. La presencia global de la Unión Europea en Kosovo se situará probablemente en torno a 1 500 o 2 000 agentes internacionales."@es21
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