Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2006-05-16-Speech-2-092"
| Predicate | Value (sorted: default) |
|---|---|
| rdf:type | |
| dcterms:Date | |
| dcterms:Is Part Of | |
| dcterms:Language | |
| lpv:document identification number |
"en.20060516.27.2-092"6
|
| lpv:hasSubsequent | |
| lpv:speaker | |
| lpv:spoken text |
".
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@en4
|
| lpv:translated text |
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@cs1
"I Guds navn, den Nådige, den Barmhjertige, hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, lad mig indledningsvis takke for invitationen
Det er en ære at tale i Parlamentet, der er resultatet af det europæiske folks enestående succeshistorie, en historie, som mange lande og befolkninger i hele verden kan drage en vigtig lære af og anvende som en model.
For 16 måneder siden afholdt Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed præsidentvalg efter præsident Arafats død, hvor jeg gik til valg med et klart valgprogram, nemlig at erklære våbenhvile og understrege, at konflikten kun kunne løses gennem forhandlinger. Jeg ønskede også at indføre reformer på forskellige områder, at styrke demokratiet, at skabe en fredelig periode og at fremme sikkerheden og retsstatsprincipperne.
Jeg er stolt over, at det palæstinensiske folk betroede mig denne opgave. Vi gik med det samme i gang med opgaven i forståelse med alle de grupper og fraktioner, der gik ind på at overholde denne våbenhvile. Det var første gang i mange år, at der næsten ikke blev gennemført nogen palæstinensiske angreb. Vores israelske modpart reagerede ved at fortsætte opførelsen af apartheidmuren på Vestbredden, som opdeler vores områder i spredte kantoner. Israel indleder sig fortsat på mord, arrestationer og militær indtrængen i vores byer, landsbyer og flygtningelejre. Israel har fastholdt sine skærpede og kvælende belejringer, landet forkaster fortsat aftaler, herunder den aftale, der blevet indgået i Sharm al-Sheikh efter præsidentvalget i Palæstina. På trods heraf accepterede vi Israels planer om tilbagetrækning fra Gazastriben. Vi sikrede, at denne blev gennemført uden hindringer og på fredelig vis, og viste vores evne til at varetage vores egne sikkerhedsopgaver, navnlig i grænseområderne, hvor observatører fra EU har hjulpet os med at sikre, at den første grænseovergang i historien under fuld palæstinensisk kontrol fungerer efter hensigten.
Israels strategi, der går ud på at afvise vores fremstrakte hånd, at afvise forhandlingsmuligheden og give freden en chance, har øget det palæstinensiske folks frustration. Israels strategi har også forværret den økonomiske situation i Palæstina og har gjort det besværligt og farligt at bevæge sig mellem byerne, idet der er etableret kontrolsteder over hele Jerusalem og på Vestbredden. Disse kontrolsteder undertrykker og ydmyger enkeltpersoner, der blot ønsker at føre en normal tilværelse, at nå frem til deres arbejde og deres områder, at nå frem til deres hospitaler og universiteter, at bringe deres børn i skole og besøge moskéer og kirker.
Den frustration og skuffelse, som den israelske besættelsespraksis og de manglende positive udsigter for fredsprocessen fremkalder, dannede baggrund for parlamentsvalget i januar. Hele verden var vidne til, hvordan magtoverdragelsen blev gennemført uden hindringer og på demokratisk vis, og hvordan vi skabte grundlag og tradition for en demokratisk, proces, som vi bliver nødsaget til at følge. Vi understreger på ny, at demokratiet er meningsløst, hvis folket ikke har frihed og hvis besættelsen fastholdes. Den situation, vi har gennemlevet i de sidste fire måneder, har været uden fortilfælde. Det erklærede valgprogram for det parti, der vandt valget og dannede regering, er ikke i overensstemmelse med mit valgprogram og Den Palæstinensiske Myndigheds forpligtelser og tidligere aftaler.
Vores tilgang til at tackle denne situation er baseret på de samme principper, som førte os frem til at afholde valget i rette tid. Vi tackler dette problem i vores institutioner og i overensstemmelse med vores love og regler. På baggrund af den politiske aktivitet i Palæstina inden for de seneste par måneder gives der i offentligheden i stigende grad udtryk for, at det er nødvendigt at overholde de aftaler og forpligtelser, som Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed har indgået, og vores forpligtelser i henhold til folkeretten. Jeg har anmodet den nye regering om at ændre sit program med henblik på opfyldelse af disse internationale forpligtelser. Vi er i en konstant og fortsat dialog, som vil udvikle sig til en national dialog om blot få dage. Jeg håber, at denne vil føre os frem til den nødvendige ændringsproces.
Det er nødvendigt, at det internationale samfund støtter vores strategi. Den nye regering skal have mulighed for at tilpasse sig det internationale samfunds grundlæggende krav. Hvis hjælpen til Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed standses, hvis bistanden til Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed beskæres, vil den økonomisk og sociale situation i landet blot blive yderligere forværret, og netværket af effektive og fungerende ministerier, forvaltninger og institutioner, som EU på afgørende vis var med til at opføre og udvikle i sin tid, vil blive svækket. Jeg vil her benytte lejligheden til at takke kvartetten for dens seneste afgørelse om at genoptage overførslen af støtte til det palæstinensiske folk på grundlag af en mekanisme, der vil blive udvikles under EU-lederskab. Vi opfordrer i denne forbindelse Israel til at frigive vores skatte- og toldindtægter øjeblikkeligt. EU kan spille en ledende rolle i denne forbindelse, og vi beder EU om at hjælpe os med at sikre, at Israel øjeblikkeligt frigiver alle skyldige skatte- og toldindtægter.
Den israelske regering gentager på ny sloganet "Ingen palæstinensisk partner". Jeg gør opmærksom på, at den israelske regering tidligere brugte dette slogan som en undskyldning for at løbe fra aftaler og nægte at vende tilbage til forhandlingsbordet. Vi bliver alvorlig bekymret for fredsudsigterne i vores region, når vi hører om israelske projekter, der sigter på at trække Israels endelige grænser inden for besat palæstinensisk område. Disse projekter vil udelukke enhver mulighed for at gennemføre tostatsløsningen, idet store dele af besat palæstinensisk område vil blive indlemmet, samtidig med at det resterende område omdannes til spredte øer uden geografisk grænsefællesskab og livsvigtige vandressourcer - vandressourcer, som israelerne vil kræve retten til. Dette forsøg på at gennemføre unilaterale projekter vil ødelægge ethvert tilbageværende håb om at genoplive fredsprocessen. Det vil også føre til en ny bitter periode præget af spænding og konflikt, som befolkningerne i denne region allerede i mange årtier har betalt en meget høj pris for.
Påstanden om, at der ikke er nogen palæstinensisk partner eller modpart, er grundløs. Jeg gentager, at på grundlag af de forfatningsmæssige beføjelser, jeg er tildelt i henhold til vores grundlæggende lov, der giver PLO's eksekutivråd, dets præsident og dets forhandlingsafdeling (NAD) forhandlingsansvaret, er vi fortsat fuldt ud indstillet på øjeblikkeligt at vende tilbage til forhandlingsbordet med henblik på at nå til enighed om en afslutning på denne lange konflikt. Jeg understregede denne kendsgerning over for Ehud Olmert, da jeg ringede til ham for at ønske ham tillykke med overtagelsen af posten for et par dage siden. Under samtalen understregede jeg vores oprigtige ønske om øjeblikkeligt at vende tilbage til forhandlingsbordet for at finde frem til en fredsløsning. Hele verden kræver dette af os, og vi anmoder det internationale samfund om øjeblikkeligt at gribe ind for at støtte os, således at vi undgår, at hele regionen synker ned i en afgrund og en ny konfliktfase, som vil have negativ indvirkning, ikke blot for mellemøsten, men for hele verden, på et tidspunkt, hvor der også er andre spændinger i regionen.
Vi ønsker, at der gribes ind på grundlag af folkeretten og køreplanen. Vi ønsker forhandlinger mellem partnere som et alternativ til den israelske strategi præget af unilateralisme, diktater og benægtelse af den anden part. Dette er meget vigtigt for os, da vi rent faktisk kun kan forene befolkningen i vores region gennem forhandlinger, samtidig med at vi fastholder principperne om fred, udvikling og modernisering, som vi har til fælles med befolkningen i Europa.
Når jeg taler til Dem i dag, overbringer jeg den palæstinensiske befolknings budskab til befolkninger på et kontinent, vi altid har været knyttet til gennem et godt naboskabsforhold og gennem vores historiske samarbejdsforbindelser og venskab og partnerskab og samarbejde inden for mange områder. Vi ønsker at dette samarbejde baserer sig på en frugtbar dialog mellem civilisationer og kulturer, der kan berige landene på begge sider af Middelhavet og hjælpe os alle med at bekæmpe ekstremistiske synspunkter for at sikre, at vores historisk tætte forbindelser fastholdes og for at sikre, at vi kan skabe fred i Middelhavsområdet.
Jeg takker på ny for denne invitation og for den udviste gæstfrihed. Det er min opfattelse, at jeg netop har talt foran venner, der har samme vilje til at fremme værdier som frihed, demokrati, tolerance og dialog. Jeg har tillid til, at Parlamentet fortsat vil støtte det palæstinensiske folks retfærdige sag, indtil vi har vundet vores frihed og bygget en uafhængig stat i det hellige land på grundlag af grænserne fra 1967 med Staten Israel.
Jeg takker for Deres opmærksomhed.
Når jeg taler til Dem i dag er jeg klar over, at jeg taler til lovgivere, der er godt inde i vores problemer, og hvoraf mange har været øjenvidne til det palæstinensiske folks problemer og lidelser under besøg i vores land. Så sent som i går mindedes det palæstinensiske folk 58-årsdagen for den palæstinensiske Nakba i 1948, hvor det palæstinensiske folk blev udsat for en historisk uretfærdighed, idet vi blev fordrevet fra vores land og tvunget ind i udlændighed, og hvor mange af os blev fordrevet og tvunget til at blive flygtninge.
Gennem hele det politiske forløb og under det palæstinensiske folks nationale kamp under Den Palæstinensiske Befrielsesorganisations lederskab og efter oprettelsen af Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed i 1994 efter underskrivelsen af principerklæringen har palæstinensernes politiske og diplomatiske bestræbelser altid været grundlæggende præget af palæstinenserne ønske om, at Europa spiller en vigtig, effektiv og aktiv rolle. Vores folk har aldrig glemt den positive holdning, som mange europæiske lande har indtaget siden starten af 1970'erne til støtte for det palæstinensiske folks rettigheder og dets nationale frihedsbevægelse under ledelse af Den Palæstinensiske Befrielsesorganisation. Vores folk har heller ikke glemt de europæiske landes gavmilde politiske, finansielle og tekniske støtte til opførelsen af de palæstinensiske institutioner og et nationalt parlament og deres støtte i forbindelse med afhjælpningen af følgerne af besættelses-, belejrings- og ødelæggelsesstrategien. Denne støtte har styrket vores folks tillid til det retfærdige i vores sag og til folkeretten. I dag, hvor vi igen står i en vanskelig situation, vender vi os logisk set mod Europa, da vores region er åben for alle muligheder, og dette er baggrunden for, at vi ønsker og venter på, at Europa indtager en ledende rolle på dette område.
På trods af den frygtelige historiske uretfærdighed, som vores folk har lidt under, har vi altid været i stand til at formulere en realistisk politik med henblik på at genskabe vores folks ret til selvbestemmelse. I de tidlige faser blev der afholdt hemmelige, halvhemmelige og offentlige møder mellem repræsentanter fra PLO og israelske fredsaktivister i forskellige europæiske hovedstæder. De første officielle kontakter mellem PLO og den israelske regering blev etableret i den europæiske hovedstad Oslo. Den første aftale i historien mellem de to parter blev undertegnet i 1993 i Oslo forud for den officielle undertegnelse i Washington samme år.
Da Det Palæstinensiske Nationalråd godkendte det palæstinensiske fredsinitiativ og accepterede FN's Sikkerhedsråds resolutioner 242 og 338 i 1998, banede det vejen for en historisk forsoning. Jeg må helt ærligt sige, at det ikke var nemt for vores folk. I denne forbindelse bliver jeg imidlertid nødt til at minde om den rolle, som vores historiske leder Yasser Arafat spillede. Det krævede mod at træffe disse beslutninger. Det krævede mod at fremlægge et fredsforslag med det palæstinensiske folks opbakning baseret på oprettelsen af en palæstinensisk stat på et område, der udgør under 22 % af det historiske Palæstinas område, hvilket repræsenterer det område, der var besat af Israel i 1967. Efter oprettelsen af Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed har vi fortsat vores fredsbestræbelser. Vi understregede igen og igen, at processen grundlæggende skulle være baseret på partnerskabsprincippet, hvor parterne var indstillet på at nå til enighed og løse problemer med rod i en lang, bitter og blodig konflikt, og hvor parterne havde forståelse for hinandens legitime interesser og var i stand til at skabe grundlag for en ny og anderledes fremtid for både palæstinenserne og israelerne.
Det hårdeste slag mod fredsprossen, der ifølge planen skulle have været afsluttet inden for nogle få år, var den israelske afvisning af partnerskabslogikken og Israels fastholdelse af destruktive politikker, navnlig bosættelserne, opførelsen af mure og beslaglæggelse af land med det formål at skabe en situation på stedet, der ville skade og foregribe forhandlingsresultatet. Israels politik er primært præget af manglende opfyldelse af forpligtelser og aftaler og afvisning af international beskyttelse, hvilket har medført en svækkelse af fredsprocessen, og at folks tillid til nytten heraf har fået et knæk. Denne politik har inden for de seneste par år udviklet sig til et niveau, hvor Israel forsøger at nedbryde Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed og dens institutioner fuldstændigt og systematisk ødelægge vores grundlæggende infrastruktur, som de europæiske lande har medvirket til at udvikle.
På trods af vores mange frustrationer og lidelser, som jeg er sikker på, at medlemmerne kender til og forstår, navnlig de medlemmer, der har været tæt på situationen, har vi været bestræbt os på at sikre, at den nationale kamp ikke kommer ud af kurs, og at folkeretten er blevet overholdt. Vi har afvist og fordømt
angreb på civile. Vi har afvist
form for terrorisme. Vi har understreget, at det er vigtigt at skabe en fredskultur i stedet for en krigskultur, og vi har gjort modstand mod besættelsen i muligt omfang og på fredelig vis."@da2
".
Im Namen des allmächtigen und barmherzigen Gottes; Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Zunächst möchte ich meiner Dankbarkeit für Ihre Einladung Ausdruck verleihen. Es ist eine Ehre, vor dieser Versammlung sprechen zu dürfen, die für die Völker Europas eine einzigartige Erfolgsgeschichte darstellt; eine Geschichte, die verschiedene Lektionen bereithält und die als Musterbeispiel für viele Länder und Völker in der ganzen Welt gelten darf.
Vor 16 Monaten fanden nach dem Tode von Präsident Arafat in den besetzten palästinensischen Gebieten Präsidentschaftswahlen statt, zu denen ich mit einem klaren Programm antrat: die Erklärung eines Waffenstillstands sowie das Bekenntnis, dass Verhandlungen der einzige Weg zur Lösung dieses Konflikts sind. Darüber hinaus wollte ich eine Politik der Reformen in verschiedenen Bereichen etablieren, um die Demokratie zu stärken, Ruhe einkehren zu lassen, die Sicherheit zu stärken und die Rechtsstaatlichkeit zu fördern.
Es erfüllt mich mit Stolz, dass das palästinensische Volk mir diese Aufgabe anvertraut hat. Unter Zustimmung aller Gruppen und Fraktionen, die die Einhaltung dieses Waffenstillstands befürwortet haben, gingen wir sofort an die Arbeit. Erstmals seit Jahren konnten wir eine nahezu vollständige Einstellung der von Palästinensern verübten bewaffneten Angriffe verzeichnen. Die israelische Seite hat darauf jedoch mit dem Weiterbau der Trennmauer im Westjordanland reagiert, die unsere Territorien in kleine Bezirke aufsplittert. Sie setzt die Morde, Verhaftungen und militärischen Überfälle in unseren Städten, Dörfern und Flüchtlingslagern fort, genauso wie die verschärften Belagerungen, die uns zu strangulieren drohen. Sie missachtet weiterhin Vereinbarungen und Abkommen, darunter auch das nach den palästinensischen Präsidentschaftswahlen in Sharm al-Sheikh erzielte Abkommen. Doch trotz alledem haben wir dem Plan Israels, sich aus dem Gaza-Streifen zurückzuziehen, zugestimmt. Wir haben ein reibungsloses und ruhiges Vorgehen sichergestellt und unsere Fähigkeit unter Beweis gestellt, dass wir unseren eigenen Sicherheitsaufgaben nachkommen können, insbesondere in den Grenzregionen, wo uns Beobachter aus der Europäischen Union beim ordnungsgemäßen Funktionieren des ersten Grenzübergangs der Geschichte unterstützten, der vollständig von Palästinensern verwaltet wird.
Die Politik Israels, unsere ausgestreckte Hand auszuschlagen, die Chance auf Verhandlungen und auf eine Perspektive des Friedens zurückzuweisen, hat eine noch größere Verbitterung in unserem Volk bewirkt. Diese Politik ist auch der Grund für den Niedergang der Wirtschaftsverhältnisse in Palästina und hat dazu geführt, dass die Wege zwischen Ortschaften lang und gefährlich geworden sind, da sich zwischen Jerusalem und dem Westjordanland so viele Kontrollpunkte befinden. Diese Kontrollpunkte sind ein Mittel zur Unterdrückung und Demütigung von Menschen, die einfach nur ein normales Leben führen, ihre Arbeitsplätze oder Felder erreichen, Krankenhäuser und Universitäten aufsuchen, ihre Kinder zur Schule bringen oder in Moscheen oder Kirchen gehen wollen.
Die Stimmung während der Parlamentswahlen im vergangenen Januar war von Desillusionierung und Enttäuschung aufgrund des Vorgehens der israelischen Besatzung und eines fehlenden positiven Ausblicks für den Friedensprozess geprägt. Die ganze Welt war Zeuge der reibungslosen und demokratischen Machtübergabe sowie der Schaffung der Grundlagen und der Tradition eines demokratischen Prozesses, den wir unbedingt einschlagen müssen. Wir betonen nochmals, dass die Demokratie ohne Freiheit des Volkes und bei fortgesetzter Besatzung seelenlos bleibt. In den vergangenen vier Monaten haben wir eine beispiellose Situation erlebt. Das erklärte politische Programm der Partei, die als Wahlsiegerin die Regierung gebildet hat, entspricht nicht meinem Programm und nicht den Verpflichtungen und früheren Vereinbarungen der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde.
Beim Umgang mit dieser Situation lassen wir uns von den gleichen Grundsätzen leiten wie bei der ordnungsgemäßen Durchführung der Wahl. Wir setzen uns mit diesem Problem im Rahmen unserer Institutionen und gemäß unseren Gesetzen und Vorschriften auseinander. Aufgrund der politischen Aktivitäten der letzten Monate bildet sich in Palästina langsam eine öffentliche Meinung heraus, die die von der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde geschlossenen Übereinkommen und Verpflichtungen sowie völkerrechtlichen Verpflichtungen respektiert. Ich habe die neue Regierung ersucht, ihr politisches Programm dahingehend zu ändern, dass es im Einklang mit besagten völkerrechtlichen Verpflichtungen steht. Wir befinden uns in einem ständigen und fortlaufenden Dialog, der in wenigen Tagen in einen erweiterten nationalen Dialog münden wird. Ich hoffe, dass dieser uns zum erforderlichen Änderungsprozess führen wird.
Für unser Vorgehen benötigen wir die Unterstützung der internationalen Gemeinschaft. Die neue Regierung muss die Möglichkeit erhalten, sich den grundlegenden Anforderungen der Völkergemeinschaft anzupassen. Würde die Hilfe an die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde gestoppt und die Unterstützung eingestellt, geriete das Land in eine noch schlimmere wirtschaftliche und soziale Lage und das Netz aus leistungsfähigen und funktionierenden Regierungsbehörden, Verwaltungen und Einrichtungen würde geschwächt, bei deren Aufbau und Entwicklung die Länder der Europäischen Union eine entscheidende Rolle gespielt hatten. An dieser Stelle möchte ich die Gelegenheit nutzen, dem Quartett für seine neueste Entscheidung zu danken, die Unterstützung für das palästinensische Volk fortzusetzen. Dies soll auf Grundlage eines Mechanismus erfolgen, der unter Leitung der EU erarbeitet werden wird. In diesem Zusammenhang rufen wir Israel auf, unsere Steuer- und Zolleinnahmen unverzüglich freizugeben. Die Europäische Union kann hier eine führende Rolle einnehmen, und wir würden Sie gern um Ihre Hilfe ersuchen, damit Israel die uns zustehenden Steuer- und Zolleinnahmen sofort freigibt.
Die israelische Regierung beharrt einmal mehr auf ihrem Slogan „Kein palästinensischer Partner“. Sie werden sich entsinnen, dass die israelische Regierung diesen Slogan in der Vergangenheit als Ausrede verwendet hat, um von Vereinbarungen zurückzutreten und sich zu weigern, an den Verhandlungstisch zurückzukehren. Angesichts bekannt gewordener israelischer Pläne, wonach die endgültigen Grenzen Israels innerhalb der besetzten Palästinensergebiete verlaufen sollen, sind wir um die Zukunft des Friedens in unserer Region tief besorgt. Mit diesen Plänen würde jede Möglichkeit verbaut, eine Zwei-Staaten-Lösung zu schaffen, da dadurch große Teile der besetzten Palästinensergebiete annektiert würden, wodurch die verbleibenden Reste in verstreute Inseln verwandelt würden, die keine Landverbindung aufwiesen und auch keinen Zugang zu Wasserressourcen hätten, welche die Israelis gern für sich beanspruchen würden. Dieser Versuch, einseitige Pläne durchzusetzen, wird jede verbleibende Hoffnung auf die Wiederbelebung des Friedensprozesses zunichte machen. Er wird auch Ausgangspunkt einer weiteren bitteren Periode der Spannungen und Konflikte sein, für die die Völker dieser Region bereits – über Jahrzehnte hinweg – einen hohen Preis gezahlt haben.
Die Behauptung, dass es keinen palästinensischen Partner oder Gegenpart gibt, entbehrt jeder Grundlage. Kraft der mir gemäß unserem Grundgesetz gewährten Verfassungsbefugnis, die das PLO-Exekutivkomitee, seinen Präsidenten und seine Abteilung für Verhandlungsfragen mit Verhandlungskompetenzen ausstattet, wiederhole ich nochmals, dass wir nach wie vor absolut daran interessiert sind, sofort an den Verhandlungstisch zurückzukehren, um ein Abkommen zu erreichen, das diesen langwierigen Konflikt beendet. Auf diese Tatsache habe ich in dem Telefongespräch mit Ehud Olmert verwiesen, als ich ihm zu seinem Amtsantritt vor wenigen Tagen gratulierte. Im Verlauf unserer Unterhaltung betonte ich unseren aufrichtigen Wunsch, umgehend an den Verhandlungstisch zurückzukehren, um über den Frieden zu verhandeln. Das erwartet die ganze Welt von uns, und wir rufen die Völkergemeinschaft auf, sofort zu handeln und uns zu unterstützen sowie zu verhindern, dass die Region zu einer Zeit, in der dort auch andernorts Spannungen herrschen, in einen Abgrund gleitet und in eine neue Serie von Konflikten gerät, die nicht nur den Mittleren Osten, sondern die ganze Welt in Mitleidenschaft ziehen würden.
Wir brauchen Aktionen, die auf dem Völkerrecht und der Roadmap basieren. Wir wollen Verhandlungen zwischen Partnern als Alternative zur israelischen Politik der Einseitigkeit, des Diktats und der Negierung der anderen Seite. All dies ist für uns eminent wichtig, da wir nur durch Verhandlungen die Menschen in unserer Region wirklich vereinen und ihnen die Grundsätze von Frieden, Entwicklung und Modernisierung nahe bringen können, die wir mit den europäischen Völkern teilen.
In meiner heutigen Rede vor Ihnen überbringe ich die Botschaft des palästinensischen Volkes an die Völker eines Kontinents, mit dem wir seit jeher in gutnachbarlichem Verhältnis verbunden sind, auch im Ergebnis unserer historischen Bande der Zusammenarbeit und Freundschaft, der Partnerschaft und des Zusammenhalts in verschiedenen Bereichen. Wir streben eine solche Zusammenarbeit im Rahmen eines fruchtbaren Dialogs zwischen den Zivilisationen und Kulturen an, der beiderseits des Mittelmeers zum Tragen kommt und uns allen helfen kann, extremistische Ansichten zu entschärfen und sicherzustellen, dass unsere historisch engen Kontakte fortbestehen und dass wir selbst Frieden im Mittelmeerraum herbeiführen können.
Ich danke Ihnen nochmals für diese Einladung und für Ihre Gastfreundschaft. Ich meine, ich habe soeben vor Freunden gesprochen, mit denen uns der Wunsch verbindet, die Werte der Freiheit, der Demokratie, der Toleranz und des Dialogs voranzubringen. Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, dass Sie die gerechte Sache des palästinensischen Volkes weiter unterstützen werden, bis wir unsere Freiheit erhalten und im Heiligen Land einen unabhängigen Staat auf der Grundlage der Grenzen zu Israel von 1967 errichtet haben.
Vielen Dank für Ihre Aufmerksamkeit.
Ich stehe hier heute vor Ihnen in dem Bewusstsein, dass ich mich an Abgeordnete wende, denen unsere Probleme sehr vertraut sind. Viele von Ihnen haben die Schwierigkeiten und das Leiden des palästinensischen Volkes auf Reisen in unser Land mit eigenen Augen gesehen. Erst gestern beging das palästinensische Volk den 58. Jahrestag der palästinensischen Nakba von 1948, der an historisches Unrecht erinnert, denn damals wurden wir Palästinenser entwurzelt und viele von uns aus der Heimat vertrieben und zu einem Flüchtlingsdasein gezwungen.
Über den gesamten politischen Weg und den nationalen Kampf des palästinensischen Volkes unter Führung der Palästinensischen Befreiungsorganisation hinweg sowie nach Gründung der Palästinensischen Nationalbehörde im Jahre 1994 im Gefolge der Unterzeichnung der Grundsatzdeklaration war das Streben nach einer effektiven und aktiven Vorreiterrolle Europas stets ein Grundpfeiler im politischen und diplomatischen Handeln Palästinas. Unser Volk hat das Engagement zahlreicher europäischer Länder seit den frühen 70er-Jahren für die Menschenrechte der Palästinenser und deren nationale Befreiungsbewegung unter Führung der Palästinensischen Befreiungsorganisation nie vergessen. Genauso wenig hat es die großzügige politische, finanzielle und fachliche Unterstützung der europäischen Länder bei der Errichtung palästinensischer Einrichtungen und eines Parlaments sowie die erwiesene Hilfe bei der Überwindung der Folgen der Besatzung, Belagerung und Zerstörung vergessen. Mit dieser Hilfe wurde das Vertrauen unseres Volkes in unsere gerechte Sache und in das Völkerrecht gestärkt. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt, einer weiteren schwierigen Phase, schauen wir logischerweise nach Europa, denn unsere Region ist für alle Lösungswege offen. Daher wünschen und erwarten wir von Europa, dass es eine führende Rolle auf diesem Gebiet einnimmt.
Trotz der Schrecken, die das historische Unrecht an unserem Volk mit sich brachte, war es uns stets möglich, eine realistische Politik zu entwickeln, um das Recht unseres Volkes auf Selbstbestimmung wiederzuerlangen. In der ersten Zeit gab es geheime, halboffizielle und offizielle Begegnungen zwischen PLO-Vertretern und israelischen Friedenscamp-Aktivisten in europäischen Hauptstädten. Die ersten offiziellen Kontakte zwischen der PLO und der israelischen Regierung fanden in einer europäischen Hauptstadt, in Oslo, statt. Die Paraphierung des ersten Abkommens der Geschichte zwischen beiden Seiten im Jahre 1993 erfolgte ebenfalls in Oslo, vor der offiziellen Unterzeichnung in Washington im selben Jahr.
Als der Palästinensische Nationalrat im Jahre 1998 die palästinensische Friedensinitiative annahm und die Resolutionen 242 und 338 des UN-Sicherheitsrates akzeptierte, bot sich die Chance einer historischen Aussöhnung. Ich muss ehrlich zugeben, dass dies für unser Volk nicht einfach war. Doch darf ich hier auf die Rolle verweisen, die unser ehemaliger Führer Yassir Arafat gespielt hat. Es bedurfte großen Mutes, um diese Entscheidungen zu treffen und eine Friedensformel auf den Tisch zu legen, die die Unterstützung unseres Volkes findet, obwohl der vorgesehene Palästinenserstaat nur 22 % der Fläche des historischen Palästina einnehmen und den von Israel seit 1967 besetzten Gebieten entsprechen würde. Nach Gründung der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde haben wir unser intensives Streben nach Frieden fortgesetzt. Wir haben immer wieder darauf verwiesen, dass der Prozess im Kern auf dem Grundsatz der Partnerschaft basieren muss, einer Partnerschaft, die auf Einvernehmen und der Lösung von Problemen beruht, die dem Erbe eines langwierigen, bitteren und blutigen Konflikts zuzuschreiben sind; einer Partnerschaft, die die legitimen Anliegen des anderen berücksichtigt und die Grundlagen für eine neue und andere Zukunft sowohl für die Palästinenser als auch die Israelis schafft.
Der schwerste Angriff auf den Friedensprozess, der eigentlich nach wenigen Jahren seinen Abschluss hätte finden sollen, bestand in der Ablehnung der Logik der Partnerschaft von Seiten Israels und dessen Festhalten an einer destruktiven Politik, insbesondere in Bezug auf die Errichtung von Siedlungen, den Bau von Sperrmauern und die Inbesitznahme von Land, um Realitäten zu schaffen, die Verhandlungen in dieser Richtung beeinträchtigen und vorwegnehmen könnten. Die Nichteinhaltung von Zusagen und Vereinbarungen und die Ablehnung einer internationalen Aufsicht sind zum beherrschenden Element der Politik Israels geworden und hatten zur Folge, dass der Friedensprozess an Dynamik verliert und das Vertrauen der Menschen in seine Zweckmäßig nachlässt. Diese Politik ging in den vergangenen Jahren so weit, dass man versuchte, die Palästinensische Nationalbehörde und ihre Einrichtungen vollständig zu zerstören, ferner wurde unsere grundlegende Infrastruktur, zu deren Aufbau Ihre Länder beigetragen hatten, systematisch dem Erdboden gleichgemacht.
Was uns betrifft, so haben wir trotz aller Enttäuschungen und Leiden, die ein Ausmaß angenommen haben, das Sie – insbesondere jene, die es mit eigenen Augen angesehen haben – sicherlich erkennen und einschätzen können, darauf geachtet, dass unser nationaler Kampf nicht von seinem Kurs abweicht und sichergestellt, dass er im Einklang mit dem Völkerrecht steht.
Angriffe gegen Zivilisten verurteilen wir und lehnen sie ab. Terrorismus in
Form lehnen wir ab. Wir haben darauf verwiesen, dass statt einer Kultur des Krieges eine Kultur des Friedens geschaffen werden muss, und wir haben alle friedlichen Mittel ausgeschöpft, um der Besatzung entgegenzutreten."@de9
".
Πριν από δεκαέξι μήνες, στα κατεχόμενα παλαιστινιακά εδάφη διενεργήθηκαν προεδρικές εκλογές μετά τον θάνατο του Προέδρου Αραφάτ, στις οποίες πήρα μέρος με σαφή πλατφόρμα: να κηρύξω ανακωχή και να τονίσω ότι οι διαπραγματεύσεις ήταν ο μόνος τρόπος επίλυσης της σύγκρουσης. Ήθελα, επίσης, να θεσπίσω μια πολιτική μεταρρυθμίσεων σε διάφορους τομείς, να ενισχύσω τη δημοκρατία, να επιτύχω μια περίοδο ηρεμίας, να προαγάγω την ασφάλεια και να προωθήσω το κράτος δικαίου.
Είμαι υπερήφανος που ο παλαιστινιακός λαός μου εμπιστεύθηκε αυτό το έργο. Αρχίσαμε το έργο μας αμέσως, με τη συμφωνία όλων των κομμάτων και ομάδων που δέχτηκαν να σεβαστούν αυτή την ανακωχή. Ήταν η πρώτη φορά μετά από χρόνια που είδαμε μια σχεδόν πλήρη παύση των ένοπλων επιθέσεων Παλαιστινίων. Όμως, οι ισραηλινοί ομόλογοί μας ανταποκρίθηκαν με τη συνεχιζόμενη ανέγερση του τείχους στη Δυτική Όχθη το οποίο χωρίζει τα εδάφη μας σε διασκορπισμένα καντόνια. Συνέχισαν με τις δολοφονίες, τις συλλήψεις και τις στρατιωτικές επιδρομές στις πόλεις, τα χωριά και τους καταυλισμούς προσφύγων μας. Συνέχισαν τις στενές και ασφυκτικές πολιορκίες τους· συνέχισαν να απορρίπτουν συμφωνίες και συνεννοήσεις, συμπεριλαμβανομένης της συμφωνίας που επιτεύχθηκε στο Sharm al-Sheikh μετά τις προεδρικές εκλογές στην Παλαιστίνη. Και παρόλα αυτά, συμφωνήσαμε στο σχέδιο του Ισραήλ για την αποχώρηση από τη Λωρίδα της Γάζας. Διασφαλίσαμε την ομαλή και ήρεμη υλοποίησή της και αποδείξαμε την ικανότητά μας να αναλαμβάνουμε τις δικές μας ευθύνες ως προς την ασφάλεια, ειδικά στις συνοριακές περιοχές όπου παρατηρητές από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μας συνέδραμαν στη διασφάλιση της σωστής λειτουργίας της πρώτης διάβασης συνόρων στην ιστορία υπό πλήρη παλαιστινιακή διοίκηση.
Η ισραηλινή πολιτική της απόρριψης της χείρας φιλίας που τείναμε, της απόρριψης της ευκαιρίας να διαπραγματευτούμε και να δώσουμε μια ευκαιρία στην ειρήνη, αύξησε την απογοήτευση του λαού μας. Η ισραηλινή πολιτική επέτεινε, επίσης, τις επιδεινούμενες οικονομικές συνθήκες στην Παλαιστίνη και κατέστησε τις μετακινήσεις από τη μια πόλη στην άλλη μακρές και επικίνδυνες λόγω των σημείων ελέγχου που είναι διασκορπισμένα σε όλη την Ιερουσαλήμ και τη Δυτική Όχθη. Αυτά τα σημεία ελέγχου καταδυναστεύουν και εξευτελίζουν ανθρώπους οι οποίοι το μόνο που θέλουν είναι να ζουν φυσιολογική ζωή, να φτάνουν στον χώρο εργασίας τους και στα χωράφια τους, να πηγαίνουν στο νοσοκομείο και στο πανεπιστήμιό τους, να πηγαίνουν τα παιδιά τους στο σχολείο ή να πηγαίνουν στο τέμενος και στην εκκλησία.
Η απόγνωση και η απογοήτευση που δημιουργούν οι πρακτικές της ισραηλινής κατοχής και η απουσία θετικής προοπτικής για την ειρηνευτική διαδικασία αποτέλεσαν το πλαίσιο των κοινοβουλευτικών εκλογών που διεξήχθησαν τον περασμένο Ιανουάριο. Όλος ο κόσμος υπήρξε μάρτυρας της ομαλής και δημοκρατικής μεταβίβασης τη εξουσίας και του πώς θέσαμε τα θεμέλια και δημιουργήσαμε την παράδοση μιας δημοκρατικής διαδικασίας την οποία δεν μπορούμε παρά να ακολουθήσουμε. Επαναλαμβάνουμε για άλλη μία φορά ότι η δημοκρατία δεν έχει ψυχή αν λείπει η ελευθερία των ανθρώπων και αν συνεχίζεται η κατοχή. Τους περασμένους τέσσερις μήνες, βιώνουμε μια πρωτοφανή κατάσταση. Η δηλωμένη πλατφόρμα του κόμματος που κέρδισε τις εκλογές και σχημάτισε κυβέρνηση δεν είναι σύμφωνη προς τη δική μου πλατφόρμα και τις δεσμεύσεις και τις προηγούμενες συμφωνίες της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής.
Η προσέγγισή μας για την αντιμετώπιση αυτής της κατάστασης βασίζεται στις ίδιες αρχές που μας οδήγησαν να διενεργήσουμε εκλογές εγκαίρως. Αντιμετωπίζουμε αυτό το πρόβλημα μέσα στα θεσμικά μας όργανα και σύμφωνα με τους νόμους και τους κανονισμούς μας. Η πολιτική δράση στην Παλαιστίνη τους τελευταίους μήνες έχει σταδιακά ως αποτέλεσμα μια κοινή γνώμη η οποία τονίζει τον σεβασμό των συμφωνιών και των δεσμεύσεων που έχει αναλάβει η Παλαιστινιακή Αρχή και των δεσμεύσεων έναντι του διεθνούς δικαίου. Ζήτησα από τη νέα κυβέρνηση να τροποποιήσει την πλατφόρμα της, ούτως ώστε να είναι σύμφωνη με αυτές τις διεθνείς δεσμεύσεις. Βρισκόμαστε σε έναν διαρκή και συνεχιζόμενο διάλογο, ο οποίος σε λίγες μόνον ημέρες θα μας οδηγήσει σε έναν εκτεταμένο εθνικό διάλογο. Ελπίζω ότι αυτός θα μας οδηγήσει στην απαιτούμενη διαδικασία τροποποίησης.
Η προσέγγισή μας χρειάζεται την υποστήριξη της διεθνούς κοινότητας. Πρέπει να δοθεί στη νέα κυβέρνηση η ευκαιρία να προσαρμοστεί στις βασικές απαιτήσεις της διεθνούς κοινότητας. Αν σταματήσει η συνδρομή προς την Παλαιστινιακή Αρχή, αν περικοπεί η βοήθεια προς την Παλαιστινιακή Αρχή, απλώς θα επιταθεί η επιδεινούμενη οικονομική και κοινωνική κατάσταση στη χώρα και θα αποδυναμωθεί το δίκτυο των κυβερνητικών υπουργείων, αρχών και θεσμικών οργάνων που είναι αποδοτικά και λειτουργούν και στων οποίων την οικοδόμηση και ανάπτυξη συνέβαλαν ουσιαστικά οι χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Εδώ, θα ήθελα με την ευκαιρία να ευχαριστήσω την Τετραμερή για την τελευταία απόφασή της να συνεχίσει την παροχή συνδρομής προς τον παλαιστινιακό λαό με βάση έναν μηχανισμό ο οποίος θα αναπτυχθεί υπό ευρωπαϊκή ηγεσία. Ως προς αυτό, καλούμε το Ισραήλ να αποδεσμεύσει πλήρως και άμεσα τα έσοδά μας από φόρους και δασμούς. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μπορεί να διαδραματίσει ηγετικό ρόλο σε αυτό και ζητούμε τη βοήθειά σας προκειμένου να διασφαλίσουμε ότι το Ισραήλ θα αποδεσμεύσει πλήρως τα έσοδα από φόρους και δασμούς που μας ανήκουν και ότι αυτό θα γίνει άμεσα.
Η κυβέρνηση του Ισραήλ επαναλαμβάνει και πάλι το σύνθημα «Κανένας παλαιστίνιος εταίρος». Θα θυμάστε ότι η κυβέρνηση του Ισραήλ χρησιμοποιούσε αυτό το σύνθημα και στο παρελθόν ως δικαιολογία για να εγκαταλείπει συμφωνίες και να αρνείται να επιστρέψει στο τραπέζι των διαπραγματεύσεων. Ανησυχούμε βαθύτατα για το μέλλον της ειρήνης στην περιοχή μας, καθώς ακούμε για ισραηλινά σχέδια τα οποία στοχεύουν να θέσουν τα οριστικά σύνορα του Ισραήλ εντός των κατεχόμενων παλαιστινιακών εδαφών. Τα σχέδια αυτά θα αποκλείσουν κάθε πιθανότητα υλοποίησης της λύσης των δύο κρατών, διότι θα προσαρτήσουν μεγάλα τμήματα των κατεχόμενων παλαιστινιακών εδαφών και θα μετατρέψουν αυτό που απομένει σε διασκορπισμένες νησίδες που στερούνται γεωγραφικής συνέχειας και ζωτικών υδάτινων πόρων – υδάτινων πόρων που οι Ισραηλινοί επιθυμούν να οικειοποιηθούν. Η απόπειρα αυτή της υλοποίησης μονομερών σχεδίων θα καταστρέψει κάθε εναπομείνασα ελπίδα αναβίωσης της ειρηνευτικής διαδικασίας. Θα οδηγήσει, επίσης, σε άλλη μία οδυνηρή περίοδο έντασης και σύγκρουσης, για την οποία οι λαοί της περιοχής έχουν ήδη –επί δεκαετίες– πληρώσει βαρύ τίμημα.
Ο ισχυρισμός ότι δεν υπάρχει παλαιστίνιος εταίρος ή ομόλογος δεν έχει βάση. Επαναλαμβάνω ότι, με βάση τη συνταγματική εξουσία που μου δίνει ο βασικός μας νόμος, ο οποίος αναθέτει στην Εκτελεστική Επιτροπή της PLO, τον Πρόεδρό της και το Διαπραγματευτικό Τμήμα της την ευθύνη των διαπραγματεύσεων, παραμένουμε απολύτως προσηλωμένοι στην άμεση επιστροφή στο τραπέζι των διαπραγματεύσεων, ούτως ώστε να επιτύχουμε συμφωνία για να λήξει αυτή η μακρά σύγκρουση. Αυτό είναι ένα δεδομένο το οποίο τόνισα όταν συνομίλησα τηλεφωνικά με τον Ehud Olmert για να τον συγχαρώ για την ανάληψη των καθηκόντων του πριν από μερικές ημέρες. Στη συνομιλία αυτή, τόνισα την πραγματική επιθυμία μας να επιστρέψουμε άμεσα στο τραπέζι των διαπραγματεύσεων για να διαπραγματευτούμε την ειρήνη. Όλος ο κόσμος το απαιτεί αυτό από εμάς και ζητάμε να ενεργήσει άμεσα η διεθνής κοινότητα για να μας υποστηρίξει, προκειμένου να αποτρέψουμε το κατρακύλισμα της περιοχής στην άβυσσο και έναν νέο κύκλο σύγκρουσης που θα έχει δυσμενή αντίκτυπο όχι μόνο στη Μέση Ανατολή αλλά στον κόσμο συνολικά, σε μια περίοδο κατά την οποία η περιοχή υφίσταται και άλλες εντάσεις.
Στο όνομα του ευσπλαχνικού, του φιλάνθρωπου Θεού, κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι, επιτρέψτε μου καταρχάς να εκφράσω την ευγνωμοσύνη μου για την πρόσκληση. Αποτελεί τιμή να απευθύνομαι σε αυτή τη Συνέλευση, η οποία αποτελεί μοναδική επιτυχία για τους λαούς της Ευρώπης· μια επιτυχία που περιέχει πολλά διδάγματα τα οποία μπορούν να αποτελέσουν πρότυπο για πολλές χώρες και λαούς σε ολόκληρο τον κόσμο.
Θέλουμε δράση με βάση το διεθνές δίκαιο και τον οδικό χάρτη. Θέλουμε διαπραγματεύσεις μεταξύ εταίρων ως εναλλακτική της ισραηλινής πολιτικής της μονομέρειας, της επιβολής και της άρνησης της άλλης πλευράς. Όλα αυτά είναι εξαιρετικά σημαντικά για εμάς, διότι μόνο μέσω των διαπραγματεύσεων μπορούμε πράγματι να ενώσουμε τον κόσμο στην περιοχή μας, παρέχοντάς του παράλληλα τις αρχές της ειρήνης, της ανάπτυξης και του εκσυγχρονισμού που μοιραζόμαστε με τους πολίτες της Ευρώπης.
Και πάλι σας ευχαριστώ για την πρόσκληση και τη φιλοξενία σας. Πιστεύω ότι μίλησα απλά σε φίλους που συμμερίζονται μαζί μας την αφοσίωση στην προώθηση των αξιών της ελευθερίας, της δημοκρατίας, της ανοχής και του διαλόγου. Είμαι βέβαιος πως θα συνεχίσετε να υποστηρίζετε τον δίκαιο αγώνα του παλαιστινιακού λαού, έως ότου κερδίσουμε την ελευθερία μας και οικοδομήσουμε ένα ανεξάρτητο κράτος στους Άγιους Τόπους, με βάση τα σύνορα του 1967 με το κράτος του Ισραήλ.
Σας ευχαριστώ που με ακούσατε.
Σήμερα που σας μιλώ, διαβιβάζω το μήνυμα του παλαιστινιακού λαού προς τους λαούς μιας ηπείρου με την οποία ανέκαθεν μας συνέδεαν σχέσεις γειτονίας και ως αποτέλεσμα των ιστορικών δεσμών μας συνεργασίας και φιλίας και εταιρικής σχέσης και σύνδεσης σε πολλούς τομείς. Θα θέλαμε να ξεκινήσουμε αυτή τη συνεργασία μέσα από γόνιμο διάλογο ανάμεσα σε κουλτούρες και πολιτισμούς, ο οποίος μπορεί να κάνει πλουσιότερες και τις δύο πλευρές της Μεσογείου και να μας βοηθήσει όλους να αμβλύνουμε τις ακραίες απόψεις, ούτως ώστε να διασφαλίσουμε ότι θα συνεχιστούν όλοι οι ιστορικά στενοί δεσμοί μας και να μπορέσουμε να φέρουμε την ειρήνη στην περιοχή της Μεσογείου.
Σήμερα που σας μιλώ, συνειδητοποιώ ότι απευθύνομαι σε νομοθέτες οι οποίοι γνωρίζουν πολύ καλά τα προβλήματά μας και πολλοί από τους οποίους υπήρξαν αυτόπτες μάρτυρες των προβλημάτων και της οδύνης του παλαιστινιακού λαού κατά τη διάρκεια επισκέψεων στη χώρα μας. Μόλις χθες, ο παλαιστινιακός λαός εόρτασε την 58η επέτειο της παλαιστινιακής
το 1948, η οποία αντιπροσωπεύει την ιστορική αδικία κατά την οποία εμείς, ο παλαιστινιακός λαός, ξεριζωθήκαμε από τη γη μας, υποχρεωθήκαμε να μεταναστεύσουμε· κατά την οποία πολλοί από εμάς εκτοπίστηκαν και αναγκάστηκαν να γίνουν πρόσφυγες.
Σε όλη την πολιτική πορεία και τον εθνικό αγώνα του παλαιστινιακού λαού υπό την ηγεσία της Οργάνωσης για την Απελευθέρωση της Παλαιστίνης (PLO), και κατόπιν της ίδρυσης της Παλαιστινιακής Εθνικής Αρχής το 1994 ως επακόλουθο της υπογραφής της Διακήρυξης Αρχών, θεμελιώδης πυλώνας της παλαιστινιακής πολιτικής και διπλωματίας υπήρξε ανέκαθεν η επιθυμία για έναν μείζονα, αποτελεσματικό και ενεργό ευρωπαϊκό ρόλο. Ο λαός μας δεν ξέχασε ποτέ τις θετικές θέσεις που υιοθέτησαν πολλές ευρωπαϊκές χώρες από τις αρχές της δεκαετίας του 1970 υπέρ των δικαιωμάτων του παλαιστινιακού λαού και του εθνικού απελευθερωτικού κινήματός του υπό την ηγεσία της PLO. Ούτε έχει ξεχάσει ο λαός μας τη γενναιόδωρη πολιτική, οικονομική και τεχνική υποστήριξη των ευρωπαϊκών χωρών για την οικοδόμηση παλαιστινιακών θεσμικών οργάνων και της εθνοσυνέλευσης και την αντιμετώπιση των συνεπειών της πολιτικής της κατοχής, της πολιορκίας και της καταστροφής. Η υποστήριξη αυτή ενίσχυσε την εμπιστοσύνη του λαού μας στο δίκαιο του αγώνα μας και στο διεθνές δίκαιο. Αυτή τη χρονική στιγμή, άλλη μια δύσκολη στιγμή, πολύ εύλογα στρεφόμαστε στην Ευρώπη, με την έννοια ότι η περιοχή μας είναι ανοιχτή σε κάθε εναλλακτική λύση, και γι’ αυτό αναζητούμε και αναμένουμε από την Ευρώπη να διαδραματίσει ηγετικό ρόλο στην περιοχή.
Παρά τη φρίκη της ιστορικής αδικίας που πλήττει τον λαό μας, ανέκαθεν μπορούσαμε να διαμορφώνουμε μια ρεαλιστική πολιτική για να ανακτούμε τα δικαιώματα του λαού μας στην αυτοδιάθεση. Τον πρώτο καιρό, οι ευρωπαϊκές πρωτεύουσες αποτελούσαν τα μέρη στα οποία πραγματοποιούνταν μυστικές, σχεδόν μυστικές και δημόσιες συναντήσεις αξιωματούχων της PLO με τους ισραηλινούς ακτιβιστές από το ειρηνευτικό στρατόπεδο. Σε μια ευρωπαϊκή πρωτεύουσα, το Όσλο, έγιναν οι πρώτες επαφές μεταξύ της PLO και της κυβέρνησης του Ισραήλ. Η αρχική υπογραφή της πρώτης συμφωνίας στην ιστορία μεταξύ των δύο πλευρών το 1993 επίσης έλαβε χώρα στο Όσλο, πριν την επίσημη υπογραφή στην Ουάσινγκτον το ίδιο έτος.
Όταν το Παλαιστινιακό Εθνικό Συμβούλιο ενέκρινε το 1998 την παλαιστινιακή ειρηνευτική πρωτοβουλία και αποδέχτηκε τα ψηφίσματα 242 και 338 του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών, προσέφερε μια ευκαιρία για επίτευξη ενός ιστορικού συμβιβασμού. Πρέπει με κάθε ειλικρίνεια να πω ότι αυτό δεν ήταν εύκολο για τον λαό μας. Πρέπει όμως εδώ να υπενθυμίσω τον ρόλο που διαδραμάτισε ο ιστορικός ηγέτης μας, ο Γιασέρ Αραφάτ. Χρειαζόταν κουράγιο για να πάρει αυτές τις αποφάσεις· χρειαζόταν κουράγιο η προώθηση μιας ειρηνευτικής φόρμουλας η οποία να χαίρει της υποστήριξης του λαού μας με βάση τη δημιουργία ενός παλαιστινιακού κράτους στο 22% μόνο της γης της ιστορικής Παλαιστίνης, που αποτελεί την έκταση που κατείχε το Ισραήλ το 1967. Κατόπιν της ίδρυσης της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής, συνεχίσαμε να επιδιώκουμε εντατικά την ειρήνη. Τονίσαμε επανειλημμένα ότι ο πυρήνας της διαδικασίας έπρεπε να βασίζεται στην αρχή της εταιρικής σχέσης, μιας εταιρικής σχέσης προσηλωμένης στη συμφωνία και την επίλυση των προβλημάτων που δημιουργεί η κληρονομιά μιας μακράς, οδυνηρής και αιματηρής σύγκρουσης· μιας εταιρικής σχέσης που κατανοεί τις εύλογες ανησυχίες του άλλου και μπορεί να θέσει τα θεμέλια για ένα νέο και διαφορετικό μέλλον τόσο για τους Παλαιστινίους όσο και για τους Ισραηλινούς.
Το σοβαρότερο πλήγμα στην ειρηνευτική διαδικασία, η οποία υποτίθεται ότι θα έφτανε στα τελευταία στάδιά της σε λίγα μόλις χρόνια, ήταν αποτέλεσμα της απόρριψης εκ μέρους των Ισραηλινών της λογικής της εταιρικής σχέσης και της επιμονής τους στην εφαρμογή καταστροφικών πολιτικών, ιδιαίτερα στην ανέγερση οικισμών, στην κατασκευή τειχών και στην κατάσχεση εκτάσεων γης για να δημιουργήσουν μια πραγματικότητα με το σκεπτικό ότι αυτή θα ζημίωνε και θα προκαταλάμβανε το αποτέλεσμα των διαπραγματεύσεων. Η εγκατάλειψη των δεσμεύσεων και των συμφωνιών και η απόρριψη της διεθνούς στήριξης αποτέλεσαν το κύριο χαρακτηριστικό της ισραηλινής πολιτικής και είχαν ως αποτέλεσμα να χαθεί η δυναμική της ειρηνευτικής διαδικασίας και να κλονιστεί, κατά συνέπεια, η πίστη των ανθρώπων στη χρησιμότητά της. Η πολιτική αυτή εξελίχθηκε τα τελευταία χρόνια τόσο ώστε να αποπειράται να καταστρέψει πλήρως την Παλαιστινιακή Εθνική Αρχή και τα θεσμικά της όργανα και να καταστρέφει συστηματικά τη βασική μας υποδομή, για την ανάπτυξη της οποίας συνέβαλαν οι χώρες σας.
Από τη μεριά μας, και παρά την απογοήτευση και την οδύνη σε βαθμό που είμαι βέβαιος ότι αντιλαμβάνεστε και κατανοείτε –ιδιαίτερα όσοι από εσάς την είδατε από κοντά– προσέχαμε να μην επιτρέψουμε στον εθνικό μας αγώνα να ξεφύγει της πορείας του και να διασφαλίζουμε ότι ήταν σύμφωνος με το διεθνές δίκαιο. Απορρίψαμε και καταδικάσαμε
επίθεση κατά αμάχων. Απορρίψαμε την τρομοκρατία σε
της μορφή. Τονίσαμε τη σημασία της οικοδόμησης μιας κουλτούρας ειρήνης αντί για μια κουλτούρα πολέμου και κάναμε κάθε τι ειρηνικό που μπορούσαμε ώστε να αντισταθούμε στην κατοχή."@el10
"En el nombre de Dios el misericordioso, el benefactor; señor Presidente, Señorías, permítanme que exprese ante todo mi gratitud por esta invitación. Es para mí un honor dirigirme a esta Asamblea, que representa un éxito sin precedentes para los pueblos de Europa; un éxito aleccionador que puede servir de modelo para muchos países y pueblos del mundo.
Hace seis meses, el territorio palestino ocupado celebró elecciones presidenciales después de la muerte del Presidente Arafat, a las que me presenté con un programa electoral claro: declarar una tregua e insistir en que el conflicto solo puede resolverse por la vía de la negociación. Quise también emprender una política de reforma en distintos ámbitos, fortalecer la democracia, conseguir un período de tranquilidad, favorecer la seguridad y promover el Estado de Derecho.
Estoy orgulloso de que el pueblo palestino me encomendara esa tarea. Empezamos a trabajar de inmediato, con el apoyo de todos los grupos y facciones, que acordaron respetar esa tregua. Fue la primera vez en años que se produjo una suspensión casi completa de los ataques armados cometidos por palestinos. Pero la respuesta de la parte israelí fue proseguir con la construcción del muro del apartheid en Cisjordania, que divide nuestros territorios en cantones dispersos. Han continuado con sus asesinatos, detenciones e incursiones militares en nuestros pueblos, aldeas y campos de refugiados. Han continuado con sus estrechos y sofocantes cercos; han seguido rechazando acuerdos y entendimientos, como el alcanzado en Sharm el Sheij después de las elecciones presidenciales en Palestina. A pesar de todo ello, nosotros aceptamos el plan de Israel para la retirada de la Franja de Gaza. Nos aseguramos de que dicho plan se aplicara sin problemas ni disturbios y demostramos que somos capaces de asumir la responsabilidad de nuestra propia seguridad, sobre todo en las regiones fronterizas, donde observadores de la Unión Europea nos han ayudado a garantizar el correcto funcionamiento del primer paso fronterizo en la historia que ha sido controlado plenamente por palestinos.
La política israelí de rechazar nuestra mano tendida, de rechazar la vía de la negociación y de negarse a dar una oportunidad a la paz, ha aumentado la frustración de nuestro pueblo. La política de Israel ha agravado además el deterioro de las condiciones económicas en Palestina y ha hecho que el desplazamiento de una población a otra sea largo y peligroso debido a los controles repartidos por todo Jerusalén y Cisjordania. Esos controles oprimen y humillan a las personas que solo quieren vivir sus vidas normalmente, llegar a sus lugares de trabajo y a sus campos, desplazarse a sus hospitales y universidades, llevar a sus hijos a las escuelas o acudir a mezquitas e iglesias.
La frustración y la decepción creadas por las prácticas de la ocupación israelí y la ausencia de una actitud positiva hacia el proceso de paz constituyeron el telón de fondo de las elecciones legislativas celebradas el pasado mes de enero. Todo el mundo fue testigo de cómo la transferencia de poderes tuvo lugar sin contratiempos y de forma democrática, y de cómo construimos los cimientos y la tradición de un proceso democrático que no tenemos más elección que seguir. Queremos reiterar una vez más que la democracia pierde su alma cuando los pueblos se ven privados de libertad y sometidos a una ocupación constante. En los últimos cuatro meses hemos vivido una situación sin precedentes. El programa presentado por el partido que ganó las elecciones y formó Gobierno no se corresponde con mi programa ni los compromisos y acuerdos previos de la Autoridad Palestina.
Nuestra propuesta ante esa situación se sustenta en los mismos principios que nos llevaron a convocar elecciones en su momento. Estamos abordando este problema en el seno de nuestras instituciones y de acuerdo con nuestras leyes y reglamentos. La actividad política en Palestina en los últimos meses ha producido gradualmente una opinión pública que insiste en que se respeten los acuerdos y compromisos adquiridos por la Autoridad Palestina, y los compromisos con el Derecho internacional. He pedido al nuevo Gobierno que modifique su programa para adaptarlo a esos compromisos internacionales. Mantenemos un diálogo constante y continuado que nos llevará a un diálogo nacional más amplio en tan solo unos días. Espero que eso nos conduzca al necesario proceso de enmienda.
Nuestro enfoque precisa del apoyo de la comunidad internacional. El nuevo Gobierno debe recibir la oportunidad de adaptarse a las exigencias básicas de la comunidad internacional. El cese de la ayuda que recibe la Autoridad Palestina, la retirada del apoyo a la Autoridad Palestina, no hará más que agravar el deterioro de la situación económica y social del país, y debilitará la red de ministerios, administraciones e instituciones que están funcionando con eficiencia y en cuya creación y desarrollo han tenido desde el principio un papel fundamental los países de la Unión Europea. Quiero aprovechar esta oportunidad para agradecer al «Cuarteto» su reciente decisión de reanudar la asistencia que presta al pueblo palestino sobre la base de un mecanismo desarrollado bajo los auspicios de la UE. En este sentido, exigimos a Israel la total e inmediata devolución de nuestros ingresos fiscales y arancelarios. La Unión Europa puede desempeñar un papel decisivo en este terreno y pedimos su ayuda para conseguir que Israel nos devuelva inmediatamente todos los impuestos y los aranceles que nos debe.
El Gobierno israelí repite el argumento de que «No hay interlocutor palestino». Recordarán que el Gobierno israelí ya utilizó esa consigna antes como excusa para desentenderse de los acuerdos y negarse a volver a la mesa de negociaciones. Estamos seriamente preocupados por el futuro de la paz en nuestra región, porque hemos oído hablar de proyectos israelíes que pretenden fijar las fronteras definitivas de Israel dentro del territorio palestino ocupado. Esos proyectos acabarán con la posible viabilidad de la solución de dos Estados, porque se anexionarán gran parte del territorio palestino ocupado y nos entregarán lo que quede de islas dispersas carentes de contigüidad geográfica y recursos hídricos vitales, recursos hídricos cuya propiedad pretenden atribuirse los israelíes. Este intento de poner en marcha proyectos unilaterales destruirá cualquier esperanza que pueda quedar de resucitar el proceso de paz. Conducirá además a otro amargo período de tensiones y conflictos, por el que los pueblos de esta región han pagado ya –durante décadas– un alto precio.
El argumento de que no hay interlocutor u homólogo palestino carece totalmente de base. Reitero que, en virtud del poder constitucional que me otorgan nuestras leyes fundamentales, que encomiendan al Comité Ejecutivo de la OLP, a su Presidente y a su Departamento de Negociación la responsabilidad de la negociación, seguimos defendiendo plenamente la inmediata vuelta a la mesa de negociaciones para alcanzar un acuerdo que ponga fin a este largo conflicto. En eso insistí cuando hablé con Ehud Olmert por teléfono para felicitarle por su toma de posesión hace unos días. Durante esa conversación, insistí en nuestro verdadero deseo de volver inmediatamente a la mesa de negociaciones para negociar la paz. El mundo entero así nos lo exige, y pedimos a la comunidad internacional que actúe de inmediato para apoyarnos, para evitar que la región se vea abocada a un abismo y a un nuevo período de conflicto que tendrá consecuencias negativas no solo para Oriente Próximo, sino también para el mundo entero en un momento en el que la región está experimentando también otras tensiones.
Queremos una acción basada en el Derecho internacional y en la «Hoja de Ruta». Queremos negociación entre las partes como alternativa a la política israelí de unilateralismo
y negación del otro bando. Todo eso tiene una extrema importancia para nosotros, porque solo a través de las negociaciones podremos unir de verdad a los pueblos de nuestra región, ofreciéndoles al mismo tiempo los principios de la paz, el desarrollo y la modernización que compartimos con los pueblos de Europa.
Al dirigirme hoy a ustedes, transmito el mensaje del pueblo palestino a los pueblos de un continente al que siempre hemos estado unidos por relaciones de vecindad y en virtud de nuestros históricos vínculos de colaboración y amistad, de cooperación y asociación en numerosos sectores. Queremos reforzar esa cooperación por medio de un diálogo fructífero entre civilizaciones y culturas que pueda enriquecer a las dos orillas del Mediterráneo y ayudarnos a todos a apaciguar las posturas extremistas, asegurar el mantenimiento de nuestros estrechos lazos históricos y conseguir la paz en la región mediterránea.
Una vez más, quiero darles las gracias por esta invitación y por su hospitalidad. Creo que acabo de hablar ante amigos que comparten con nosotros el empeño de defender los valores de la libertad, la democracia, la tolerancia y el diálogo. Estoy convencido de que ustedes seguirán apoyando la justa causa del pueblo palestino hasta que recuperemos nuestra libertad y construyamos un Estado independiente en la Tierra Santa basado en las fronteras de 1967 con el Estado de Israel.
Gracias por su atención.
Al dirigirme hoy a ustedes, soy consciente de que me estoy dirigiendo a legisladores que conocen muy bien nuestras dificultades, muchos de los cuales han sido testigos directos de los problemas y del sufrimiento del pueblo palestino en sus visitas a nuestro país. Ayer mismo, el pueblo palestino conmemoró el 58º aniversario del
palestino en 1948, que representó una injusticia histórica cuando nosotros, el pueblo palestino, fuimos arrancados de nuestra tierra y forzados a la diáspora, cuando muchos de nosotros fuimos desplazados y convertidos en refugiados a la fuerza.
Durante toda la trayectoria política y la lucha nacional del pueblo palestino bajo el liderazgo de la Organización para la Liberación de Palestina y tras la creación de la Autoridad Nacional Palestina en 1994, después de la firma de la Declaración de Principios, el deseo de que Europa tuviera un papel importante, efectivo y activo ha constituido siempre un pilar fundamental de la política y la diplomacia palestinas. Nuestro pueblo no ha olvidado nunca las posiciones favorables adoptadas por numerosos países europeos desde principios del decenio de 1970 en defensa de los derechos del pueblo palestino y de su movimiento de liberación nacional encabezado por la Organización para la Liberación de Palestina. Nuestro pueblo no ha olvidado tampoco las generosas ayudas políticas, económicas y técnicas de los países europeos para la creación de sus instituciones palestinas y su asamblea nacional, ni su apoyo para afrontar las consecuencias de las políticas de ocupación, acoso y destrucción. Ese apoyo ha reforzado la confianza de nuestro pueblo en la justicia de nuestra causa y en el Derecho internacional. En este momento, también difícil, tenemos lógicamente la mirada puesta en Europa, ya que nuestra región está abierta a todas las posibilidades, y por eso deseamos y esperamos que Europa asuma un papel de liderazgo en ella.
A pesar de lo terrible que fue la injusticia histórica cometida contra nuestro pueblo, hemos sido siempre capaces de formular una política realista para recuperar el derecho de nuestro pueblo a la autodeterminación. En los primeros tiempos, las capitales europeas fueron escenario de la celebración de reuniones secretas, semisecretas y públicas entre los dirigentes de la OLP y activistas israelíes del bando de la paz. Fue en una capital europea, Oslo, donde tuvieron lugar los primeros contactos oficiales entre la OLP y el Gobierno israelí. La firma inicial del primer acuerdo histórico entre las dos partes en 1993 tuvo lugar también en Oslo, antes de su ratificación oficial en Washington ese mismo año.
Cuando el Consejo Nacional Palestino aprobó en 1998 la iniciativa de paz palestina y aceptó las Resoluciones 242 y 338 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas, ofreció una oportunidad para conseguir una reconciliación histórica. Tengo que decir sinceramente que eso no fue fácil para nuestro pueblo. Pero aquí tengo que recordar el papel que tuvo nuestro histórico dirigente Yasir Arafat. Hizo falta valor para tomar esas decisiones; hizo falta valor para proponer una fórmula de paz que contara con el apoyo de nuestro pueblo sobre la base de la creación de un Estado palestino en tan solo el 22 % del territorio de la Palestina histórica que constituye el territorio ocupado por Israel en 1967. Tras la creación de la Autoridad Palestina, hemos proseguido con nuestra intensa búsqueda de la paz. Hemos insistido repetidas veces en que el núcleo del proceso tenía que basarse en el principio de cooperación, una cooperación comprometida con el logro de un acuerdo y la resolución de los problemas impuestos por el legado de un conflicto largo, amargo y sangriento; una cooperación que entendiera los intereses legítimos de la otra parte y que pudiera sentar las bases de un futuro nuevo y diferente tanto para los palestinos como para los israelíes.
El golpe más grave para el proceso de paz, que se suponía que tendría que haber concluido en pocos años, fue el resultado del rechazo israelí a la lógica de la cooperación y su insistencia en aplicar políticas destructivas, sobre todo con la edificación de asentamientos, la construcción de muros y la confiscación de tierras para crear una realidad sobre el terreno que prejuzgara y anticipara el resultado de las negociaciones. El abandono de los compromisos y los acuerdos y el rechazo del patrocinio internacional se han convertido en un rasgo destacado de la política israelí, han restado impulso al proceso de paz y han despertado las consiguientes dudas en el pueblo palestino sobre su utilidad. Esa política se ha venido desarrollando en los últimos años hasta el punto de que se ha tratado de destruir completamente a la Autoridad Nacional Palestina y a sus instituciones, y se ha procurado la destrucción sistemática de nuestras infraestructuras básicas, que los países europeos habían ayudado a crear.
Por nuestra parte, y a pesar del estado de frustración y sufrimiento que ustedes conocen y calibran –sobre todo los que han sido testigos directos de ello–, hemos tratado de evitar que nuestra lucha nacional se desviara de su curso y en asegurar que se respetase el Derecho internacional. Hemos rechazado y condenado
los atentados cometidos contra civiles. Hemos rechazado el terrorismo en
sus formas. Hemos insistido en la importancia de crear una cultura de paz en lugar de una cultura de guerra, y hemos hecho todo lo pacíficamente posible para resistirnos a la ocupación."@es20
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@et5
".
Armollisen Jumalan, auttajan nimeen; arvoisa puhemies, hyvät parlamentin jäsenet, haluan aluksi ilmaista kiitollisuuteni saamastani kutsusta. On kunnia saada puhua tälle parlamentille, jota voidaan pitää Euroopan kansojen ainutlaatuisena menestystarinana, tarinana, johon sisältyy erilaisia opetuksia, joista monet maat ja kansat ympäri maailman voivat ottaa opikseen.
Miehitetyillä palestiinalaisalueilla järjestettiin 16 kuukautta sitten presidentti Arafatin kuoleman jälkeen presidentinvaalit, joissa minulla oli selkeä vaaliohjelma: tavoitteena on julistaa aselepo ja korostaa, että konflikti saadaan ratkaistua ainoastaan neuvottelemalla. Lisäksi halusin aloittaa uudistustoimet monilla aloilla, vahvistaa demokratiaa, käynnistää rauhan ajanjakson, lisätä turvallisuutta sekä edistää oikeusvaltioperiaatteen noudattamista.
Olen ylpeä siitä, että Palestiinan kansa uskoi minulle tämän tehtävän. Aloitimme työmme välittömästi tekemällä sopimuksen kaikkien niiden ryhmien ja ryhmittymien kanssa, jotka lupautuivat noudattamaan aselepoa. Tämä oli ensimmäinen kerta vuosiin, kun palestiinalaisten aseelliset iskut loppuivat lähes kokonaan. Israelilainen vastapuoli kuitenkin vastasi tähän jatkamalla kansoja erottelevan muurin rakentamista Länsirannalle, mikä jakaa alueemme hajanaisiin osiin. Israelilaiset ovat edelleen tehneet murhaiskuja ja pidätyksiä sekä tunkeutuneet asevoimin kaupunkeihimme, kyliimme ja pakolaisleireihimme. Israel on jatkanut entistä tiukempia ja tukahduttavia piirityksiä, ja se kieltäytyy edelleen noudattamasta sopimuksia ja yhteisymmärryksiä, myöskään Palestiinan presidentinvaalien jälkeen Sharm al-Sheikhissä saavutettua yhteisymmärrystä. Tästä kaikesta huolimatta suostuimme Israelin suunnitelmaan vetäytyä Gazan alueelta. Varmistimme, että vetäytyminen tapahtui sujuvasti ja rauhallisesti, ja osoitimme näin pystyvämme kantamaan oman vastuumme turvallisuudesta. Tämä koskee erityisesti raja-alueita, joilla Euroopan unionin tarkkailijat ovat auttaneet meitä takaamaan, että historian ensimmäinen, täysin palestiinalaisten hallinnassa oleva rajanylityspaikka toimii asianmukaisesti.
Israel ei ole ottanut vastaan auttavaa kättämme eikä myöskään tarttunut mahdollisuuteen aloittaa neuvotteluja tai antanut rauhalle mahdollisuutta. Tämä on lisännyt kansamme turhautuneisuutta. Israelin politiikka on myös vaikeuttanut Palestiinan taloudellisia oloja, ja eri puolille Jerusalemia ja Länsirantaa sijoitetut tarkastuspisteet ovat tehneet kaupungista toiseen siirtymisestä pitkällistä ja vaarallista. Tarkastuspisteet ahdistavat ja nöyryyttävät ihmisiä, jotka vain haluavat elää normaalia elämäänsä, mennä työpaikoilleen ja pelloille, sairaaloihin ja yliopistoihin, viedä lapsensa kouluun tai käydä moskeijoissa ja kirkoissa.
Israelin miehitystoiminnan aiheuttama turhautuneisuus ja pettymys sekä rauhanprosessin kehnot tulevaisuudennäkymät muodostivat perustan viime tammikuussa järjestetylle parlamenttivaaleille. Koko maailma näki, kuinka sujuvasti ja demokraattisesti valta saatiin vaihdettua ja kuinka loimme demokraattisen prosessin perusteet ja perinteet, joita meidän on vain pidettävä yllä. Toistamme jälleen, ettei demokratialla ole sisältöä niin kauan kuin kansalaisilla ei ole vapautta ja miehitys jatkuu. Viimeisten neljän kuukauden aikana on vallinnut ennenkuulumaton tilanne. Vaalit voittaneen ja hallituksen muodostaneen puolueen ohjelma ei ole oman ohjelmani eikä myöskään palestiinalaishallinnon sitoumusten ja aikaisempien sopimusten mukainen.
Tilanteen ratkaisemistapaan vaikuttavat samat periaatteet, joita noudatimme saadaksemme järjestettyä vaalit ajallaan. Ongelmaa käsitellään hallintoelimissämme omien lakiemme ja säädöstemme mukaisesti. Palestiinan poliittinen toiminta on muutaman viimeisen kuukauden aikana vähitellen saanut kansalaiset kannattamaan palestiinalaishallinnon tekemien sopimusten ja sitoumusten noudattamista sekä kansainväliseen oikeuteen sitoutumista. Olen kehottanut uutta hallitusta muuttamaan ohjelmaansa näiden kansainvälisten sitoumusten mukaiseksi. Vuoropuhelu on taukoamatonta ja jatkuvaa, ja sen ansiosta saamme aivan muutaman päivän kuluttua aloitettua laajennetun kansallisen vuoropuhelun. Toivon, että vuoropuhelun avulla saamme toteutettua tarvittavat muutokset.
Tarvitsemme toimillemme kansainvälisen yhteisön tuen. Uudelle hallitukselle on annettava mahdollisuus mukautua kansainvälisen yhteisön perusvaatimuksiin. Jos palestiinalaishallinnolta evätään avustukset ja vähennetään sille myönnettävää tukea, maan heikko taloudellinen ja sosiaalinen tilanne vain pahenee. Tällöin myös heikennetään tehokkaiden ja toimivien ministeriöiden, hallintoviranomaisten ja laitosten verkostoa, jonka luomiseen ja kehittämiseen Euroopan unionin jäsenvaltiot osallistuivat alun perin huomattavalla tavalla. Tässä yhteydessä käytän tilaisuutta hyväkseni ja kiitän kvartettiryhmää viimeisimmästä päätöksestään jatkaa tuen antamista Palestiinan kansalle EU:n laatiman järjestelmän mukaisesti. Näin ollen pyydämme Israelia palauttamaan vero- ja tullitulomme välittömästi. Euroopan unioni voi vaikuttaa tähän merkittävästi, ja pyydämme teiltä apua, jotta saamme varmistettua, että Israel palauttaa kaikki meille kuuluvat verot ja tullit välittömästi.
Israelin hallitus julistaa jälleen, ettei sillä ole palestiinalaista kumppania. Muistatte varmasti, että tämän iskulauseen turvin Israelin hallitus muinoin hylkäsi sopimukset ja kieltäytyi palaamasta neuvottelupöytään. Olemme vakavasti huolissamme alueemme rauhasta tulevaisuudessa, sillä olemme kuulleet Israelin suunnitelmista vetää Israelin lopulliset rajat miehitetyn Palestiinan alueelle. Tällaiset suunnitelmat sulkevat pois kaikki mahdollisuudet kahden valtion mallin toteuttamiseen, koska suunnitelmiin kuuluu laajojen palestiinalaisten miehitettyjen alueiden liittäminen Israeliin. Jäljelle jää hajanaisia erillisiä alueita, jotka eivät liity toisiinsa maantieteellisesti ja joilta puuttuvat elintärkeät vesivarat – nämä vesivarat israelilaiset haluavat vallata itselleen. Tällaiset toimet yksipuolisten suunnitelmien toteuttamiseksi tuhoavat kaikki jäljellä olevat toiveet rauhanprosessin elvyttämisestä. Lisäksi niillä käynnistetään taas uusi katkera jännitteiden ja konfliktien aikakausi, josta alueen kansat ovat jo – vuosikymmenien ajan – maksaneet kovan hinnan.
Väite, jonka mukaan palestiinalaista kumppania tai vastapuolta ei ole olemassa, on perusteeton. Peruslakimme valtuuttaa PLO:n toimeenpanevan komitean, sen presidentin ja neuvottelijat neuvottelemaan, ja toistankin peruslaissamme minulle myönnetyn perustuslain mukaisen vallan nojalla, että olemme edelleen täysin valmiita palaamaan välittömästi neuvottelupöytään, jotta pääsisimme sopimukseen tämän pitkään jatkuneen konfliktin päättämisestä. Korostin tätä seikkaa keskustellessani Ehud Olmertin kanssa, kun soitin hänelle muutama päivä sitten onnitellakseni häntä virkaanastumisesta. Tuossa keskustelussa korostin, että olemme aidosti halukkaita palaamaan neuvottelupöytään ja jatkamaan rauhanneuvotteluja. Koko maailma vaatii tätä meiltä, ja pyydämme kansainväliseltä yhteisöltä välitöntä tukea, jotta voimme estää aluetta luisumasta syvyyksiin ja uuteen konfliktien kierteeseen, jonka kielteinen vaikutus tuntuu paitsi Lähi-idässä myös koko maailmassa, sillä tilanne alueella on muutoinkin jännittynyt.
Haluamme toiminnan olevan kansainvälisen oikeuden ja etenemissuunnitelman mukaista. Haluamme kumppaneiden välisiä neuvotteluja Israelin yksipuolisten toimien, diktatoristen käskyjen ja toisen osapuolen hävittämisen sijaan. Kaikki tämä on äärimmäisen tärkeää meille, koska alueemme kansat voidaan tosiasiassa yhdistää ainoastaan neuvottelun keinoin. Vain näin voimme tarjota heille rauhan, kehityksen ja uudenaikaistamisen periaatteet, jotka jaamme Euroopan kansojen kanssa.
Puhuessani teille tänään välitän viestin Palestiinan kansalta sen mantereen kansoille, johon meillä on aina ollut ystävällismielinen suhde ja johon meillä on historiamme ansiosta yhteistyö-, ystävyys- ja kumppanuussuhde sekä yhteyksiä lukuisilla aloilla. Haluamme käynnistää tämän yhteistyön Välimeren molempien rantojen sivilisaatioita ja kulttuureja rikastuttavalla antoisalla vuoropuhelulla sekä auttaa meitä kaikkia luopumaan äärikannoista, jotta varmistamme historiallisesti läheisten yhteyksiemme säilymisen ja jotta saamme aikaan rauhan Välimeren alueelle.
Kiitän teitä vielä kerran saamastani kutsusta ja vieraanvaraisuudestanne. Uskoisin puhuneeni juuri ystäville, jotka ovat yhtä sitoutuneita vapauden, demokratian, suvaitsevaisuuden ja vuoropuhelun arvojen edistämiseen kuin mekin. Luotan teidän jatkossakin tukevan Palestiinan kansan oikeutettua asiaa, kunnes saamme vapautemme ja rakennamme itsenäisen valtion Pyhään maahan Israelin valtion vuoden 1967 rajojen perusteella.
Kiitos tarkkaavaisuudestanne.
Puhuessani teille tänään ymmärrän, että kuulijoina on lainsäätäjiä, joille ongelmamme ovat hyvin tuttuja. Monet heistä ovat myös omin silmin nähneet Palestiinan kansan ongelmat ja kärsimyksen vieraillessaan maassamme. Vasta eilen Palestiinan kansa vietti vuoden 1948 Nakban 58. vuosipäivää. Se muistuttaa siitä historiallisesta vääryydestä, kun meidät, Palestiinan kansa, kiskottiin juuriltamme ja pakotettiin diasporaan. Monet meistä joutuivat siirtymään ja pakotettiin pakolaisiksi.
Koko tämän poliittisen toiminnan aikana ja Palestiinan kansan ponnistellessa Palestiinan vapautusjärjestön hallinnossa sekä sen jälkeen, kun palestiinalaishallinto perustettiin vuonna 1994 periaatejulistuksen allekirjoittamisen jälkimainingeissa, Euroopan merkittävä, tehokas ja aktiivinen rooli on aina ollut Palestiinan politiikan ja diplomatian peruspilari. Kansamme ei ole koskaan unohtanut, kuinka myönteisesti useat Euroopan maat ovat suhtautuneet kansaamme 1960-luvun alusta lähtien tukiessaan Palestiinan kansan oikeuksia ja sen kansallista vapautusliikettä, jota johtaa Palestiinan vapautusjärjestö. Kansamme ei ole myöskään unohtanut, miten anteliaasti Euroopan maat ovat tarjonneet poliittista, taloudellista ja teknistä tukea palestiinalaisten hallintoelinten ja kansallisen parlamentin perustamiseen sekä auttaneet meitä selviytymään miehitysten, saartojen ja tuhojen seurauksista. Tämä tuki on lisännyt kansalaistemme luottamusta asiamme oikeutukseen ja kansainväliseen oikeuteen. Nyt kun ajat ovat taas vaikeita, on ymmärrettävää, että käännymme Euroopan puoleen. Alueemme suhtautuu avoimesti kaikkiin vaihtoehtoihin, ja siksi tavoitteenamme ja toiveenamme on, että Eurooppa ottaisi johtavan aseman kyseisellä alueella.
Huolimatta kammottavasta vääryydestä, joka kansaamme on sen historian aikana kohdannut, olemme aina kyenneet laatimaan realistisen suunnitelman kansamme itsemääräämisoikeuksien palauttamiseksi. Alkuaikoina Euroopan pääkaupungit olivat paikkoja, joissa järjestettiin salaisia, puolijulkisia ja julkisia PLO:n viranomaisten sekä israelilaisten rauhanaktivistien tapaamisia. PLO:n ja Israelin hallituksen ensimmäiset viralliset tapaamiset järjestettiin myös eurooppalaisessa pääkaupungissa, Oslossa. Historian ensimmäinen molempien osapuolten sopimus allekirjoitettiin alustavasti vuonna 1993, ja myös tämä tapahtui Oslossa. Sopimus allekirjoitettiin virallisesti Washingtonissa saman vuoden aikana.
Palestiinan kansallisneuvosto hyväksyi vuonna 1998 Palestiinan rauhanaloitteen ja Yhdistyneiden Kansakuntien turvallisuusneuvoston päätöslauselman 242 ja 338. Tämä tarjosi historiallisen mahdollisuuden sovinnontekoon. Minun on rehellisesti sanoen todettava, ettei tämä ollut helppoa kansallemme. Haluan muistuttaa, kuinka tärkeä merkitys historiallisella johtajallamme, Jasser Arafatilla, oli tässä yhteydessä. Näiden päätösten tekeminen vaati rohkeutta. Vaati rohkeutta esitellä kansamme tuen saanut rauhansuunnitelma, jonka mukaan perustettaisiin Palestiinan valtio, joka kattaisi ainoastaan 22 prosenttia historiallisen Palestiinan alueesta, mikä vastaa Israelin vuonna 1967 valtaamaa aluetta. Olemme jatkaneet rauhan aktiivista tavoittelua palestiinalaishallinnon perustamisen jälkeen. Olemme toistuvasti korostaneet, että prosessin ytimenä on oltava kumppanuuden periaate. Kumppanuudessa on sitouduttava sopimaan ja ratkaisemaan ongelmat, joita pitkän, katkeran ja verisen konfliktin perinnöstä on aiheutunut. Kumppanuudessa olisi ymmärrettävä toisen osapuolen oikeutetut huolenaiheet, ja sen avulla voitaisiin luoda perusta sekä palestiinalaisten että israelilaisten uudenlaiselle ja erilaiselle tulevaisuudelle.
Vakavin isku rauhanprosessille, jonka viimeinen vaihe oli tarkoitus saavuttaa muutaman lähivuoden aikana, oli se, että Israel luopui kumppanuuden logiikasta ja toteutti itsepintaisesti tuhoisia toimia. Näihin toimiin kuuluivat erityisesti siirtokuntien rakentaminen, muurien pystyttäminen ja maa-alueiden takavarikointi. Näin alueelle pyrittiin luomaan sellaiset olosuhteet, jotka aiheuttaisivat neuvottelujen tulosta kohtaan ennakkoasenteita ja estäisivät tulokseen pääsyn. Israelin toimintaa on leimannut luopuminen sitoumuksista ja sopimuksista sekä kansainvälisen tuen hylkääminen. Tämä on hidastanut rahanprosessia ja horjuttanut kansalaisten uskoa prosessin hyödyllisyyteen. Tässä toiminnassa on menty viime vuosina niin pitkälle, että on pyritty täysin hajottamaan palestiinalaishallinto ja sen elimet sekä järjestelmällisesti tuhoamaan perusinfrastruktuurimme, joiden kehittämisessä maanne ovat auttaneet.
Huolimatta turhautuneisuuden ja kärsimyksen määrästä, jonka te – ja etenkin ne, jotka ovat nähneet sen läheltä –varmasti tiedätte ja ymmärrätte, voin omasta puolestamme todeta pitäneemme huolen siitä, ettei kansallista kamppailuamme sysätä raiteiltaan ja että toiminnassa on noudatettu kansainvälistä oikeutta. Olemme kieltäytyneet hyväksymästä ja tuominneet
siviileihin kohdistuneet iskut. Olemme torjuneet
terrorismin muodot. Olemme korostaneet, että on tärkeää rakentaa rauhan ilmapiiriä sodan sijaan, ja toteuttaneet kaikki mahdolliset rauhanomaiset toimet miehityksen vastustamiseksi."@fi7
"Au nom de Dieu le miséricordieux, le bienfaisant; Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs, permettez-moi tout d’abord d’exprimer ma reconnaissance pour votre invitation. C’est un grand honneur pour moi de m’adresser à cette Assemblée, qui représente une réussite unique des peuples européens; il y a plusieurs leçons à tirer de cette réussite et ces leçons peuvent servir de modèle pour de nombreux pays et de nombreux peuples de par le monde.
Il y a seize mois, les citoyens vivant dans les territoires palestiniens occupés ont observé avec attention les élections présidentielles organisées à la suite du décès du président Arafat et auxquelles je m’étais présenté avec un programme clair: déclarer une trêve et insister sur le fait que la seule manière de résoudre le conflit était par le biais de négociations. Je voulais également introduire une politique de réformes dans de nombreux domaines, renforcer la démocratie, parvenir à une période de calme, encourager la sécurité et promouvoir l’État de droit.
La confiance que m’a témoignée le peuple palestinien pour mener à bien cette tâche est pour moi une grande fierté. Nous nous sommes mis immédiatement au travail, avec l’accord de tous les groupes et factions qui acceptaient de respecter cette trêve. Cela faisait des années que nous n’avions plus assisté à un arrêt quasi complet des attentas armés perpétrés par des Palestiniens, mais la réponse de nos homologues israéliens a été de poursuivre la construction du mur de l’apartheid en Cisjordanie, divisant ainsi nos territoires en cantons éparpillés. Cela s’est poursuivi par des assassinats, des arrestations et des incursions militaires dans nos villes, villages et camps de réfugiés que notre homologue a continué à assiéger de façon étouffante et hermétique. Il refusait toujours les accords et ententes proposés, notamment l’accord conclu à Charm-el-Sheikh qui a suivi les élections présidentielles en Palestine. Et malgré tout cela, nous avons accepté le plan israélien de retrait de la Bande de Gaza. Nous avons veillé à ce que ce plan soit mis en œuvre dans le calme et la sérénité et nous avons prouvé notre capacité à assumer nos propres responsabilités en matière de sécurité, en particulier dans les zones frontalières, où des observateurs de l’Union européenne nous ont aidés à garantir le bon fonctionnement du premier poste frontalier de l’histoire à être totalement géré par des Palestiniens.
La politique israélienne de rejet de notre main tendue, de refus de négocier et de donner une chance à la paix a accru la frustration de notre peuple. La politique israélienne a aussi aggravé la détérioration des conditions économiques en Palestine et elle a rendu tout déplacement d’une ville à l’autre long et dangereux vu les postes de contrôle déployés dans tout Jérusalem et la Cisjordanie. Ces postes de contrôle oppriment et humilient des personnes qui veulent juste mener une vie normale, atteindre leur lieu de travail et leurs champs, arriver à leur hôpital ou leur université, conduire leurs enfants à l’école ou aller à l’église et à la mosquée.
La frustration et la déception suscitées par l’occupation israélienne et l’absence de perspectives favorables au processus de paix ont été à la base des élections législatives de janvier dernier. Le monde entier a pu constater que le transfert de pouvoir s’est opéré sans heurts et d’une façon démocratique, ainsi que l’établissement des bases et d’une tradition d’un processus démocratique que nous tenons absolument à mettre en œuvre. Nous tenons à rappeler une nouvelle fois que la démocratie est dépourvue d’âme en l’absence d’une liberté des peuples et si l’occupation continue. Nous avons assisté à une situation sans précédent au cours de ces quatre derniers mois. Le programme annoncé du parti ayant remporté les élections et ayant formé le gouvernement ne correspond pas à mon programme ni aux engagements et accords conclus par l’Autorité palestinienne.
La manière dont nous souhaitons aborder cette situation repose sur les mêmes principes que ceux qui nous ont conduits à organiser les élections dans les délais. Nous examinons ce problème au sein de nos institutions et conformément à nos lois et règlements. Au cours de ces derniers mois, l’activité politique en Palestine a progressivement amené la population à insister sur le respect des accords et engagements conclus par l’Autorité palestinienne ainsi que le respect des obligations du droit international. J’ai demandé au nouveau gouvernement de modifier son programme en vue de se conformer à ces obligations internationales. Nous menons un dialogue continu et régulier et, dans quelques jours, ce dialogue s’étendra à l’échelon national. J’espère qu’il apportera les modifications requises.
Pour arriver à nos fins, nous avons besoin du soutien de la communauté internationale. Il faut accorder au nouveau gouvernement la chance de s’adapter aux exigences de base de la communauté internationale. L’arrêt de l’aide à l’Autorité palestinienne, le gel de l’aide à l’Autorité palestinienne ne feront qu’aggraver la détérioration de la situation sociale et économique dans le pays et ils affaibliront le réseau de ministères, d’administrations et d’institutions efficaces et opérationnels qui a pu être établi et développé grâce avant tout à l’aide apportée par les pays de l’Union européenne. À cet égard, je voudrais profiter de l’occasion pour remercier le Quartet pour sa décision d’octroyer à nouveau l’aide au peuple palestinien sur la base d’un mécanisme qui sera mis au point sous l’égide de l’UE. Dans ce contexte, nous demandons à Israël de libérer intégralement et sans délai nos recettes fiscales et impôts indirects. L’Union européenne peut jouer un rôle déterminant à ce propos et nous sollicitons votre aide pour garantir qu’Israël libère intégralement et sans délai les recettes fiscales et impôts indirects qui nous sont dus.
Le gouvernement israélien a repris son slogan «Pas de partenaire palestinien». Vous vous rappelez que le gouvernement israélien avait déjà utilisé ce slogan dans le passé en tant que prétexte pour renoncer aux accords et refuser le retour à la table des négociations. Les projets d’Israël de dessiner définitivement les frontières israéliennes au sein du territoire palestinien occupé constituent un risque majeur pour la paix dans notre région. Ces projets élimineront toute possibilité de mettre en œuvre la solution de deux États vu qu’ils annexeront de vastes parties du territoire palestinien occupé et feront de ce qu’il reste des îlots éparpillés sans contiguïté géographique ni ressources en eau, qui sont vitales et que les Israéliens voudraient s’approprier. Une telle tentative de mise en œuvre de projets unilatéraux anéantira tout espoir subsistant de faire renaître le processus de paix. Elle conduira également à une nouvelle période pénible de tensions et de conflits pour lesquels les peuples de la région payent déjà, depuis des dizaines d’années, un lourd tribut.
L’affirmation selon laquelle il n’existe pas de partenaire ni d’homologue palestinien ne repose sur aucun fondement. Je répète que, sur la base du pouvoir constitutionnel que m’a accordé notre loi fondamentale, qui investit le comité exécutif de l’OLP, son président et son ministère des négociations de la responsabilité de négocier, nous n’attendons qu’une chose: retourner sans délai à la table des négociations en vue de trouver un accord susceptible de mettre fin à ce long conflit. C’est un point que j’ai souligné il y a quelques jours lorsque j’ai téléphoné à Ehoud Olmert pour le féliciter pour son nouveau mandat. Au cours de cette conversation, j’ai souligné notre profond désir de retourner immédiatement à la table des négociations en vue de négocier la paix. Le monde entier nous le demande et nous demandons à la communauté internationale de nous aider sans délai afin d’éviter que la région ne glisse dans l’abîme et qu’elle ne plonge dans un nouveau cycle de conflits qui aura un impact négatif non seulement sur le Moyen-Orient, mais également sur l’ensemble du monde alors même que la région connaît également d’autres tensions.
Nous voulons que les actions entreprises soient basées sur le droit international et sur la feuille de route. Nous voulons des négociations qui se déroulent entre partenaires et nous refusons la politique israélienne d’unilatéralisme, de diktat et de négation de la partie adverse. Ce sont là toutes des choses extrêmement importantes pour nous, car ce n’est que par le biais de négociations que nous parviendrons à unifier les peuples de notre région tout en leur garantissant les principes de paix, de développement et de modernisation que nous partageons avec les peuples européens.
Je m’adresse à vous aujourd’hui en transmettant le message du peuple palestinien aux peuples d’un continent avec lequel nous entretenons depuis toujours des relations de bon voisinage et des liens historiques de coopération, d’amitié, de partenariat et d’association dans différents secteurs. Nous voudrions lancer cette coopération au moyen d’un dialogue fructueux entre les civilisations et les cultures, un dialogue susceptible d’enrichir les deux rives de la Méditerranée et de nous aider tous à désamorcer les opinions extrémistes afin de garantir le maintien de nos liens historiques étroits et, pour nous, d’aboutir à la paix dans la région méditerranéenne.
Permettez-moi, une nouvelle fois, de vous remercier pour votre invitation et votre hospitalité. J’ai le sentiment d’avoir parlé devant des amis qui partagent avec nous l’attachement à la promotion des valeurs de liberté, de démocratie, de tolérance et de dialogue. Je suis convaincu que vous continuerez à soutenir la juste cause du peuple palestinien jusqu’au moment où nous obtiendrons notre liberté et pourrons construire un État indépendant sur la Terre Sainte sur la base des frontières de 1967 avec l’État d’Israël.
Je vous remercie pour votre attention.
Tandis que je vous parle aujourd’hui, je me rends compte que je m’adresse à des législateurs qui connaissent très bien nos problèmes; nombre d’entre vous avez d’ailleurs été les témoins oculaires des problèmes et des souffrances rencontrés par le peuple palestinien lors des visites effectuées dans notre pays. Pas plus tard qu’hier, le peuple palestinien a célébré le 58e anniversaire de la Nakba palestinienne de 1948, cette injustice de l’histoire qui a déraciné le peuple palestinien de sa terre et qui a entraîné la diaspora, déplaçant nombre d’entre nous et les contraignant à devenir des réfugiés.
Tout au long de l’évolution politique et de la lutte nationale du peuple palestinien sous la conduite de l’Organisation pour la libération de la Palestine et à la suite de la création de l’Autorité nationale palestinienne en 1994 qui a fait suite à la signature de la Déclaration de principes, le désir que l’Europe joue un rôle majeur, efficace et actif a toujours constitué un pilier fondamental de la politique et de la diplomatie palestiniennes. Notre peuple n’a jamais oublié les attitudes positives adoptées par de nombreux pays européens depuis le début des années 70 en vue de soutenir les droits du peuple palestinien ainsi que son mouvement national de libération conduit par l’Organisation pour la libération de la Palestine. Notre peuple n’a pas non plus oublié le généreux soutien politique, financier et technique des pays européens en vue d’instaurer des institutions palestiniennes ainsi qu’une assemblée nationale de même que pour nous aider à affronter les conséquences des politiques d’occupation, de destruction et l’état de siège. Ce soutien a renforcé la confiance de notre peuple dans la légitimité de notre cause et dans le droit international. À l’heure actuelle - et c’est une autre époque difficile -, nous nous tournons tout naturellement vers l’Europe, car notre région est ouverte à toutes les solutions. C’est donc pour cela que nous attendons de l’Europe qu’elle joue un rôle majeur dans la région.
En dépit des horreurs de cette injustice de l’histoire infligée à notre peuple, nous avons toujours été en mesure de formuler une politique réaliste destinée à restaurer les droits de notre peuple à l’autodétermination. Au début, les capitales européennes étaient des endroits où des réunions secrètes, semi-secrètes et publiques se tenaient entre les responsables de l’OLP et les défenseurs israéliens de la paix. C’est dans une capitale européenne, Oslo, que les premiers contacts officiels ont eu lieu entre l’OLP et le gouvernement israélien. La signature initiale du premier accord de l’histoire entre les deux parties a également eu lieu à Oslo en 1993, avant sa signature officielle à Washington la même année.
Lorsque le Conseil national palestinien a approuvé en 1998 l’initiative de paix palestinienne et a accepté les résolutions 242 et 338 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, il a offert une occasion d’arriver à une réconciliation historique. Je dois déclarer en toute honnêteté que cela n’a pas été facile pour notre peuple. Permettez-moi, à cet égard, de vous rappeler le rôle joué par notre dirigeant historique Yasser Arafat. Il a fallu du courage pour prendre de telles décisions; il a fallu du courage pour présenter une formule de paix bénéficiant du soutien de notre peuple sur la base de la création d’un État palestinien ne couvrant que 22% du territoire de la Palestine historique, ce qui représente le territoire occupé par Israël en 1967. À la suite de la création de l’Autorité palestinienne, nous avons continué à œuvrer activement en vue d’une solution pacifique. Nous avons sans cesse répété que le cœur du processus devait reposer sur le principe du partenariat, un partenariat engagé dans la recherche d’un accord et dans la résolution de problèmes hérités d’un long, âpre et sanglant conflit, un partenariat qui comprenait les inquiétudes légitimes de l’autre et qui pouvait établir les bases d’un avenir nouveau et différent, tant pour les Palestiniens que pour les Israéliens.
Le plus dur coup porté au processus de paix, qui aurait dû arriver à son terme en quelques années, résulte du rejet par Israël de la logique du partenariat et de son insistance à pratiquer des politiques destructives, en particulier la création de colonies, la construction de murs et la confiscation de terres en vue d’instaurer sur place une réalité susceptible de porter préjudice aux négociations et de devancer leurs résultats. L’abandon d’engagements et la résiliation d’accords de même que le rejet d’un patronage international sont devenus des caractéristiques importantes de la politique israélienne et ont freiné le processus de paix et ébranlé la confiance des citoyens en son utilité. Au cours de ces dernières années, cette politique a atteint le stade où elle essaye de détruire complètement l’Autorité palestinienne et ses institutions et à anéantir systématiquement nos infrastructures de base que vos pays ont contribué à mettre en place.
De notre côté, et malgré notre état de frustration et de souffrance dont - je suis sûr - vous n’ignorez pas l’ampleur - en particulier ceux et celles d’entre vous qui en ont été des témoins proches -, nous avons veillé à faire en sorte que notre lutte nationale ne dévie pas de son cap et qu’elle respecte le droit international. Nous rejetons et condamnons
les attaques contre des civils. Nous rejetons le terrorisme sous
ses formes. Nous insistons sur l’importance d’ériger une culture de la paix plutôt qu’une culture de la guerre et nous faisons tout ce qui est possible pour résister pacifiquement à l’occupation."@fr8
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@hu11
"In nome di Dio clemente e misericordioso, signor Presidente, onorevoli deputati, permettetemi innanzi tutto di esprimere la mia gratitudine per l’invito. E’ un onore parlare di fronte a questa Assemblea che rappresenta una storia di successo unica per i popoli d’Europa; una storia che contiene diverse lezioni cui molti paesi e popoli del mondo potrebbero fare riferimento.
Sedici mesi fa, nei territori palestinesi occupati si sono svolte le elezioni presidenziali dopo la morte del Presidente Arafat; in quell’occasione mi sono presentato con un programma molto chiaro: dichiarare una tregua e ribadire che i negoziati costituiscono l’unica possibile soluzione del conflitto. Volevo inoltre avviare una politica di riforme in vari ambiti, rafforzare la democrazia, riuscire ad avere un periodo di calma, migliorare la sicurezza e promuovere lo Stato di diritto.
Sono fiero di essere stato investito di un simile compito dal popolo palestinese. Ci siamo messi subito al lavoro con il consenso di tutti i gruppi e le fazioni che avevano concordato il rispetto della tregua. Era la prima volta dopo anni che si verificava una cessazione praticamente totale degli attentati armati dei palestinesi. Eppure, la controparte israeliana ha risposto portando avanti la costruzione del muro dell’
in Cisgiordania che suddivide i nostri territori in distretti isolati. Israele ha continuato con gli assassini, gli arresti e le incursioni militari nelle nostre città, nei nostri villaggi e nei campi dei rifugiati; ha continuato con i suoi stretti e soffocanti assedi; ha continuato a rifiutare ogni accordo o intesa, compresa quella raggiunta a Sharm al-Sheikh dopo le elezioni presidenziali in Palestina. Malgrado tutto ciò, noi abbiamo accettato il piano di Israele che prevedeva il ritiro dalla striscia di Gaza. Siamo riusciti a garantire la gradualità e la tranquillità delle operazioni, dimostrando di essere in grado di assumerci le nostre responsabilità nel garantire la sicurezza pubblica, in particolar modo nelle zone di confine dove gli osservatori dell’Unione europea ci hanno aiutato a garantire il corretto svolgimento del primo passaggio di confini della storia avvenuto sotto il completo controllo dei palestinesi.
La politica israeliana di rifiutare la nostra mano tesa e l’opportunità di negoziare per dare una possibilità alla pace ha aumentato la frustrazione della nostra gente. La politica di Israele ha anche esacerbato le già difficili condizioni economiche della Palestina, rendendo gli spostamenti tra una città e l’altra lunghi e pericolosi a causa dei posti di blocco sparsi in tutta Gerusalemme e la Cisgiordania. Questi posti di blocco opprimono e umiliano persone che desiderano solamente condurre una vita normale, recarsi sul posto di lavoro e andare a lavorare nei campi, andare in ospedale e all’università, portare i figli a scuola o recarsi nelle moschee o nelle chiese.
La frustrazione e la delusione generate dalla prassi di occupazione israeliana e la mancanza di prospettive positive per il processo di pace sono il contesto che ha fatto da sfondo alle elezioni svoltesi lo scorso gennaio. Il mondo intero è stato testimone del modo graduale e democratico in cui si è svolto il passaggio di potere e di come abbiamo posto le fondamenta e i precedenti di un processo democratico che non possiamo fare a meno di seguire. Vorremmo ribadire ancora una volta che la democrazia rimane senz’anima se i cittadini non godono della libertà e se lo stato di occupazione persiste. Nel corso degli ultimi quattro mesi abbiamo vissuto una situazione senza precedenti. Il programma dichiarato dal partito che ha vinto le elezioni e ha formato il governo non corrisponde né al mio programma né agli impegni e ai precedenti accordi dell’autorità palestinese.
Il nostro approccio a queste questioni è ispirato agli stessi principi che ci hanno portato ad indire le elezioni per tempo. Stiamo affrontando questo problema in seno alle nostre istituzioni e in conformità delle nostre leggi e normative. L’attività politica palestinese degli ultimi mesi ha gradualmente indotto l’opinione pubblica a sostenere il rispetto degli accordi e degli impegni sottoscritti dall’autorità palestinese e di quelli previsti dal diritto internazionale. Ho chiesto al nuovo governo di modificare il proprio programma al fine di onorare i citati impegni internazionali. Stiamo portando avanti un dialogo costante e continuativo che fra pochi giorni sfocerà in un dialogo nazionale allargato. Spero che in questo modo arriveremo al necessario processo di modifica.
Il nostro approccio ha bisogno del supporto della comunità internazionale. E’ necessario dare al nuovo governo la possibilità di uniformarsi ai requisiti fondamentali imposti dalla comunità internazionale. Bloccare l’assistenza all’autorità palestinese, tagliando gli aiuti destinati alla stessa, significa solamente aggravare la già compromessa situazione socioeconomica del paese, indebolendo la rete di ministeri, amministrazioni e istituzioni efficienti e operativi creati in primo luogo con il fondamentale contributo dell’Europa. A questo punto vorrei cogliere l’occasione per ringraziare il Quartetto per la sua recente decisione di riprendere ad erogare aiuti al popolo palestinese in base a un meccanismo che sarà sviluppato sotto la guida dell’UE. A tale proposito facciamo appello ad Israele affinché ci restituisca immediatamente il gettito derivante dalle imposte e dai dazi. In questo senso l’Unione europea può svolgere un ruolo guida e noi vorremmo chiedere il suo aiuto per indurre Israele a consegnarci immediatamente e
il gettito derivante dalle imposte e dai dazi doganali.
Il governo israeliano persiste nel ripetere nuovamente lo
“Nessun
palestinese”. Come ricorderete, il governo israeliano aveva utilizzato questo
in passato come pretesto per venir meno agli accordi e rifiutare di tornare al tavolo delle trattative. Siamo estremamente preoccupati per il futuro della pace nella nostra regione in quanto ci è giunta voce che Israele sta pensando di tracciare i confini definitivi di Israele all’interno dei territori palestinesi occupati. Simili progetti precludono ogni possibilità di mettere in pratica la soluzione dei due Stati, in quanto Israele si annetterà gran parte dei territori palestinesi occupati trasformando ciò che resta in isole sparse prive di continuità geografica e di essenziali risorse idriche, quelle risorse idriche che Israele intende rivendicare come proprie. Questo tentativo di attuare progetti unilaterali finirà per distruggere ogni residua possibilità di riprendere il processo di pace e sfocerà in un altro periodo di tensioni e conflitti per i quali i popoli di questa regione hanno già pagato, per decenni, un prezzo molto alto.
L’affermazione secondo cui non ci sarebbe un
o una controparte palestinese è priva di fondamento. Ribadisco che, in virtù del potere costituzionale conferitomi dalla nostra legge fondamentale, la quale attribuisce al Comitato esecutivo dell’OLP, al suo Presidente, e al suo Dipartimento per i negoziati la competenza in materia di negoziati, siamo assolutamente disponibili a tornare al tavolo delle trattative per trovare un accordo e porre fine a questo lungo conflitto. Ho sottolineato questo fatto nel corso di una telefonata con Ehud Olmert quando, qualche giorno fa, l'ho chiamato per congratularmi con lui in occasione del suo insediamento. Durante la conversazione ho sottolineato il nostro reale desiderio di tornare immediatamente al tavolo delle trattative per negoziare la pace. Il mondo intero si aspetta questo da noi e noi chiediamo che la comunità internazionale adotti misure immediate per aiutarci a farlo, al fine di impedire che la regione scivoli in un abisso e in una nuova spirale di guerra che avrebbe un impatto notevole non solo sul Medio Oriente ma sul mondo intero, in un momento in cui la regione sta già vivendo altre tensioni.
Vogliamo un’azione basata sul diritto internazionale e la
. Vogliamo negoziati tra le parti in alternativa alla politica di unilateralismo
e negazione dell’altro portata avanti da Israele. Tutto questo è estremamente importante per noi, in quanto solo attraverso i negoziati possiamo davvero unire il popolo della nostra regione, garantendogli i principi della pace, dello sviluppo e della modernizzazione che condividiamo con il popolo europeo.
Parlando con voi oggi porto il messaggio del popolo palestinese ai popoli di un continente al quale da sempre siamo legati da rapporti di vicinato derivanti dalle nostre storiche relazioni di cooperazione, amicizia, partenariato e associazione in numerosi settori. Noi vorremmo avviare questa cooperazione mediante un dialogo proficuo tra civiltà e culture suscettibile di arricchire entrambe le sponde del Mediterraneo e di aiutarci a debellare le posizioni estremiste al fine di garantire la prosecuzione dei nostri storici stretti legami e di consentirci di raggiungere la pace nell’area mediterranea.
Vi ringrazio nuovamente per questo invito e per la vostra ospitalità. Sono sicuro di aver appena parlato davanti ad un pubblico amico che condivide con noi la dedizione alla causa della promozione dei valori di libertà, democrazia, tolleranza e dialogo. Ho fiducia nel fatto che continuerete a sostenere la giusta causa del popolo palestinese fino a quando non avremo ottenuto la libertà e creato uno Stato indipendente in Terra Santa sulla base dei confini con lo Stato di Israele del 1967.
Grazie per avermi ascoltato.
Mentre parlo con voi oggi, mi rendo conto che sto parlando a legislatori che conoscono molto bene i nostri problemi e dei quali molti sono stati testimoni oculari dei problemi e delle sofferenze del popolo palestinese in occasione di visite nel nostro paese. Solo ieri il popolo palestinese ha commemorato il 58° anniversario della Nakba palestinese del 1948, che ha rappresentato la storica ingiustizia a cui noi palestinesi siamo stati sottoposti quando, sradicati dal nostro paese, siamo stati costretti ad una diaspora e molti di noi sono stati costretti ad andarsene e a diventare rifugiati.
Nel corso dell’intero percorso politico e di lotta nazionale del popolo palestinese guidato dall’Organizzazione per la liberazione della Palestina, e in seguito alla creazione dell’autorità nazionale palestinese nel 1994 all’indomani della sottoscrizione della Dichiarazione di principi, l’auspicio di un ruolo di primaria importanza, reale ed attivo dell’Europa è sempre stato alla base della politica e della diplomazia palestinesi. Il nostro popolo non ha mai dimenticato le posizioni a noi favorevoli assunte da numerosi paesi europei fin dai primi anni ’70 per sostenere i diritti del popolo palestinese e del suo movimento di liberazione nazionale guidato dall’Organizzazione per la Liberazione della Palestina. Parimenti, il nostro popolo non ha dimenticato il generoso sostegno politico, finanziario e tecnico concesso per la costituzione delle istituzioni palestinesi e di un’assemblea nazionale nonché per aiutarci a far fronte alle conseguenze delle politiche di occupazione, assedio e distruzione. Tale sostegno ha rafforzato la fiducia del nostro popolo nella giustizia della nostra causa e nel diritto internazionale. In questo particolare momento, che ancora una volta è contrassegnato da difficoltà, è abbastanza logico che noi guardiamo all’Europa, visto che la nostra regione è aperta a tutte le possibilità e che cerchiamo e ci attendiamo che l’Europa svolga un ruolo guida nell’area.
Nonostante l’orrore dell’ingiustizia storica subita dal nostro popolo, siamo sempre riusciti a mettere a punto una politica realistica per ripristinare il diritto della nostra gente all’autodeterminazione. All’inizio erano le capitali europee i luoghi in cui si tenevano gli incontri segreti, semisegreti o pubblici tra i funzionari dell’OLP e gli attivisti israeliani del partito della pace. Sempre in una capitale europea, ad Oslo, ci sono stati i primi contatti ufficiali tra l’OLP e il governo israeliano. Sempre ad Oslo è stato raggiunto nel 1993 anche il primo accordo nella storia tra le due parti, accordo che sarebbe poi stato ratificato ufficialmente a Washington quello stesso anno.
Nel 1998, con l’approvazione dell’iniziativa di pace palestinese e l’accettazione delle risoluzioni 242 e 338 del Consiglio di Sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite, il Consiglio Nazionale palestinese si è aperto alla possibilità di una storica riconciliazione. Onestamente devo dire che per noi non è stato facile, ma a questo proposito non posso che ricordare il ruolo svolto dal nostro
storico Yasser Arafat. Ci voleva coraggio per prendere quelle decisioni e ci voleva coraggio per proporre una pace che godesse del supporto del nostro popolo, malgrado la prospettiva di istituire uno Stato palestinese su un territorio pari solo al 22 per cento della Palestina storica, vale a dire quello occupato da Israele nel 1967. A seguito dell’istituzione dell’autorità palestinese abbiamo continuato a batterci strenuamente per la pace, ribadendo più volte che al centro di tale processo doveva situarsi il principio del partenariato, un partenariato impegnato a trovare un accordo e la soluzione dei problemi inevitabilmente lasciati in eredità da un lungo, amaro e sanguinoso conflitto; un partenariato basato sulla comprensione dei problemi dell’altro, in grado di porre le basi per un nuovo e diverso futuro sia per i palestinesi che per gli israeliani.
Un duro colpo al processo di pace, che si sarebbe dovuto concludere rapidamente nel giro di qualche anno, è stato inferto dal rifiuto di Israele della logica del partenariato e dal suo persistere con le politiche distruttive, in particolare la costituzione di colonie, la costruzione di muri e la confisca di terre, con l’obiettivo di creare una situazione sul campo che di fatto mettesse a repentaglio, vanificandoli, i risultati dei negoziati. Il mancato rispetto di impegni e accordi, unito al rifiuto del sostegno internazionale, è diventato la caratteristica principale della politica di Israele; in questo modo il processo di pace è passato in secondo piano e di conseguenza la gente ha iniziato a dubitare della sua utilità. Negli ultimi anni tale politica è arrivata fino al punto di tentare di distruggere completamente l’autorità nazionale palestinese e di sottoporre a sistematica distruzione le nostre infrastrutture di base, realizzate con la collaborazione dei paesi europei.
Da parte nostra, malgrado lo stato di frustrazione e sofferenza sia arrivato a livelli di cui sicuramente vi renderete conto e avrete coscienza – soprattutto quelli di voi che l’hanno visto da vicino – ci siamo impegnati affinché la nostra lotta nazionale continuasse a fare il suo corso nel rispetto delle norme del diritto internazionale. Abbiamo ripudiato e condannato
gli attacchi contro i civili. Abbiamo ripudiato il terrorismo in
le sue forme. Abbiamo sottolineato l’importanza di una cultura della pace al posto di quella della guerra, impiegando ogni mezzo pacifico a nostra disposizione per tentare di resistere all’occupazione."@it12
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@lt14
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@lv13
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@mt15
"In naam van God, de genadige, de barmhartige; mijnheer de Voorzitter, dames en heren, ik wil u allereerst bedanken voor uw uitnodiging. Het is een eer om deze Vergadering te mogen toespreken. Ze staat symbool voor de unieke en succesvolle geschiedenis van de Europese volkeren, en dat is een geschiedenis die een aantal lessen bevat die veel landen en volkeren over de gehele wereld tot voorbeeld kunnen strekken.
Zestien maanden geleden zijn er na het verscheiden van President Arafat verkiezingen gehouden in de Palestijnse bezette gebieden. Ik heb daar als kandidaat met een duidelijk programma aan deelgenomen: er moest een wapenstilstand worden gesloten en we dienden goed te begrijpen dat dit conflict alleen via onderhandelingen kan worden opgelost. Ik stelde bovendien voor op een aantal gebieden een hervormingsbeleid te voeren – om de democratie te versterken, om rust te brengen, om de veiligheid te bevorderen en om de rechtsstaat te consolideren.
Ik ben er trots op dat het Palestijnse volk mij deze taak heeft toevertrouwd. We zijn onmiddellijk – en met instemming van alle groepen en facties – aan het werk gegaan. Voor het eerst in jaren vonden er vrijwel geen gewapende aanvallen door Palestijnen plaats. De Israëliërs reageerden daarop met het voortzetten van de bouw van de apartheidsmuur op de Westelijke Jordaanoever, de muur die ons grondgebied fragmenteert. Ze hebben de moorden, arrestaties en militaire invallen in onze steden, dorpen en vluchtelingenkampen voortgezet. Het beleg dat onze gebieden in een verstikkende greep houdt wordt in een verhevigde vorm voortgezet. Israël blijft akkoorden en overeenkomsten verwerpen, waaronder ook het akkoord dat na de Palestijnse presidentsverkiezingen in Sharm al-Sheikh was bereikt. En toch hebben wij het Israëlische plan voor terugtrekking uit de Gazastrook aanvaard. We hebben ervoor gezorgd dat die terugtrekking soepel en kalm kon verlopen. We hebben laten zien dat we onze verantwoordelijkheden op het gebied van veiligheid kunnen aanvaarden, zeker in de grensgebieden. Europese waarnemers hebben ons daar geholpen bij het opzetten van de eerste volledig door Palestijnen beheerde grensovergang.
Wij reiken Israël de hand, maar Israël aanvaardt die niet. Het blijft elke gelegenheid om te onderhandelen en vrede een kans te gunnen, afwijzen. De frustratie bij ons volk is daarom toegenomen. Het Israëlische beleid heeft de toch al problematische economische omstandigheden in Palestina nog eens verergerd. Bovendien is het nu heel tijdrovend – en gevaarlijk – geworden om van de ene plaats naar de andere te reizen. Overal op de Westelijke Jordaanoever en in Oost-Jeruzalem zijn immers checkpoints opgezet. De mensen willen een gewoon leven leiden: ze willen naar hun werk reizen of hun akkers bewerken, ze willen naar het ziekenhuis of de universiteit kunnen gaan, ze willen hun kinderen naar school begeleiden of een bezoek aan de moskee of de kerk brengen. Voor al die mensen zijn deze checkpoints vernederend – ze voelen zich onderdrukt.
Het Israëlische bezettingsbeleid heeft frustratie en teleurstelling gegenereerd, en het ziet er niet naar uit dat het vredesproces ergens heen leidt. Dat is de achtergrond waartegen u de verkiezingen van afgelopen januari moet zien. De hele wereld heeft kunnen zien dat de bestuursmacht op een soepele en democratische wijze is overgedragen en dat we een democratisch proces op gang hebben gebracht dat we nu wel moeten blijven voortzetten. Ik wil u er echter wel opnieuw op wijzen dat een democratie onder een bezettingsmacht, zonder enige vrijheid voor de mensen, een democratie zonder ziel is. De afgelopen vier maanden hebben we een situatie doorgemaakt die in onze geschiedenis zonder precedent is. Het programma van de partij die de verkiezingen heeft gewonnen en nu een regering heeft gevormd, sluit niet aan bij mijn programma en de verplichtingen die de Palestijnse Autoriteit op zich heeft genomen.
Bij het omgaan met deze situatie hebben we ons laten leiden door dezelfde beginselen die ons hebben bewogen de verkiezingen op de afgesproken tijd te houden. We zullen dit probleem binnen onze instellingen aanpakken, overeenkomstig onze eigen normen en wetten. De politieke activiteiten zoals die de afgelopen maanden in Palestina hebben plaatsgevonden, hebben geleid tot een algemene consensus bij de bevolking dat de verplichtingen die de Palestijnse Autoriteit op zich heeft genomen en onze verplichtingen ten aanzien van het internationaal recht moeten worden nagekomen. Ik heb de nieuwe regering gevraagd haar programma aan te passen om het verenigbaar te maken met onze internationale verplichtingen. We voeren een continue dialoog die over een aantal dagen zal uitmonden in een nationale dialoog. Ik hoop dat dit zal leiden tot de zojuist vermelde aanpassing van het regeringsprogramma.
Bij deze benadering hebben we de steun van de internationale gemeenschap nodig. De nieuwe regering moet de kans krijgen om zich aan te passen aan de essentiële voorwaarden die de internationale gemeenschap stelt. Het stopzetten van de hulp en de steun aan de Palestijnse Autoriteit zal de reeds verslechterende economische en sociale situatie in het land nog eens verergeren. Het netwerk van functionerende en efficiënte ministeries en andere overheidsinstellingen zal zo verzwakken. En dat zijn ministeries en instellingen die met de steun van de landen van de Europese Unie zijn opgezet en ontwikkeld. Ik wil daarom van deze gelegenheid gebruik maken om het Kwartet te bedanken voor zijn recent genomen beslissing om de steun aan het Palestijnse volk voort te zetten op basis van een mechanisme dat onder EU-leiderschap zal worden ontwikkeld. We dringen er om dezelfde reden bij Israël op aan om onze inkomsten uit belastingen en douanerechten onmiddellijk vrij te geven. De Europese Unie kan daarbij een belangrijke rol spelen. Daarom vragen wij om uw steun om ervoor te zorgen dat Israël de belasting en de douanerechten die het ons verschuldigd is, direct betaalt.
De Israëlische regering gebruikt opnieuw de slogan “Geen Palestijnse Partner”. U zult zich herinneren dat de Israëlische regering die kreet in het verleden heeft gebruikt als een excuus om overeenkomsten niet na te komen en te weigeren naar de onderhandelingstafel terug te keren. We maken ons ernstige zorgen over de vrede in onze regio nu we horen dat Israël plannen heeft om definitieve grenzen te trekken binnen Palestijns grondgebied. De kans dat er ooit een oplossing met twee staten komt wordt door dit soort plannen volledig teniet gedaan. Israël zal zo immers grote stukken Palestijns bezet grondgebied annexeren. Wat overblijft zijn geïsoleerde eilandjes die niet op elkaar aansluiten en geen water hebben. De Israëliërs beweren namelijk dat dit water van hen is. Deze pogingen om unilateraal een “oplossing” af te dwingen zal elke hoop op een herleving van het vredesproces doven. Het zal leiden tot wederom een periode van spanning en conflicten. En dat terwijl de mensen die in deze regio leven al tientallen jaren zo’n zware prijs betalen.
De bewering dat er geen Palestijnse partner of tegenhanger zou zijn is ongegrond. Onze basiswet geeft het Uitvoerend Comité van de PLO, de voorzitter van dit Comité en het departement van Buitenlandse Zaken de bevoegdheid om te onderhandelen. Op basis van de bevoegdheid die de grondwet mij verschaft zijn wij te allen tijde bereid terug te keren naar de onderhandelingstafel om tot een vergelijk te komen en dit langdurige conflict te beëindigen. Ik heb daarop gewezen toen ik een aantal dagen geleden Ehud Olmert opbelde om hem te feliciteren met zijn ambtsaanvaarding. Tijdens dat gesprek heb ik duidelijk gemaakt dat het onze oprechte wens was om zo vlug mogelijk naar de onderhandelingstafel terug te keren om over vrede te onderhandelen. Dat is wat de hele wereld van ons verlangt. Daarom vragen we de internationale gemeenschap om ons te steunen en zo te verhinderen dat de regio naar de afgrond glijdt. Dat zou leiden tot een nieuwe conflictencyclus en die zou niet alleen voor het Midden-Oosten negatieve gevolgen zou hebben, maar ook voor de rest van de wereld. Er heersen in onze regio nu immers ook andere spanningen.
We willen actie op basis van het internationaal recht en de routekaart. We willen onderhandelingen tussen partners als alternatief voor het unilaterale Israëlische beleid, het gedwongen opleggen van oplossingen en het verwerpen van de dialoog. Dat is voor ons heel belangrijk. We kunnen de mensen in onze regio namelijk alleen door onderhandelingen naar elkaar toebrengen. Alleen zo kan gewerkt worden aan vrede, welvaart en modernisering. Dat zijn allemaal waarden die wij met de mensen van Europa gemeen hebben.
Ik breng in mijn toespraak vandaag de boodschap van het Palestijnse volk over aan de volkeren van een werelddeel waarmee we altijd verbonden zijn geweest. We zijn immers buren en we onderhouden historische, op vriendschap en samenwerking gebaseerde banden. Bovendien zijn we in de context van talrijke sectoren als partners geassocieerd. We willen deze samenwerking graag voortzetten via een vruchtbare dialoog tussen culturen en beschavingen. Beide zijden van het mediterrane bekken kunnen daarbij baat vinden. Een dergelijke dialoog kan bovendien bijdragen tot het ontkrachten van extremistische standpunten en er zo voor zorgen dat onze historische betrekkingen voortgezet kunnen worden. Dan kunnen we vrede scheppen in het Middellandse-Zeegebied.
Ik dank u opnieuw voor uw uitnodiging en uw gastvrijheid. Ik voel dat ik me heb gericht tot vrienden die onze inzet voor de vrijheid, democratie, tolerantie en dialoog delen. Ik ben ervan overtuigd dat u zich zult blijven inzetten voor het gerechtvaardigde verlangen van het Palestijnse volk om de vrijheid te herwinnen en in het heilige land een onafhankelijke staat op te bouwen op basis van de grenzen van 1967 met Israël.
Ik dank u voor uw aandacht.
Nu ik tot u spreek besef ik dat ik mij richt tot parlementariërs die goed op de hoogte zijn van onze problemen. Velen van u hebben tijdens bezoeken aan ons land het lijden van het Palestijnse volk kunnen aanschouwen en met eigen ogen kunnen vaststellen met welke problemen we te kampen hebben. Gisteren nog herdacht het Palestijnse volk de 58e verjaardag van de Nakba, het historische onrecht dat het Palestijnse volk is aangedaan, toen we uit ons land werden verjaagd en in de diaspora gedwongen. Velen van ons zijn verdreven en vluchtelingen geworden.
Wij wensen dat Europa een actieve – en belangrijker en doeltreffender – rol speelt. Dat verlangen is bij onze nationale strijd en politieke ontwikkeling steeds een essentieel onderdeel van het Palestijnse beleid en de Palestijnse diplomatie geweest, zowel onder het leiderschap van de Palestijnse Bevrijdingsorganisatie als na de instelling van de Palestijnse Autoriteit in 1994, in aansluiting op de ondertekening van de
. Ons volk is nooit vergeten dat veel Europese landen vanaf het begin van de jaren zeventig de rechten van het Palestijnse volk en de nationale bevrijdingsbeweging onder leiding van de Palestijnse Bevrijdingsorganisatie begonnen te steunen. Onze mensen zijn niet vergeten dat de Europese landen ruime politieke, financiële en technische steun hebben gegeven voor het opzetten van Palestijnse instellingen en een nationale vergadering. Ze hebben ons bovendien geholpen om met de consequenties van het beleid van bezetting, beleg en vernietiging om te gaan. Die steun is voor ons volk de bevestiging dat onze strijd rechtvaardig is – hij geeft ons vertrouwen in het internationaal recht. We kijken nu – en dit is een heel moeilijk moment – naar Europa, en dat is logisch. Onze regio staat open voor alle opties. Daarom hopen we dat Europa een leidende rol in onze regio gaat spelen.
Het historische onrecht dat ons volk is aangedaan is verschrikkelijk. Toch zijn we altijd in staat geweest een realistisch beleid te ontwikkelen om het recht van ons volk op zelfbeschikking te concretiseren. De geheime, heimelijke of openbare bijeenkomsten tussen vertegenwoordigers van de PLO en Israëlische vredesactivisten vonden aanvankelijk in Europese hoofdsteden plaats. Het eerste officiële contact tussen de PLO en de Israëlische regering kreeg zijn beslag in de een Europese hoofdstad – Oslo. Dat is ook de plaats waar de eerste overeenkomst die ooit tussen de twee partijen tot stand is gekomen voor de eerste maal is ondertekend. Ondertekening in Washington volgde later datzelfde jaar.
Toen de Palestijnse Nationale Raad in 1998 het Palestijnse vredesinitiatief goedkeurde en de resoluties 242 en 338 van de Veiligheidsraad van de Verenigde Naties aanvaardde, schiep deze Raad een gelegenheid voor een historische verzoening. Ik moet daar in alle eerlijkheid aan toevoegen dat dit voor ons volk een moeilijke stap was. Ik moet echter ook wijzen op de rol van onze historische leider Yasser Arafat. Er was moed voor nodig om deze beslissingen te nemen. Er was moed voor nodig om met de steun van ons volk een vredesformule te presenteren waarin voorgesteld werd een Palestijnse staat op te richten met een grondgebied van maar 22 procent van het historische Palestina – dat is immers de omvang van de sinds 1967 door Israël bezette gebieden. Na de instelling van de Palestijnse Autoriteit zijn we ons blijven inzetten voor vrede. We hebben er herhaaldelijk op gewezen dat dit proces gebaseerd moest zijn op het principe van partnerschap, een partnerschap dat er alles aan doet om tot een vergelijk te komen en een oplossing te vinden voor de problemen die door een lang, bitter en bloedig conflict in het leven zijn geroepen. Ik heb het dan over een partnerschap waarin beide partners begrip tonen voor de gerechtvaardigde eisen van de andere partner, een partnerschap dat de grondslagen kan leggen voor een nieuwe – en andere – toekomst voor zowel Palestijnen als Israëliërs.
Het was de bedoeling dat het vredesproces na een paar jaar al in de laatste fase zou zijn aangeland. Dat dit proces is verstoord is vooral het gevolg van het feit dat Israël het idee van een partnerschap heeft verworpen. Israël blijft een destructief beleid volgen. Het blijft nederzettingen bouwen, het blijft muren optrekken en het blijft land confisqueren. Zo creëert Israël een werkelijkheid die de uitkomst van de onderhandelingen wel moet schaden. Het niet nakomen van beloftes en de verwerping van internationale assistentie is nu het voornaamste kenmerk van het Israëlisch beleid geworden. Dat heeft de dynamiek van het vredesproces danig verstoord, zodat de mensen zich beginnen af te vragen of het allemaal wel zin heeft. Het beleid dat Israël de afgelopen jaren gevoerd heeft is er op gericht de Palestijnse Autoriteit en al haar instellingen volledig te vernietigen. Ook de meest essentiële infrastructuur die met de hulp van uw landen is opgebouwd wordt door Israël systematisch afgebroken.
U kunt begrijpen – en dat geldt zeker voor degenen onder u die ter plaatse zijn geweest – hoe frustrerend dit is en hoeveel ellende dit beleid teweegbrengt. Toch hebben we onze nationale strijd gewoon voortgezet en er steeds voor gezorgd dat we daarbij aan de normen van internationaal recht voldoen. We hebben
aanvallen op burgers veroordeeld. We hebben
vorm van terrorisme steeds afgewezen. We hebben er steeds op gewezen dat we een cultuur van vrede en geen cultuur van oorlog moeten creëren. We hebben op alle mogelijke vreedzame wijzen verzet geboden tegen de bezetting."@nl3
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@pl16
"Em nome de Deus, o Misericordioso, o Caridoso; Senhor Presidente, Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, permitam-me que comece por manifestar a minha gratidão pelo convite que me foi endereçado. É uma honra dirigir-me a esta Assembleia, que representa uma história de sucesso ímpar para os povos da Europa; uma história que contém várias lições que podem ser usadas como exemplo para muitos países e povos de todo o mundo.
Há dezasseis meses, realizaram-se nos territórios palestinianos ocupados eleições presidenciais, após a morte do Presidente Arafat, eleições às quais me apresentei com um programa claro: declarar uma trégua e salientar que as negociações são a única via para a resolução do conflito. Pretendia igualmente introduzir uma política de reformas em vários domínios, reforçar a democracia, conseguir um período de tranquilidade, a fim de reforçar a segurança, e promover o Estado de direito.
Foi com orgulho que verifiquei que o Povo palestiniano me confiava essa tarefa. O nosso trabalho começou de imediato, com o acordo de todos os grupos e facções, que concordaram em respeitar esta trégua. Foi a primeira vez, em vários anos, que assistimos a uma quase total suspensão de ataques armados por parte dos palestinianos. Mas a contra-parte israelita respondeu com a prossecução da construção do muro do
na Cisjordânia, que divide os nossos territórios em cantões dispersos. Prosseguiu com os assassinatos, detenções e incursões militares nas nossas cidades, aldeias e campos de refugiados. Continuou os seus cercos apertados e sufocantes; continuou a rejeitar acordos e entendimentos, incluindo aquele a que se chegou em Sharm al-Sheikh, após as eleições presidenciais na Palestina. E, apesar de tudo isso, concordámos com o plano israelita de retirada da Faixa de Gaza. Assegurámos que o mesmo fosse aplicado de forma pacífica e calma e demos mostras da nossa capacidade para assumir as nossas próprias responsabilidades em matéria de segurança, especialmente nas zonas de fronteira onde os monitores da União Europeia nos ajudaram a garantir o bom funcionamento do primeiro posto fronteiriço da História totalmente administrado por palestinianos.
A política israelita de rejeição da mão que estendemos, de rejeição da oportunidade de negociar e de conceder uma oportunidade à paz tem vindo a aumentar a frustração do nosso Povo. A política israelita tem também exacerbado a deterioração das condições económicas na Palestina, tornando a circulação entre uma cidade e outra um percurso longo e perigoso, devido aos numerosos pontos de fiscalização espalhados por Jerusalém e pela Cisjordânia. Estes oprimem e humilham indivíduos que apenas querem levar as suas vidas normais, chegar aos respectivos locais de trabalho e aos seus campos, viajar para os seus hospitais e universidades, levar os filhos à escola ou frequentar mesquitas ou igrejas.
A frustração e a desilusão criadas pelas práticas de ocupação de Israel e a ausência de perspectivas positivas para o processo de paz enformaram o contexto das eleições legislativas realizadas em Janeiro último. O mundo inteiro foi testemunha da forma tranquila e democrática como decorreu a transferência de poder e da forma como lançámos as bases e a tradição de um processo democrático, que teremos obrigatoriamente de seguir. Gostaria de reiterar, uma vez mais, que a democracia fica sem alma na ausência da liberdade dos povos face a uma ocupação persistente. Ao longo dos últimos quatro meses, temos vivido uma situação sem precedentes. O programa eleitoral do partido que venceu as eleições e que formou governo não se coaduna com o meu e com os compromissos e acordos anteriores formados pela Autoridade Palestiniana.
A nossa abordagem para enfrentar essa situação rege-se pelos mesmos princípios que nos conduziram a realizar as eleições no calendário previsto. Estamos a abordar este problema dentro das nossas Instituições e de acordo com as nossas leis e regulamentos. A actividade política na Palestina, nos últimos meses, está a produzir gradualmente uma opinião pública que dá relevo ao respeito pelos acordos e compromissos assumidos pela Autoridade Palestiniana, bem como aos compromissos assumidos ao abrigo do direito internacional. Solicitei ao novo Governo que alterasse o seu programa de molde a torná-lo conforme com esses compromissos internacionais. Mantemos um diálogo constante e contínuo, que nos conduzirá a um diálogo nacional alargado dentro de apenas alguns dias. Espero que este nos conduza ao necessário processo de mudança.
A nossa abordagem necessita do apoio da comunidade internacional. É preciso dar ao novo Governo uma oportunidade para se adaptar às exigências fundamentais da comunidade internacional. Pôr fim à assistência à Autoridade Palestiniana, cortar o apoio à Autoridade Palestiniana, apenas servirá para exacerbar a degradação da situação económica e social no país e enfraquecer a rede de ministérios, administrações e instituições governamentais, que opera de forma eficiente e em cuja criação e desenvolvimento os países da União Europeia desempenharam um papel crucial. Neste momento, gostaria de aproveitar a oportunidade para agradecer ao Quarteto a sua última decisão de retomar a ajuda ao Povo palestiniano, com base num mecanismo que será desenvolvido sob liderança da UE. A esse respeito, exortamos Israel a libertar totalmente e de imediato as nossas receitas fiscais e alfandegárias. A União Europeia pode desempenhar um papel de liderança nesta matéria, e gostaria de solicitar a vossa assistência para assegurar que Israel liberte totalmente essas receitas fiscais e aduaneiras que nos são devidas de imediato.
O Governo israelita repete mais uma vez o
“Não existe um interlocutor palestiniano”. Recordar-se-ão de que o Governo israelita utilizou esse mesmo
no passado como uma desculpa para abandonar acordos e recusar o regresso à mesa das negociações. Estamos profundamente preocupados com o futuro da paz na nossa região, pois ouvimos falar de projectos israelitas que visam fixar as fronteiras definitivas de Israel dentro dos territórios palestinianos ocupados. Esses projectos porão em causa qualquer possibilidade de se implementar a solução dos dois Estados, porque anexarão grandes proporções de territórios palestinianos ocupados e transformarão o que sobrar em ilhas isoladas sem continuidade geográfica e recursos hídricos vitais – os recursos hídricos que os israelitas desejam reclamar como seus. Esta tentativa de implementação de projectos unilaterais destruirá qualquer réstia de esperança em reavivar o processo de paz. Conduzirá também a mais um período amargo de tensão e conflito, por que os povos desta região já – há décadas – pagam um elevado preço.
A afirmação de que não existe um parceiro ou interlocutor palestiniano não tem fundamento. Reitero que, com base nos poderes constitucionais conferidos pela nossa lei fundamental, que atribui à Comissão Executiva da OLP, ao seu Presidente e ao seu Departamento de Negociação, a responsabilidade pela negociação, nos mantemos totalmente empenhados em regressar, de imediato, à mesa das negociações, com vista a chegar a um acordo que ponha fim a este longo conflito. Este é um facto que salientei quando, há uns dias, falei por telefone com Ehud Olmert para o felicitar pela sua tomada de posse. Durante essa conversa, salientei o nosso sincero desejo em regressar imediatamente à mesa das negociações para negociar a paz. Todo o mundo nos exige isso, e nós solicitamos que a comunidade internacional actue urgentemente, apoiando-nos, a fim de evitar que a região escorregue novamente para um abismo e entre num novo ciclo de conflito, que terá um impacto negativo não só para o Médio Oriente, mas para todo o mundo, numa altura em que a região experimenta também outras tensões.
Queremos uma acção assente no direito internacional e no Roteiro. Queremos negociações entre parceiros, como alternativa à política israelita de unilateralismo
e negação da outra parte. Tudo isso é para nós de extrema importância, porque só através de negociações poderemos, de facto, unificar os povos na nossa região, propondo-lhes simultaneamente os princípios da paz, desenvolvimento e modernização, que partilhamos com os povos da Europa.
Ao dirigir-me hoje a vós, transmito a mensagem do Povo palestiniano aos povos de um continente a que sempre estivemos ligados por laços de vizinhança e graças a relações históricas de cooperação, amizade, parceria e associação em diversos sectores. Gostaríamos de prosseguir esta cooperação assente num diálogo profícuo entre civilizações e culturas que possam enriquecer ambas as partes do Mediterrâneo e ajudar-nos, a todos, a desmobilizar visões extremistas a fim de assegurar que os nossos estreitos laços históricos possam manter-se e possamos conseguir a paz na região do Mediterrâneo.
Agradeço, uma vez mais, este convite e a vossa hospitalidade. Acredito que acabo de me dirigir a amigos que partilham connosco a dedicação à promoção dos valores da liberdade, democracia, tolerância e diálogo. Estou confiante de que continuarão a apoiar a causa justa do Povo palestiniano até que ganhemos a nossa liberdade e possamos construir um Estado independente na Terra Santa, com base nas fronteiras de 1967 com o Estado de Israel.
Agradeço a atenção que me dispensaram.
Ao intervir aqui hoje, estou consciente de que me dirijo a legisladores que estão extremamente familiarizados com os nossos problemas e que foram, muitos deles, testemunha dos problemas e do sofrimento do Povo palestiniano aquando de visitas realizadas ao nosso país. Ainda ontem, o Povo palestiniano assinalou o 58º aniversário da Nakba palestiniana, em 1948, que representou uma injustiça histórica, pois nós, Povo palestiniano, fomos desenraizados da nossa terra, forçados à diáspora; e muitos de nós deslocados e forçados a ser refugiados.
Ao longo do percurso político e da luta nacional do Povo palestiniano sob a liderança da Organização de Libertação da Palestina e depois com a criação da Autoridade Nacional Palestiniana, em 1994, na sequência da assinatura da Declaração de Princípios, o desejo de um papel europeu mais eficaz e activo tem sido sempre um dos pilares da política e da diplomacia palestinianas. O nosso Povo nunca esqueceu as posições positivas adoptadas por numerosos países europeus desde o início dos anos setenta no apoio aos direitos do Povo palestiniano e ao movimento de libertação nacional liderado pela Organização de Libertação da Palestina. O nosso povo não esqueceu o generoso apoio político, financeiro e técnico dos países europeus para a construção das instituições palestinianas e da Assembleia Nacional, bem como a ajuda para enfrentarmos as consequências das políticas de ocupação, cerco e bloqueio. Esse apoio reforçou a nossa confiança na justiça da nossa causa e no direito internacional. Neste momento, novamente um momento difícil, olhamos logicamente para a Europa, na medida em que a nossa região está aberta a todas as opções, razão pela qual procuramos e esperamos que a Europa desempenhe um papel de liderança na região.
Apesar do horror da injustiça histórica infligida ao nosso povo, sempre conseguimos formular uma política realista com vista a restaurar os direitos do nosso povo à auto-determinação. Nas fases iniciais, as capitais europeias foram locais onde decorreram reuniões secretas, semi-secretas e públicas entre os representantes da OLP e os activistas israelitas pela paz. Foi numa capital europeia, Oslo, que tiveram lugar os primeiros contactos oficiais entre a OLP e o Governo israelita. Foi também em Oslo que se rubricou o primeiro acordo da História entre ambas as partes, em 1993, antes da sua assinatura oficial, em Washington, nesse mesmo ano.
Quando o Conselho Nacional da Palestina aprovou, em 1998, a Iniciativa palestiniana para a paz e aceitou as Resoluções 242 e 338 do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, ofereceu a oportunidade para uma reconciliação histórica. Devo dizer, muito honestamente, que não foi fácil para o nosso povo. Mas, aqui, devo recordar o papel desempenhado pelo nosso líder histórico, Yasser Arafat. Foi preciso coragem para tomar estas decisões; foi preciso coragem para apresentar uma fórmula para a paz, que merecesse o apoio do nosso Povo, assente na criação de um Estado palestiniano com apenas 22% do território histórico da Palestina, o que mostra o território ocupado por Israel em 1967. Na sequência da criação da Autoridade Palestiniana, prosseguimos a nossa intensa procura pela paz. Salientámos reiteradamente que o âmago do processo teria de assentar no princípio da parceria, uma parceria empenhada no acordo e na resolução dos problemas impostos pela herança de um conflito longo, amargo e sangrento; uma parceria que compreendesse as preocupações legítimas da outra parte e que pudesse lançar as bases para um futuro novo e diferente para ambos, Palestinianos e Israelitas.
O golpe mais duro infligido ao processo de paz, que deveria ter chegado às suas fases finais dentro de escassos anos, foi o resultado da recusa, por parte de Israel, da lógica da parceria e a insistência deste país em praticar políticas destrutivas, especialmente mediante a construção de colonatos, de muros de separação e da confiscação de territórios com vista à criação de uma realidade no terreno que prejudique e antecipe os resultados das negociações. O abandono dos compromissos e acordos e a rejeição da mediação internacional tornaram-se as principais características da política israelita, tendo resultado numa perda de ritmo no processo de paz com o consequente abalo da confiança das pessoas na sua utilidade. Esta política desenvolveu-se nos últimos anos, chegando ao ponto de tentar destruir completamente a Autoridade Nacional Palestiniana e as suas Instituições, e à sistemática destruição das nossas infra-estruturas de base, para o desenvolvimento das quais os vossos países contribuíram.
Pela nossa parte, e apesar do estado de frustração e de sofrimento, cuja dimensão estou certo que imaginam e compreendem – especialmente aqueles de vós que o testemunharam de perto – temos tido o cuidado de não permitir que a nossa luta nacional fosse desviada do seu curso, garantindo que cumpra o direito internacional. Rejeitámos e condenámos
os ataques contra civis. Rejeitámos o terrorismo em
as suas formas. Salientámos a importância da construção de uma cultura de paz, em vez de uma cultura de guerra, e fizemos tudo o que nos foi possível fazer, de forma pacífica para resistir à ocupação."@pt17
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@sk18
".
Sixteen months ago, the occupied Palestinian territory observed presidential elections after the death of President Arafat, in which I stood with a clear platform: to declare a truce and emphasise that negotiations were the only way to resolve the conflict. I also wanted to introduce a policy of reform in various fields, to strengthen democracy, to achieve a period of calm, to foster security, and to promote the rule of law.
I am proud that the Palestinian people trusted me with this task. Our work started immediately, with the agreement of all the groups and factions, who agreed to respect this truce. It was the first time in years we had seen an almost complete halt in armed attacks by Palestinians. But our Israeli counterpart responded with the continued construction of the apartheid wall in the West Bank that divides our territories into scattered cantons. It has continued with its assassinations, arrests and military incursions into our towns, villages and refugee camps. It has continued its tightened and suffocating sieges; it has continued to reject agreements and understandings, including the understanding reached in Sharm al-Sheikh after the presidential elections in Palestine. And in spite of all this, we agreed to Israel’s plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip. We ensured that it was implemented smoothly and calmly, and proved our ability to assume our own security responsibilities, especially in the border areas where monitors from the European Union have assisted us in ensuring the proper functioning of the first border crossing in history that is fully administered by Palestinians.
The Israeli policy of rejecting our extended hand, of rejecting the opportunity of negotiating and giving peace a chance, has increased the frustration of our people. Israel’s policy has also exacerbated the deteriorating economic conditions in Palestine, and has made movement between one town and another long and dangerous because of checkpoints spread throughout Jerusalem and the West Bank. These checkpoints oppress and humiliate individuals who only want to lead normal lives, reach their places of work and their fields, travel to their hospitals and universities, take their children to schools or go to mosques and churches.
The frustration and disappointment created by the practices of the Israeli occupation and the absence of a positive outlook for the peace process formed the background for the legislative elections that took place last January. The whole world witnessed how the transfer of power was smoothly and democratically implemented, and how we established the foundations and the tradition of a democratic process that we have no choice but to follow. We would reiterate once again that democracy remains without soul in the absence of people’s freedom and in the continued occupation. Over the past four months, we have been going through an unprecedented situation. The declared platform of the party that won the elections and formed the government does not conform to my platform and the commitments and prior agreements of the Palestinian Authority.
Our approach to dealing with this situation is underpinned by the same principles that led us to carry out elections on time. We are addressing this problem inside our institutions and in accordance with our laws and regulations. The political activity in Palestine over the last few months is gradually producing a public opinion that emphasises respect for the agreements and commitments undertaken by the Palestinian Authority, and commitments to international law. I have asked the new government to amend its platform in order to conform to these international commitments. We are in a constant and continued dialogue that will take us to an expanded national dialogue in just a few days’ time. I hope that this will lead us to the required process of amendment.
Our approach needs the support of the international community. The new government must be given the chance to adapt to the basic requirements of the international community. Stopping assistance to the Palestinian Authority, cutting aid to the Palestinian Authority, will only further exacerbate the deteriorating economic and social situation in the country, and will weaken the network of efficient and working government ministries, administrations and institutions that the countries of the European Union played a vital role in building and developing in the first place. Here, I would like to take the opportunity to thank the Quartet for its latest decision to resume providing assistance to the Palestinian people on the basis of a mechanism that will be developed under EU leadership. In that regard, we call upon Israel to fully release our tax and customs revenue immediately. The European Union can play a leading role here, and we would ask for your assistance in ensuring that Israel fully releases the tax and customs duties that are owing to us immediately.
The Israeli Government is yet again repeating the slogan ‘No Palestinian partner’. You will recall that the Israeli Government used this slogan in the past as an excuse to abandon agreements and to refuse to return to the negotiating table. We are gravely concerned for the future of peace in our region as we hear about Israeli projects that aim to draw the final borders of Israel inside occupied Palestinian territory. These projects will foreclose any possibility of implementing the two-state solution because they will annex large portions of occupied Palestinian territory and will turn that which remains into scattered islands that lack geographical contiguity and vital water resources – water resources that the Israelis wish to claim as their own. This attempt to implement unilateral projects will destroy any remaining hope of reviving the peace process. It will also lead to another bitter period of tension and conflict, for which peoples in this region have already – for decades – paid a heavy price.
The claim that there is no Palestinian partner or counterpart has no basis. I reiterate that, based on the constitutional power granted to me by our basic law, which entrusts the PLO Executive Committee, its President and its Negotiations Affairs Department with the responsibility of negotiation, we remain fully committed to returning immediately to the negotiating table to reach an agreement to end this long conflict. That is a fact I stressed when I spoke to Ehud Olmert by phone to congratulate him on taking office a few days ago. During that conversation, I stressed our true desire to immediately return to the negotiating table to negotiate peace. The whole world demands this of us, and we ask that the international community act immediately to support us, in order to prevent the region from sliding into an abyss and a new cycle of conflict that will have a negative impact not just on the Middle East, but on the world as a whole at a time when the region is experiencing other tensions too.
In the name of God the merciful, the beneficent; Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me first to express my gratitude for the invitation. It is an honour to address this Assembly, which represents a unique success story for the peoples of the Europe; a story that contains various lessons that can be used as a paragon for many countries and peoples across the world.
We want action based on international law and the roadmap. We want negotiations between partners as an alternative to the Israeli policy of unilateralism, diktat and the negation of the other side. All of this is extremely important for us, because it is only through negotiations that we can in fact unify people in our region, while providing them with the principles of peace, development and modernisation that we share with the people of Europe.
I once again thank you for this invitation and for your hospitality. I believe that I have just spoken before friends who share with us the dedication to promote the values of freedom, democracy, tolerance and dialogue. I am confident that you will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people until we gain our freedom and build an independent state in the Holy Land on the basis of the 1967 borders with the State of Israel.
Thank you for listening to me.
When I speak to you today, I convey the message of the Palestinian people to the peoples of a continent we have always been linked to with relations of neighbourliness and as a result of our historical links of cooperation and friendship and partnership and association in numerous sectors. We would like to launch this cooperation through fruitful dialogue between civilisations and cultures which can enrich both sides of the Mediterranean and help all of us to defuse extremist views in order to ensure that our historically close links continue, and for us to be able to achieve peace in the Mediterranean area.
As I speak to you today, I realise that I am addressing legislators who are very familiar with our problems, and many of whom have been eyewitnesses to the problems and the suffering of the Palestinian people during visits to our country. Only yesterday, the Palestinian people commemorated the 58th anniversary of the Palestinian Nakba in 1948, which represented the historical injustice when we, the Palestinian people, were uprooted from our land, forced into a Diaspora; when many of us were displaced and forced to become refugees.
Throughout the political course and national struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994 in the aftermath of signing the Declaration of Principles, the desire for a major, effective and active European role has always been a fundamental pillar in Palestinian policy and diplomacy. Our people have never forgotten the positive positions adopted by numerous European countries since the early 1970s in support of the Palestinian people’s rights and its national liberation movement led by the Palestine Liberation Organization. Our people have not forgotten either the European countries’ generous political, financial and technical support for building Palestinian institutions and a national assembly, and in helping us to deal with the consequences of the policies of occupation, besiegement and destruction. This support has strengthened our people’s confidence in the justice of our cause and in international law. At this point in time, another difficult time, we are quite logically looking to Europe, in that our region is open to all options, and that is why we seek and are waiting for Europe to play a leading role in the area.
Despite the horror of the historical injustice inflicted upon our people, we have always been able to formulate a realistic policy to restore the rights of our people to self-determination. In early stages, European capitals were places where secret, semi-secret and public meetings between PLO officials and Israeli activists from the peace camp took place. It was in a European capital, Oslo, that the first official contacts took place between the PLO and the Israeli Government. The initial signature of the first agreement in history between the two sides in 1993 also took place in Oslo, before its official signing in Washington that same year.
When the Palestine National Council approved in 1998 the Palestinian peace initiative and accepted United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, it offered an opportunity to achieve a historical reconciliation. I must honestly say that this was not easy for our people. But here I must recall the role played by our historical leader Yasser Arafat. It took courage to take these decisions; it took courage to put forward a peace formula enjoying the support of our people on the basis of establishing a Palestinian state on only 22% of the land of historical Palestine, which represents the land occupied by Israel in 1967. Following the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, we have continued our intensive search for peace. We repeatedly emphasised that the core of the process had to be based on the principle of partnership, a partnership committed to agreement and to the resolution of problems imposed by the legacy of a long, bitter and bloody conflict; a partnership that understood the legitimate concerns of the other and that could lay the foundations for a new and different future for both Palestinians and Israelis.
The severest blow to the peace process, which was supposed to have reached its final stages within a few short years, was a result of the Israeli rejection of the logic of partnership and its insistence on practising destructive policies, particularly on building settlements, constructing walls and confiscating land to create a reality on the ground that would prejudice and pre-empt the outcome of negotiations. The abandonment of commitments and agreements and the rejection of international patronage have become a main feature of Israeli policy, and have resulted in the loss of momentum of the peace process and the consequent shaking of people’s belief in its usefulness. This policy has developed in recent years to the level of attempting to completely destroy the Palestinian National Authority and its institutions, and to the systematic destruction of our basic infrastructure, which your countries contributed in developing.
For our part, and despite the state of frustration and suffering of an extent that I am sure you will realise and appreciate – particularly those of you who have witnessed it closely – we have been careful not to allow our national struggle to be diverted from its course and to make sure that it has complied with international law. We have rejected and condemned
attacks against civilians. We have rejected terrorism in
its forms. We have emphasised the importance of building a culture of peace instead of a culture of war, and we have done everything peaceful that we could to resist occupation."@sl19
".
I Gud den nådiges namn, vår välgörare. Herr talman, mina damer och herrar! Låt mig först få uttrycka min tacksamhet för denna inbjudan. Det är en ära att få tala inför denna församling, som representerar en unik framgångssaga för folket i Europa, en saga som innehåller flera läxor som kan användas som förebild för många länder och folk i världen.
För sexton månader sedan hade man presidentval i det ockuperade palestinska området efter president Yassir Arafats död, där jag hade ett tydligt program: att förklara vapenvila och betona att förhandlingar var det enda sättet att lösa konflikten. Jag vill också föra in en reformpolitik på flera områden, för att stärka demokratin, uppnå en lugn period, nära tryggheten och främja rättsstatsprincipen.
Jag är stolt över att det palestinska folket anförtrodde mig detta uppdrag. Vårt arbete startade genast med överenskommelsen med alla grupper och fraktioner, som gick med att respektera vapenvilan. Det var första gången på flera år som vi hade ett nästan fullständigt stopp på väpnade palestinska attacker. Men vår israeliska motsvarighet svarade med att fortsätta bygga den avskiljande muren på Västbanken som delar våra områden i utspridda distrikt. De har fortsatt med sina avrättningar, gripanden och militära intrång i våra städer, byar och flyktingläger. De har fortsatt med sina åtstramande och kvävande belägringar. De har fortsatt att förkasta överenskommelser och samförstånd, bland annat den överenskommelse som nåddes i Sharm el-Sheik efter presidentvalet i Palestina. Och trots allt detta gick vi med på Israels plan att dra sig tillbaka från Gazaremsan. Vi såg till att det genomfördes smidigt och lugnt, och visade vår förmåga att sköta våra egna säkerhetsåtaganden, särskilt i gränsområdena där övervakare från EU har bistått oss för att garantera att den första gränsövergången någonsin som helt sköts av Palestina fungerade som den skulle.
Israels taktik att förkasta vår utsträckta hand, att förkasta möjligheten att förhandla och ge freden en chans har ökat frustrationen hos vårt folk. Israels politik har också förvärrat de allt sämre ekonomiska förutsättningarna i Palestina, och har gjort resan mellan städerna lång och farlig på grund av vägspärrar över hela Jerusalem och Västbanken. Vägspärrarna förtrycker och förnedrar människor som bara vill leva ett vanligt liv, komma till sitt arbete eller sina åkrar, åka till sina sjukhus eller universitet, skjutsa sina barn till skolan eller åka till moskéer eller kyrkor.
Frustrationen och besvikelsen som skapas genom den israeliska ockupationens förehavanden och avsaknaden av positiva utsikter för fredsprocessen grundlade bakgrunden till det parlamentsval som ägde rum nu i januari. Hela världen såg hur maktskiftet genomfördes smidigt och demokratiskt, och hur vi införde grunderna och traditionen för en demokratisk process som vi måste följa. Vi upprepar än en gång att demokratin saknar själ när folket inte är fritt, och med den fortsatta ockupationen. De senaste fyra månaderna har vi gått igenom en helt ny situation. Det politiska programmet hos partiet som vann valet och bildade regering är inte förenligt med mitt program eller den palestinska myndighetens åtaganden och tidigare överenskommelser.
Vårt sätt att hantera den här situationen stärks av samma principer som ledde till att vi höll valet i tid. Vi tar itu med problemet inom våra egna institutioner och enligt våra lagar och förordningar. De senaste månadernas politiska aktivitet i Palestina skapar gradvis en allmän opinion som betonar respekten för den palestinska myndighetens överenskommelser och åtaganden, och åtaganden gentemot internationella lagar. Jag har bett den nya regeringen att ändra sitt program för att anpassa det till de internationella åtagandena. Vi står i en konstant och pågående dialog som kommer att ta oss till en utvidgad nationell dialog inom bara några dagar. Jag hoppas att det kommer att leda oss till de förändringar som behövs.
Vårt tillvägagångssätt behöver det internationella samfundets stöd. Den nya regeringen måste få chansen att anpassa sig till det internationella samfundets grundläggande krav. Att sluta hjälpa den palestinska myndigheten, att stoppa bistånden till den palestinska myndigheten, kommer bara att förvärra den allt sämre ekonomiska situationen i landet och försämra nätverket mellan effektiva och fungerande regeringsministerier, förvaltningar och institutioner som länderna i EU i betydande utsträckning hjälpte till att skapa och utveckla från början. Nu vill jag passa på att tacka kvartetten för det senaste beslutet att åter börja hjälpa det palestinska folket genom en mekanism som kommer att utvecklas under ledning av EU. I det avseendet uppmanar vi Israel att omedelbart släppa taget om våra skatte- och tullintäkter. EU kan ha en ledande roll i detta, och vi ber om er hjälp med att se till att Israel genast släpper skatte- och tullåtagandena som tillhör oss.
Den israeliska regeringen återupprepar devisen ”Ingen palestinsk partner”. Som ni minns använde Israels regering denna devis tidigare som en ursäkt för att överge överenskommelser och vägra att återvända till förhandlingsbordet. Vi är allvarligt oroade för fredens framtid i vår region då vi hör om israeliska projekt som syftar till att dra de slutgiltiga israeliska gränserna inom palestinskt territorium. De här projekten utesluter alla möjligheter till att genomföra lösningen med två stater, eftersom de kommer att medföra att stora delar av ockuperade palestinska områden annekteras och att det som återstår görs till utspridda öar utan geografisk närhet och nödvändiga vattentillgångar – vattentillgångar som israelerna vill ha för sig själva. Detta försök att genomföra ensidiga projekt kommer att förstöra allt kvarvarande hopp om att blåsa liv i fredsprocessen. Det kommer även att leda till en bitter period med spänningar och konflikter, som människorna i detta område redan har betalt priset för – i årtionden.
Påståendet att det inte finns någon palestinsk partner eller motsvarighet är helt ogrundat. Jag upprepar att vi är fast beslutna att återvända till förhandlingsbordet omedelbart för att nå en lösning på den här långa konflikten, grundat på den konstitutionella makt som jag fått genom grundlagen, varigenom PLO:s styrelse, ordförande och förhandlingsavdelning anförtros ansvaret för förhandlingen. Det betonade jag också när jag talade med Ehud Olmert på telefon för att gratulera honom till hans ämbete för några dagar sedan. Under samtalet betonade jag vår sanna önskan om att genast återvända till förhandlingsbordet för att förhandla fram fred. Hela världen kräver det av oss, och vi ber att det internationella samfundet agerar snarast för att stödja oss, för att förhindra att området glider ned i en avgrund och en ny konfliktcykel som har en negativ inverkan, inte bara på Mellanöstern, utan på hela världen, vid en tidpunkt när regionen även upplever andra spänningar.
Vi vill se handling utifrån internationella lagar och kartan. Vi vill ha förhandlingar mellan parter som ett alternativ till Israels politik med ensidighet och diktat och nedvärderandet av motparten. Allt detta är extremt viktigt för oss, eftersom det bara är genom förhandling som vi verkligen kan ena människorna i regionen, samtidigt som vi ger dem fredliga principer, utveckling och modernisering som vi delar med människorna i Europa.
När jag talar till er i dag framför jag det palestinska folkets budskap till folket på en kontinent som vi alltid har sammankopplats med genom vänskapliga förhållanden och som ett resultat av våra historiska kopplingar med samarbete, vänskap, partnerskap och samröre på många områden. Vi vill gärna starta detta samarbete genom en fruktbar dialog mellan samhällen och kulturer som kan berika båda sidor av Medelhavet och hjälpa oss att oskadliggöra extremistiska åsikter för att garantera att våra nära historiska band fortsätter, och för att vi ska kunna nå fred i Medelhavsområdet.
Jag tackar er än en gång för er inbjudan och för er gästvänlighet. Jag känner att jag har talat inför vänner, som delar vår entusiasm att främja värderingarna frihet, demokrati, tolerans och dialog. Jag är säker på att ni kommer att fortsätta att stödja det palestinska folkets rättvisa kamp tills vi får vår frihet och bygger en oberoende stat i det heliga landet utifrån gränserna från 1967 med staten Israel.
Tack för att ni lyssnade på mig.
Då jag talar till er i dag inser jag att jag riktar mig till de lagstiftare som känner till våra problem, och många av dem har med egna ögon sett det palestinska folkets problem och lidande då de besökt vårt land. Senast i går firade det palestinska folket 58-årsjubileet av den palestinska ”Nakba” [katastrof] 1948 som representerade den historiska orättvisan när vi, det palestinska folket, rycktes upp från vårt land och tvingades in i diaspora, när många av oss tvångsförflyttades och tvingades bli flyktingar.
Under det politiska förloppet och det palestinska folkets nationella kamp under ledning av Palestinska befrielseorganisationen (PLO) och efter införandet av den palestinska nationella myndigheten 1994 till följd av undertecknandet av principförklaringen, har önskan om en större, effektiv och aktiv europeisk roll alltid varit en grundpelare i den palestinska politiken och diplomatin. Vårt folk har aldrig glömt vare sig de positiva inställningarna som flera europeiska länder har haft sedan tidigt 1970-tal som stöd för det palestinska folkets rättigheter eller den nationella frigörelserörelse som letts av PLO. Vårt folk har inte heller glömt de europeiska ländernas generösa politiska, ekonomiska och tekniska stöd för att skapa palestinska institutioner och en nationell församling, och att de hjälpt oss att hantera konsekvenserna av ockupations-, belägrings- och förstörelsepolitiken. Detta stöd har stärkt vårt folks förtroende för vår saks rättvisa och för internationell rätt. I nuläget, som är ännu en svår tid, vänder vi oss helt följdriktigt till Europa, eftersom vårt område är öppet för alla förslag, så det är därför vi vill och väntar på att EU ska ha en ledande roll i området.
Trots det fruktansvärda i de historiska orättvisor som vårt folk har utsatts för har vi alltid kunnat formulera en realistisk politik för att återställa vårt folks självbestämmanderätt. På ett tidigare stadium hölls hemliga, halvhemliga och offentliga möten mellan PLO-företrädare och israeliska aktivister från fredslägret i europeiska huvudstäder. Det var i en europeisk huvudstad, Oslo, som de första officiella kontakterna togs mellan PLO och den israeliska regeringen. Det första undertecknandet av den första överenskommelsen mellan de två sidorna 1993 skedde i Oslo, innan det undertecknades officiellt i Washington samma år.
När det palestinska nationalrådet godkände det palestinska fredsinitiativet 1998 och godtog Förenta nationernas säkerhetsråds resolutioner 242 och 338 gavs möjligheten att nå en historisk försoning. Jag måste säga att detta inte var lätt för folket. Men samtidigt måste jag komma ihåg rollen som vår ledare, Yassir Arafat, hade. Det krävdes mod att ta de besluten, det krävdes mod att lägga fram en fredsformulering med folkets stöd utifrån att en palestinsk stat skulle skapas på endast 22 procent av det historiska Palestinas mark, som är det område som ockuperades av Israel 1967. Efter införandet av den palestinska myndigheten har vi fortsatt vårt intensiva sökande efter fred. Vi har upprepade gånger betonat att kärnan i processen måste baseras på partnerskapsprincipen, ett partnerskap som grundas på överenskommelse och att man löser problemen som kommer av en lång, bitter och blodig konflikt. Det handlar om ett partnerskap med förståelse för den andres egentliga intressen och som kan lägga grunden för en ny och annorlunda framtid för både palestinier och israeler.
Det svåraste slaget mot fredsprocessen, som var tänkt att ha nått slutfaserna inom några få korta år, berodde på att Israel förkastade logiken i partnerskapet och insisterande på att föra en destruktiv politik, särskilt att bygga bosättningar, bygga murar och beslagta land för att skapa en verklighet mot en bakgrund som skulle bli prejudicerande och föregripa resultatet av förhandlingarna. Att överge åtaganden och överenskommelser och att förkasta internationellt beskydd har blivit en vanlig företeelse i Israels politik, och det har resulterat i att fredsprocessen tappat kraft och att man ständigt skakar folks tro på att den är användbar. Denna politik har under senare år utvecklats till en nivå där man helt försöker slå ut den palestinska nationella myndigheten och dess institutioner, och till att man systematiskt förstör vår grundläggande infrastruktur, som era länder har hjälpt till att utveckla.
För vår del, och trots den frustration och det lidande som råder i en utsträckning som jag är säker på att ni känner till och förstår – särskilt ni som har sett det på närmare håll – har vi varit försiktiga med att inte låta vår nationella kamp ledas ur kurs och att den har följt internationella lagar. Vi har förkastat och fördömt
attacker mot civila. Vi har förkastat terrorism i
former. Vi har betonat vikten av att skapa en fredskultur i stället för en krigskultur, och vi har gjort allt fredligt som vi har kunnat för att stå emot ockupationen."@sv21
|
| lpv:unclassifiedMetadata |
"(Das Hohe Haus erhebt sich zu lang anhaltendem Beifall für den Redner.)"9
"(Het Parlement staat op en geeft de spreker een staande ovatie)"3
"(Loud applause)"5,19,15,1,18,14,16,11,13,4
"(The House rose and accorded the speaker a standing ovation)"5,19,15,1,18,14,16,11,13,4
"Declaration of Principles"3
"Jegliche"9
"Mahmoud Abbas,"5,19,15,1,18,14,16,11,7,10,13,4
"Mahmoud Abbás,"20
"Nakba"10
"President of the Palestinian Authority"5,19,15,1,18,14,16,11,13,4
"Presidente de la Autoridad Palestina"20
"all"5,19,15,1,18,14,16,11,13,4
"alla"21
"alle"2,3
"apartheid"17,12
"diktat"20,17,12
"enhver"2
"jeglicher"9
"leader"12
"nakba"20
"palestiinalaishallinnon presidentti"7
"slogan"17,12
"todas"20,17
"todos"20,17
"tutte"12
"tutti"12
"Πρόεδρος της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής"10
"κάθε"10
|
Named graphs describing this resource:
The resource appears as object in 2 triples