Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2006-02-01-Speech-3-026"
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"Mr President, a common foreign and security policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@en4
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"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@cs1
"Hr. formand, en fælles udenrigs- og sikkerhedspolitik, der fremmer Europas værdier globalt og bringer fred og sikkerhed til vores nabolande er målsætningen for Den Liberale Gruppe. De europæiske ledere er imidlertid tydeligvis ikke i stand til at gennemføre en sådan politik.
Det mest presserende spørgsmål er Iran. IAEA's styrelsesråd mødes i morgen for at afgøre, om Iran skal indbringes for Sikkerhedsrådet. Det må være vores mål at hindre Iran i at bygge atomvåben. Derfor skal Europa forpligte sig på at respektere IAEA's konklusioner, der forventes fremlagt i marts. Det stærkeste og mest overbevisende budskab, vi kan sende, vil imidlertid være at gøre fremskridt på nedrustningsområdet i de eksisterende atommagter i overensstemmelse med de forpligtelser, vi har indgået. Et Europa, der er i stand til at bruge sin styrke til at fremme det godes sag, er en styrke, man kan regne med.
Unionen ville i forening kunne have brugt sin indflydelse til at fremme demokrati og stabilitet. I stedet har Unionens politikker resulteret i en stiltiende støtte til tyrannier som Tunesien, Egypten og Syrien. Vi stillede aldrig krav om, at diplomati var betinget af, at man i Egypten løslod demokrater som Ayman Nour, eller at Sam Rainsy, der nu lever i eksil, samtidig med at vi yder støtte til Hun Sens diktatur i Asien, fik tilladelse til frit at vende tilbage til sit land.
Fru Ferrero-Waldner, hr. Solana, hvorfor er De overrasket over det palæstinensiske valg? EU har faldbudt løfter om demokrati, fred og menneskerettigheder i Palæstina, samtidig med at vores udviklingsstøtte har givet næring til Al-Fatah, hvis medlemmer nu brænder billeder af en af vores premierministre, og fredsforhandlingerne er gået i stå. EU er på ingen måde en central aktør, hr. Solana, og følgerne af Europas mislykkede indsats er åbenlys for alle.
Israel har ufortrødent bygget en mur omkring Østjerusalem i strid med sine forpligtelser i henhold til køreplanen og folkeretten. Palæstinenserne, der er trætte af de langsomme fremskridt og det skamfulde sociale sikringssystem, vender sig mod Hamas ved stemmeurnen. Fremtidsudsigterne er i dag værre end nogensinde. Nogle af EU's ledere, der tidligere har fremsat krav om demokrati, taler nu om at afvise en af de få demokratisk valgte regeringer i den arabiske verden! Hamas bliver selvfølgelig nødt til at give afkald på vold og forpligte sig på en tostatsløsning. Det samme gælder imidlertid for Israel. Som Leïla Shahid, repræsentanten for Den Palæstinensiske Myndighed, udtrykte det i dag: "Der skal to til tango".
Kommissæren har talt om politikker baseret på menneskerettigheder, retsstatsprincippet og demokratiske principper, men hvor lægges der vægt på disse fine begreber, når en pragmatisme blottet for principper meget ofte er tidens løsen?
Et generelt fremstød for fredelig konfliktløsning vil udgøre en vigtig modvægt til den håndfaste amerikanske tilgang og vil sikre Europas sikkerhed, fremgang og generelle omdømme, og det vil også give os langt større indflydelse i mikrostater som Maldiverne eller Seychellerne, hvor regeringerne krænker menneskerettighederne på trods af, at de er næsten totalt afhængige af vores bistand og handel. Derfor mener Den Liberale Gruppe, at tiden er inde til at gennemføre en ansvarlig, behørigt finansieret og værdibaseret europæisk udenrigspolitik. Ifølge Eurobarometer har 70 % af vores borgere det samme ønske.
Hr. Solana, Den Liberale Gruppe protesterer imod, at Parlamentets synspunkter ignoreres eller tilsidesættes i forbindelse med vigtige, globale spørgsmål. Vi ønsker at se Dem mindre i fjernsynet og mere her i Parlamentet. Vi er også træt af Rådets hemmeligholdelse og dets tilsidesættelse af Parlamentets ret til forudgående høring, når der er tale om politiske prioriteringer. Disse rettigheder er forankret i unionstraktatens artikel 21 og i den interinstitutionelle aftale fra 1999.
Vi står over for mange alvorlige udfordringer. Vi skal demokratisere vores nære nabolande, især de tidligere sovjetiske republikker, der for indeværende er fuldstændig underlagt Ruslands energipolitik, sikre, at der afholdes frie og retfærdige valg i Belarus, og sikre, at folkeafstemningerne i Kosovo og Montenegro ikke ender i vold.
Udenrigspolitikken må ikke begrænses til disse områder Jeg forstår, at salg af våben til Kina er sat på Rådets dagsorden igen, selv om Kina endnu ikke har fordømt de drab, der fandt sted på Tiananmen-pladsen, ej heller løsladt alle de mennesker, der blev fængslet, her 16 år efter. Hr. Winkler, vi kræver derfor, at De garanterer, at det østrigske formandskab ikke vil ophæve Unionens våbenembargo."@da2
".
Herr Präsident! Liberale und Demokraten wollen eine Gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik, die die Werte Europas weltweit fördert und unseren Nachbarn Frieden und Sicherheit bringt. Aber das gelingt Europas politischen Entscheidungsträgern offenbar nicht.
Das dringlichste Problem ist der Iran. Morgen tritt der Gouverneursrat der IAEO zusammen, um zu entscheiden, ob die Iran-Frage an den Sicherheitsrat überwiesen werden soll. Unser Ziel muss es sein, Iran am Bau von Nuklearwaffen zu hindern. Darum muss sich Europa dazu verpflichten, die im März fälligen Ergebnisse der IAEA anzuerkennen. Doch die stärkste und überzeugendste Botschaft, die wir aussenden können, sind Fortschritte bei der Abrüstung der derzeitigen Nuklearmächte entsprechend unseren Verpflichtungen. Ein Europa, das lernt, seine Stärke für das Gute einzusetzen, wird eine Kraft sein, mit der man rechnen muss.
Im gemeinsamen Handeln hätte unsere Union ihr Gewicht geltend machen können, um Demokratie und Stabilität zu fördern. Stattdessen hat sie mit ihrer Politik stillschweigend Tyranneien wie Tunesien, Ägypten und Syrien unterstützt. Wir haben Diplomatie nie davon abhängig gemacht, dass Demokraten wie Ägyptens Ayman Nour freigelassen werden oder in Asien der Oppositionsführer Sam Rainsy ungehindert in seine Heimat zurückkehren kann – er lebt im Exil, während wir die Diktatur von Hun Sen finanzieren.
Frau Ferrero-Waldner, Herr Solana, warum sind Sie überrascht über die palästinensische Wahl? Die Europäische Union ist doch in Palästina mit Versprechungen von Demokratie, Frieden und Menschenrechten hausieren gegangen, während unsere Entwicklungshilfe die Fatah-Organisation ernährt hat, deren Mitglieder jetzt Bilder unserer Ministerpräsidenten verbrennen, und Friedensverhandlungen ergebnislos geblieben sind. Europa ist weit davon entfernt, eine zentrale Rolle einzunehmen, Herr Solana, die Folgen unseres Scheiterns sind für jedermann deutlich sichtbar.
Israel baut unter Missachtung des Völkerrechts und seiner Verpflichtungen aus der Roadmap ungehindert eine Mauer rund um Ost-Jerusalem. Die Palästinenser sind der schleppenden Fortschritte und jämmerlichen Sozialleistungen müde und geben an der Wahlurne der Hamas ihre Stimme. Und jetzt sind die Aussichten schlechter denn je. Erst haben sie Demokratie verlangt, jetzt reden einige EU-Politiker davon, eine der wenigen demokratisch gewählten Regierungen in der arabischen Welt zu meiden! Selbstverständlich muss die Hamas auf Gewalt verzichten und eine Zwei-Staaten-Lösung anerkennen. Aber das gilt für Israel ebenso. Wie Leila Shahid, die Vertreterin der palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde, heute sagte: „Es gehören immer zwei dazu“.
Die Kommissarin hat von Politikmaßnahmen basierend auf Menschenrechten, Rechtsstaatlichkeit und demokratischen Grundsätzen gesprochen, aber wie sollen solche Feinheiten Beachtung finden, wenn so oft prinzipienfreier Pragmatismus gefragt ist?
Eine weltweite Bewegung für eine friedliche Konfliktlösung könnte ein bedeutendes Gegengewicht zum plumpen Vorgehen der USA darstellen; sie würde Europas Sicherheit, Wohlstand und weltweitem Ansehen dienen, und wir könnten damit wesentlich mehr Einfluss auf Mikrostaaten wie die Malediven oder die Seychellen ausüben, deren Regierungen die Menschenrechte missachten und doch gleichzeitig fast völlig von unserer Hilfe und vom Handel mit uns abhängig sind. Deshalb sind Liberale und Demokraten der Auffassung, dass wir jetzt eine verantwortliche, ausreichend finanzierte und werteorientierte europäische Außenpolitik brauchen. Laut Eurobarometer teilen 70 % unserer Bürger diesen Wunsch.
Herr Solana, Liberale und Demokraten protestieren dagegen, dass die Ansichten des Parlaments zu Angelegenheiten von globaler Bedeutung übergangen oder missachtet werden. Wir wollen Sie weniger im Fernsehen und häufiger in diesem Hohen Haus sehen. Und wir sind die Geheimniskrämerei des Rates und seine Missachtung des Rechts des Parlaments auf vorherige Anhörung zu Politikschwerpunkten leid. Diese Rechte sind in Artikel 21 des Vertrags und in der interinstitutionellen Vereinbarung von 1999 verankert.
Wir stehen jetzt vor vielen schwierigen Aufgaben: unsere Nachbarregionen, vor allem die früheren Sowjetrepubliken, die gegenwärtig der Gnade von Russlands Energiepolitik ausgeliefert sind, demokratisieren; gewährleisten, dass die Wahlen in Belarus frei und fair verlaufen; und sicherstellen, dass die Volksabstimmungen im Kosovo und in Montenegro nicht in Gewalt enden.
Die Rolle der Außenpolitik darf nicht darauf beschränkt sein. Ich sehe, dass der Waffenverkauf an China wieder auf der Tagesordnung des Rates steht, obwohl China bisher weder die Toten vom Platz des Himmlischen Friedens bedauert noch 16 Jahre später alle Inhaftierten freigelassen hat. Wir verlangen also Ihre Zusicherung, Herr Winkler, dass die österreichische Präsidentschaft das Waffenembargo der Union nicht aufheben wird."@de9
"Κύριε Πρόεδρε, μια κοινή εξωτερική πολιτική και πολιτική ασφάλειας που προάγει τις αξίες της Ευρώπης στον κόσμο και φέρνει ειρήνη και ασφάλεια στους γείτονές μας είναι ο στόχος των Φιλελεύθερων και Δημοκρατών. Αλλά είναι και αυτό που οι ηγέτες της Ευρώπης αποτυγχάνουν παταγωδώς να παράσχουν.
Ακόμα πιο επιτακτικό είναι το θέμα του Ιράν. Το διοικητικό συμβούλιο του ΔΟΑΕ συνεδριάζει αύριο για να αποφασίσει αν θα παραπέμψει το Ιράν στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας. Η διακοπή της κατασκευής πυρηνικών όπλων από το Ιράν πρέπει να αποτελεί στόχο μας. Για τον λόγο αυτόν, η Ευρώπη πρέπει να δεσμευτεί ότι θα σεβαστεί τα ευρήματα του ΔΟΑΕ που αναμένονται τον Μάρτιο. Αλλά η επίτευξη προόδου ως προς τον αφοπλισμό των σημερινών πυρηνικών δυνάμεων, σύμφωνα με τις δεσμεύσεις που αναλάβαμε, αποτελεί το ισχυρότερο και πιο πειστικό μήνυμα που θα μπορούσαμε να στείλουμε. Μια Ευρώπη που μαθαίνει να χρησιμοποιεί τη δύναμή της για το καλό είναι πραγματικά μια δύναμη που πρέπει να λαμβάνεται υπόψη.
Αν συνεργαστούμε, η Ένωσή μας θα μπορέσει να χρησιμοποιήσει την ισχύ της για να προωθήσει τη δημοκρατία και τη σταθερότητα. Αντ’ αυτού, οι πολιτικές της υποστήριξαν σιωπηρά τυραννικά καθεστώτα όπως της Τυνησίας, της Αιγύπτου και της Συρίας. Ποτέ δεν ζητήσαμε να στηριχθεί η διπλωματία στην απελευθέρωση δημοκρατών όπως ο Ayman Nour στην Αίγυπτο ή, στην Ασία, στο δικαίωμα ελεύθερης επιστροφής στην πατρίδα για τον ηγέτη της αντιπολίτευσης, Sam Rainsy, ο οποίος τώρα είναι εξόριστος ενώ εμείς χρηματοδοτούμε τη δικτατορία του Hun Sen.
Κυρία Ferrero-Waldner, κύριε Solana, γιατί αιφνιδιαστήκατε από το αποτέλεσμα των παλαιστινιακών εκλογών; Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μοίραζε υποσχέσεις δημοκρατίας, ειρήνης και ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στην Παλαιστίνη, ενώ η αναπτυξιακή μας βοήθεια έτρεφε την Αλ Φατάχ, τα μέλη της οποίας καίνε τώρα εικόνες ενός από τους πρωθυπουργούς μας, και οι ειρηνευτικές διαπραγματεύσεις δεν οδήγησαν πουθενά. Η Ευρώπη όχι μόνο δεν αποτέλεσε βασικό παράγοντα, κύριε Solana, αλλά οι συνέπειες της αποτυχίας της είναι ορατές σε όλους.
Το Ισραήλ, ανεμπόδιστο, χτίζει ένα τείχος γύρω από την Ανατολική Ιερουσαλήμ κατά παράβαση των υποχρεώσεων που του επιβάλλει ο οδικός χάρτης και του διεθνούς δικαίου. Οι Παλαιστίνιοι, κουρασμένοι από την αργή πρόοδο και τις επαίσχυντες κοινωνικές υπηρεσίες, στρέφονται προς τη Χαμάς στην κάλπη. Και τώρα η πρόγνωση είναι χειρότερη από ποτέ. Μετά το αίτημα για δημοκρατία, ορισμένοι από τους ηγέτες της ΕΕ μιλούν για αποφυγή της μόνης δημοκρατικά εκλεγμένης κυβέρνησης στον αραβικό κόσμο! Ασφαλώς, η Χαμάς πρέπει να αποκηρύξει τη βία και να δεσμευτεί για μια λύση δύο κρατών. Αλλά το ίδιο ισχύει και για το Ισραήλ. Όπως είπε σήμερα η εκπρόσωπος της Παλαιστινιακής Αρχής, κ. Leila Shahid: «χρειάζονται δύο για να χορέψουν ταγκό».
Η Επίτροπος αναφέρθηκε σε πολιτικές βασισμένες στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, στο κράτος δικαίου και στις δημοκρατικές αρχές, αλλά πού είναι η έμφαση σε αυτές τις ύψιστες ιδέες όταν συχνά επικρατεί ο πραγματισμός χωρίς ίχνος αξιών;
Η παγκόσμια προσπάθεια για ειρηνική επίλυση της διένεξης θα αποτελούσε σημαντικό αντιστάθμισμα στην καταπιεστική προσέγγιση των ΗΠΑ. Θα διασφάλιζε την ασφάλεια, την ευημερία και την παγκόσμια φήμη της Ευρώπης και θα μας έδινε πολύ μεγαλύτερη ισχύ σε κρατίδια όπως οι Μαλδίβες ή οι Σεϋχέλλες, οι κυβερνήσεις των οποίων παραβιάζουν τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, παρά το γεγονός ότι εξαρτώνται σχεδόν απόλυτα από την ενίσχυση και το εμπόριό μας. Για τον λόγο αυτόν, οι Φιλελεύθεροι και Δημοκράτες πιστεύουν ότι ήρθε η στιγμή για μια υπεύθυνη και κατάλληλα χρηματοδοτούμενη ευρωπαϊκή εξωτερική πολιτική, η οποία θα στηρίζεται στις αξίες. Σύμφωνα με το Ευρωβαρόμετρο, πρόκειται για μια επιθυμία την οποία συμμερίζεται το 70% των πολιτών μας.
Κύριε Solana, οι Φιλελεύθεροι και Δημοκράτες αντιτίθενται στην αγνόηση ή στην παράβλεψη των απόψεων του Κοινοβουλίου σε θέματα παγκόσμιας σημασίας. Θέλουμε να σας βλέπουμε λιγότερο στην τηλεόραση και περισσότερο εδώ, σε αυτή την Αίθουσα. Και έχουμε κουραστεί από τη μυστικότητα του Συμβουλίου και από την περιφρόνηση που δείχνει στο δικαίωμα του Κοινοβουλίου στην πρότερη διαβούλευση σχετικά με προτεραιότητες πολιτικής. Αυτά τα δικαιώματα τάσσονται στο άρθρο 21 της Συνθήκης και στη διοργανική συμφωνία του 1999.
Αντιμετωπίζουμε πολλές σοβαρές προκλήσεις: τον εκδημοκρατισμό της γείτονος περιοχής, ειδικά των πρώην σοβιετικών δημοκρατιών που επί του παρόντος βρίσκονται στο έλεος των ενεργειακών πολιτικών της Ρωσίας, τη διασφάλιση ελεύθερων και δίκαιων εκλογών στη Λευκορωσία και τη διασφάλιση ότι τα δημοψηφίσματα στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο και στο Μαυροβούνιο δεν θα λήξουν με βία.
Ο ρόλος της εξωτερικής πολιτικής δεν πρέπει να σταματά εκεί. Γνωρίζω ότι η πώληση όπλων στην Κίνα έχει επιστρέψει στην ατζέντα του Συμβουλίου, ωστόσο η Κίνα δεν έχει αναγνωρίσει ακόμα τις δολοφονίες στην πλατεία Τιενανμέν, ούτε απελευθέρωσε, μετά από 16 χρόνια, όλους όσους φυλάκισε. Συνεπώς, απαιτούμε μια διαβεβαίωση από εσάς, κύριε Winkler, ότι η αυστριακή Προεδρία δεν θα άρει το εμπάργκο όπλων της Ένωσης κατά της Κίνας."@el10
".
Señor Presidente, una Política Exterior y de Seguridad Común que promueva los valores de Europa en el mundo y traiga la paz y la seguridad a nuestros vecinos es a lo que aspiran los liberales y demócratas. Pero los líderes europeos se muestran manifiestamente incapaces de lograrlo.
Más apremiante es la cuestión de Irán. La Junta de Gobernadores del OIEA se reúne mañana para decidir si remite el caso de Irán al Consejo de Seguridad. Impedir que Irán construya armas nucleares debe ser nuestro objetivo. Por ese motivo, Europa debe comprometerse a respetar las conclusiones del OIEA previstas para marzo. Pero llevar adelante el desarme de las potencias nucleares actuales, de acuerdo con los compromisos que hemos contraído, es el mensaje más contundente y convincente que podríamos enviar. Una Europa que aprende a utilizar sus músculos en pro del bien es una fuerza que hay que reconocer.
Actuando juntos, nuestra Unión podría haber utilizado su fuerza para promover la democracia y la estabilidad. En cambio, sus políticas han prestado un apoyo tácito a tiranías como las de Túnez, Egipto y Siria. Nunca exigimos que la diplomacia dependiera de la liberación de demócratas como Ayman Nour en Egipto o del derecho al retorno a su país del líder de la oposición Sam Rainsy en Asia, que actualmente se encuentra exiliado mientras financiamos la dictadura de Hun Sen.
Señora Ferrero-Waldner, señor Solana, ¿por qué se sorprenden ante las elecciones palestinas? La Unión Europea ha ido vendiendo promesas de democracia, paz y derechos humanos en Palestina mientras nuestra ayuda al desarrollo ha alimentado a Al Fatah, cuyos miembros queman ahora imágenes de uno de nuestros Primeros Ministros y las negociaciones de paz no han llevado a nada. Lejos de ser un protagonista, señor Solana, las consecuencias del fracaso de Europa se pueden ver con facilidad.
Israel, impertérrito, construye un muro alrededor de Jerusalén oriental violando sus obligaciones establecidas en la «Hoja de Ruta» y el Derecho internacional. Los palestinos, cansados de la lentitud del progreso y de unos servicios sociales vergonzosos, apuestan por Hamás en las urnas. Y ahora el pronóstico es peor que nunca. Después de exigir democracia, algunos líderes de la UE hablan de dar la espalda a uno de los únicos Gobiernos elegidos democráticamente en el mundo árabe. Por supuesto, Hamás debe renunciar a la violencia y favorecer una solución basada en dos Estados. Pero también debe hacerlo Israel. Como ha dicho hoy Leila Shahid, la Delegada General de la Autoridad Palestina: «Hacen falta dos para bailar un tango».
La Comisaria ha hablado de políticas basadas en los derechos humanos, el Estado de Derecho y los principios democráticos, pero ¿dónde está la insistencia en estos magnos ideales cuando tantas veces se practica un pragmatismo carente de principios?
Una dinámica mundial a favor de la resolución pacífica de conflictos sería un contrapeso importante frente a las torpes maneras de los Estados Unidos; garantizaría la seguridad, la prosperidad y el prestigio mundial de Europa y también nos proporcionaría un mayor refuerzo respecto a microestados como las Maldivas y las Seychelles, cuyos Gobiernos violan los derechos humanos a pesar de depender casi totalmente de nuestra ayuda y nuestro comercio. Por este motivo, los liberales y demócratas creemos que ha llegado la hora de una política exterior europea responsable, debidamente financiada y regida por valores. Según el Eurobarómetro, es un deseo compartido por el 70 % de nuestros ciudadanos.
Señor Solana, los liberales y demócratas nos oponemos a que se haga caso omiso de las opiniones del Parlamento en cuestiones de importancia mundial. Queremos verles menos en televisión y más aquí en esta Cámara. Y estamos hartos del secretismo del Consejo y de su desprecio del derecho del Parlamento a ser consultado previamente respecto a las prioridades políticas. Esos derechos están consagrados en el artículo 21 del Tratado y en el Acuerdo Interinstitucional de 1999.
Nos enfrentamos a muchos retos importantes: democratizar nuestro vecindario inmediato, en particular las antiguas repúblicas soviéticas que se encuentran actualmente a merced de la política energética de Rusia; garantizar que las elecciones en Belarús sean libres y justas y asegurar que los referendos de Kosovo y Montenegro no terminen de manera violenta.
La función de la política exterior no debe agotarse con esto. Entiendo que la venta de armas a China vuelva a aparecer en los planes del Consejo, pero China sigue sin lamentar las matanzas de la Plaza Tiananmen y sin liberar, después de 16 años, a todos los encarcelados. Así que exigimos que nos garantice, señor Winkler, que la Presidencia de Austria no levantará el embargo de armas de la Unión."@es20
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@et5
".
Arvoisa puhemies, liberaalidemokraatit pyrkivät yhteiseen ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikkaan, jolla edistetään eurooppalaisia arvoja maailmassa sekä rauhaa ja turvallisuutta naapurimaissamme. Siinä Euroopan johtajat eivät ilmeisesti kuitenkaan onnistu.
Iranin kysymys on kaikkein uhkaavin. IAEA:n hallintoneuvosto pitää huomenna kokouksen, jossa päätetään, tehdäänkö Iranin toimista selonteko turvallisuusneuvostolle. Meidän on estettävä Irania rakentamasta ydinaseita. Tästä syystä Euroopan on sitouduttava kunnioittamaan IAEA:n havaintoja, jotka esitellään maaliskuussa. Voimakkain ja vakuuttavin viesti, jonka voimme lähettää, on pyrkiä kohti nykyisten ydinvaltojen aseistariisumista tekemiemme sitoumuksien mukaisesti. Eurooppa, joka opettelee käyttämään voimiaan hyvän edistämiseksi, on varteenotettava voima.
Toimimalla yhdessä EU olisi voinut hyödyntää vaikutusvaltaansa edistääkseen demokratiaa ja vakautta. Sen sijaan unioni on tukenut politiikoillaan Tunisian, Egyptin ja Syyrian kaltaisia sortovaltoja. Emme missään vaiheessa asettaneet diplomaattisten suhteiden edellytykseksi sellaisten demokraattien kuin egyptiläisen Ayman Nourin vapauttamista. Emme myöskään edellyttäneet, että oppositiojohtaja Sam Rainsylle myönnettäisiin oikeus palata vapaasti kotimaahansa Aasiassa. Sam Rainsy on nyt maanpaossa, ja me rahoitamme samalla Hun Senin diktatuuria.
Arvoisa komission jäsen Ferrero-Waldner, arvoisa korkea edustaja Solana, miksi hämmästelette Palestiinan vaalitulosta? Euroopan unioni on kaupitellut lupauksia demokratiasta, rauhasta ja ihmisoikeuksista Palestiinassa, samalla kun olemme tukeneet kehitysavullamme Fatah-liikettä, jonka jäsenet polttavat tällä hetkellä erään EU:n jäsenvaltion pääministerin kuvia, eivätkä rauhanneuvottelut ole edistyneet. Arvoisa korkea edustaja Solana, sen sijaan, että Euroopan unioni olisi toiminut avainasemassa, sen epäonnistumisen seuraukset ovat kaikkien nähtävissä.
Lannistumaton Israel rakentaa muuria Itä-Jerusalemin ympärille rikkoen näin rauhansuunnitelman mukaisia velvoitteitaan ja kansainvälistä oikeutta. Palestiinalaiset, jotka ovat kyllästyneitä hitaaseen edistymiseen ja häpeällisiin sosiaalipalveluihin, kääntyvät vaaliuurnilla Hamasin puoleen. Ennuste on nyt huonompi kuin koskaan. Vaadittuaan ensin demokratiaa eräät EU:n jäsenvaltioiden johtajat puhuvat nyt arabimaailman harvoihin demokraattisesti valittuihin hallituksiin kuuluvan hallituksen torjumisesta! Hamasin on tietysti luovuttava väkivallasta ja sitouduttava kahden valtion ratkaisuun. Niin on kuitenkin Israelinkin tehtävä. Kuten palestiinalaishallinnon erityislähettiläs Leila Shahid totesi tänään, tangoon tarvitaan kaksi.
Komission jäsen puhui ihmisoikeuksiin, oikeusvaltioperiaatteeseen ja demokraattisiin periaatteisiin perustuvista politiikoista, mutta miksi näitä hienoja asioita ei korosteta, vaan noudatetaan liian usein periaatteista riisuttua käytännönläheisyyttä?
Kokonaisvaltainen pyrkimys ratkaista selkkaus rauhanomaisesti tarjoaisi tärkeän vastapainon Yhdysvaltain kovakouraiselle lähestymistavalle. Näin varmistettaisiin EU:n turvallisuus, vauraus ja hyvän maineen säilyminen maailmalla, ja näin EU saisi myös paljon suurempaa painoarvoa sellaisissa mikrovaltioissa kuin Malediiveilla ja Seychelleillä, joiden hallitukset polkevat ihmisoikeuksia siitä huolimatta, että ne ovat lähes täysin riippuvaisia tuestamme ja kaupankäynnistä. Tästä syystä liberaalidemokraatit katsovat, että on tullut aika luoda luotettava, asianmukaisesti rahoitettu ja arvojen ohjaama eurooppalainen ulkopolitiikka. Eurobarometrin mukaan 70 prosenttia kansalaisistamme on samaa mieltä.
Arvoisa korkea edustaja Solana, liberaalidemokraatit vastustavat sitä, että parlamentin kannat sivuutetaan tai että niihin suhtaudutaan välinpitämättömästi, kun on kyse maailmanlaajuisesti tärkeistä asioista. Haluamme nähdä teidät harvemmin televisiossa ja useammin tässä parlamentissa. Olemme myös kyllästyneitä neuvoston salailuun ja siihen, että se halveksii parlamentin oikeutta tulla ennalta kuulluksi poliittisesti tärkeistä asioista. Nämä oikeudet sisältyvät perustamissopimuksen 21 artiklaan ja vuoden 1999 toimielinten väliseen sopimukseen.
Joudumme vastaamaan moniin vakaviin haasteisiin: on demokratisoitava lähinaapurimme, erityisesti entiset neuvostotasavallat, jotka ovat tällä hetkellä Venäjän energiapolitiikan armoilla, on varmistettava, että Valko-Venäjän vaalit ovat vapaat ja oikeudenmukaiset, ja on varmistettava, että Kosovossa ja Montenegrossa toimitettavat kansanäänestykset eivät johda väkivaltaisuuksiin.
Ulkopolitiikan merkitys ei kuitenkaan pääty tähän. Olen ymmärtänyt, että neuvoston tarkoituksena on taas ryhtyä myymään aseita Kiinaan, vaikka Kiina ei ole edelleenkään pahoitellut Tiananmenin aukiolla tehtyjä surmia eikä vangittuja ole vapautettu 16 vuoden kuluttua tapahtumasta. Arvoisa ministeri Winkler, pyydämme teitä näin ollen vakuuttamaan, ettei puheenjohtajavaltio Itävalta aio purkaa EU:n aseiden vientikieltoa."@fi7
"Monsieur le Président, une politique étrangère et de sécurité commune promouvant les valeurs de l’Europe dans le monde et apportant paix et sécurité à nos voisins, voilà ce que les libéraux et démocrates s’efforcent de garantir. Mais, manifestement, ce n’est pas ce que les dirigeants européens parviennent à nous fournir.
La question la plus pressante est celle de l’Iran. Le conseil des gouverneurs de l’AIEA se réunit demain pour décider de transférer, ou non, le dossier iranien au Conseil de sécurité. Notre objectif doit être de stopper la fabrication iranienne d’armes nucléaires. C’est pourquoi l’Europe doit s’engager à respecter les conclusions que l’AIEA présentera en mars. Toutefois, le message le plus fort et le plus convaincant que nous puissions envoyer consiste à avancer dans le sens d’un désarmement des puissances nucléaires actuelles, conformément aux engagements pris. Une Europe qui apprend à faire bon usage de sa force est réellement un acteur avec lequel il faut compter.
En agissant de concert, notre Union aurait pu utiliser son influence pour promouvoir la démocratie et la stabilité. Au lieu de cela, ses politiques ont apporté un soutien tacite à des tyrannies telles que la Tunisie, l’Égypte et la Syrie. Nous n’avons jamais exigé que la démocratie dépende de la libération de démocrates tels qu’Ayman Nour en Égypte ou, en Asie, du droit à retourner dans son pays en homme libre pour le dirigeant de l’opposition, Sam Rainsy, aujourd’hui en exil alors que nous finançons la dictature de Hun Sen.
Madame Ferrero-Waldner, Monsieur Solana, pourquoi êtes-vous surpris du résultat du scrutin palestinien? L’Union européenne a multiplié les promesses de démocratie, de paix et de respect des droits de l’homme en Palestine, alors que notre assistance au développement a alimenté Al-Fatah, dont les membres brûlent aujourd’hui des représentations de l’un de nos Premiers ministres, et que les négociations de paix n’ont mené nulle part. Loin d’être un acteur clé, Monsieur Solana, l’Europe est en situation d’échec et tout le monde en voit clairement les conséquences.
Israël persiste à construire un mur autour de Jérusalem-Est, violant ainsi les obligations prises au titre de la feuille de route et le droit international. Les Palestiniens, las de la lenteur des progrès accomplis et de la médiocrité des services sociaux, se tournent vers le Hamas lors des élections. Et aujourd’hui, le pronostic est pire que jamais. Après avoir exigé la démocratie, certains dirigeants européens parlent d’éviter tout contact avec l’un des rares gouvernements démocratiquement élus du monde arabe! Bien sûr, le Hamas doit renoncer à la violence et s’engager à une solution à deux États. Mais il en va de même pour Israël. Comme Leïla Shahid, la déléguée générale de l’Autorité palestinienne, l’a déclaré aujourd’hui: «C’est un jeu qui se joue à deux».
La commissaire a évoqué des politiques fondées sur les droits de l’homme, l’État de droit et les principes démocratiques, mais où sont ces nobles idéaux lorsque le pragmatisme dénué de tout principe est si souvent à l’ordre du jour?
Une initiative mondiale de résolution pacifique des conflits constituerait un important contrepoids à l’approche maladroite des États-Unis, elle assurerait à l’Europe sécurité, prospérité et renommée à l’échelle mondiale et elle nous permettrait également d’exercer une influence sensiblement accrue sur des micro-États tels que les Maldives ou les Seychelles, dont les gouvernements bafouent les droits de l’homme tout en étant presque totalement dépendants de notre assistance et des échanges commerciaux avec l’Union. C’est pourquoi les libéraux et démocrates estiment que l’heure est venue de mettre en place une politique étrangère européenne responsable, correctement financée et fondée sur un ensemble de valeurs. Selon Eurobaromètre, ce souhait est partagé par 70 % de nos concitoyens.
Monsieur Solana, les libéraux et démocrates n’acceptent pas que l’opinion du Parlement soit ignorée ou méprisée sur des questions d’importance mondiale. Nous souhaitons vous voir moins à la télévision et plus au sein de cette Assemblée. Et nous sommes fatigués des secrets du Conseil et de son mépris pour le droit du Parlement à être consulté préalablement sur les priorités politiques. Ces droits sont consacrés à l’article 21 du Traité et dans l’accord interinstitutionnel de 1999.
Nous sommes confrontés à de nombreux défis de taille: démocratiser nos proches voisins, plus particulièrement les anciennes républiques soviétiques actuellement à la merci de la politique énergétique russe, garantir des élections libres et justes au Belarus et veiller à ce que les référendums au Kosovo et au Monténégro ne se terminent pas dans un bain de violence.
Le rôle de la politique étrangère ne doit pas s’arrêter là. J’ai cru comprendre que la vente d’armes à la Chine était de nouveau à l’ordre du jour des discussions au sein du Conseil, alors que la Chine n’a toujours pas désavoué les massacres de la place Tiananmen et n’a toujours pas libéré, 16 ans plus tard, l’ensemble des personnes emprisonnées. Nous exigeons donc de vous, Monsieur Winkler, que vous nous assuriez que la présidence autrichienne ne lèvera pas l’embargo sur la vente d’armes à la Chine instauré par l’Union."@fr8
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@hu11
".
Signor Presidente, una politica estera e di sicurezza comune che promuova i valori europei nel mondo e offra pace e sicurezza ai nostri vicini è ciò cui aspirano i liberali e i democratici, ma è ciò che i
d’Europa sono palesemente incapaci di realizzare.
Ancora più pressante è la questione dell’Iran. Il Consiglio dei governatori dell’AIEA si riunirà domani per decidere se denunciare l’Iran al Consiglio di sicurezza. Interrompere la produzione di armi nucleari in Iran deve essere il nostro obiettivo. Per questo motivo, l’Europa deve impegnarsi a rispettare le conclusioni dell’AIEA previste per marzo. Tuttavia, compiere progressi verso il disarmo delle attuali potenze nucleari, conformemente agli impegni che abbiamo assunto, è il messaggio più efficace e persuasivo che possiamo trasmettere. Un’Europa che impara a usare i muscoli a favore del bene sarà realmente una forza con cui fare i conti.
Agendo unita, l’Unione avrebbe potuto usare la sua influenza per promuovere la democrazia e la stabilità. Invece, le sue politiche hanno fornito un tacito sostegno a regimi tirannici, come quelli di Tunisia, Egitto e Siria. Non abbiamo mai fatto dipendere la diplomazia dal rilascio di democratici come Ayman Nour in Egitto, oppure, in Asia, dal riconoscimento del diritto di tornare liberamente nel suo paese al
dell’opposizione Sam Rainsy, ora in esilio mentre noi finanziamo la dittatura di Hun Sen.
Commissario Ferrero-Waldner, Alto rappresentante Solana, perché vi sorprende il risultato delle elezioni in Palestina? L’Unione europea ha dispensato promesse di democrazia, pace e diritti umani in Palestina, mentre i nostri aiuti allo sviluppo foraggiavano
i cui membri ora bruciano i ritratti di un Primo Ministro europeo, e i negoziati di pace sono a un punto morto. Lungi dall’essere un attore fondamentale, signor Alto rappresentante Solana, le conseguenze del fallimento dell’Europa sono evidenti a tutti.
Israele, indisturbato, costruisce un muro attorno a Gerusalemme est in violazione dei suoi obblighi derivanti dalla
e dal diritto internazionale. I palestinesi, stanchi dei lenti progressi e dei vergognosi servizi sociali, premiano
alle elezioni. Ora le previsioni sono più lugubri che mai. Dopo aver preteso la democrazia, alcuni
dell’Unione parlano di non riconoscere uno degli unici governi democraticamente eletti nel mondo arabo! E’ ovvio che
deve rinunciare alla violenza e impegnarsi a favore della soluzione dei due Stati, ma deve farlo anche Israele. Come ha detto oggi Leila Shahid, la Rappresentante generale dell’Autorità palestinese: “Bisogna essere in due per ballare il tango”.
Il Commissario ha parlato di politiche basate sui diritti umani, sullo Stato di diritto e sui principi democratici, ma dov’è l’accento su queste belle nozioni quando un pragmatismo svuotato di ogni principio è così spesso all’ordine del giorno?
Un’azione globale a favore della soluzione pacifica dei conflitti sarebbe un importante contrappeso all’approccio oppressivo degli Stati Uniti: garantirebbe la sicurezza, la prosperità e la reputazione dell’Europa nel mondo e ci permetterebbe di esercitare molta più influenza anche su microstati come le Maldive o le Seychelles, i cui governi violano i diritti umani, nonostante dipendano quasi totalmente dai nostri aiuti e dai nostri scambi. Questo è il motivo per cui i liberali e i democratici ritengono sia ora di dotarsi di una politica estera europea responsabile, adeguatamente finanziata e fondata sui valori. Secondo l’Eurobarometro, è un desiderio condiviso dal 70 per cento dei nostri cittadini.
Signor Alto rappresentante Solana, i liberali e i democratici non tollerano che il parere del Parlamento su questioni di importanza globale sia ignorato o disatteso. Vogliamo vederla meno in televisione e più presente in Aula. Siamo stanchi della segretezza del Consiglio e della sua inosservanza del diritto del Parlamento di essere consultato in anticipo sulle priorità politiche. Sono diritti sanciti dall’articolo 21 del Trattato e dall’accordo interistituzionale del 1999.
Ci attendono sfide molto serie: democratizzare il nostro immediato vicinato, soprattutto le ex repubbliche sovietiche attualmente alla mercé delle politiche energetiche della Russia, assicurare che le elezioni in Bielorussia si svolgano in modo libero ed equo e che i
in Kosovo e Montenegro non sfocino nella violenza.
Il ruolo della politica estera non si esaurisce qui. Mi risulta che la vendita di armi alla Cina sia di nuovo all’ordine del giorno del Consiglio, sebbene la Cina non abbia ancora ripudiato la strage di piazza Tiananmen, né rilasciato, a distanza di 16 anni, tutte le persone incarcerate. Le chiediamo quindi, Sottosegretario di Stato Winkler, di assicurarci che la Presidenza austriaca non revocherà l’
dell’Unione sulla vendita di armi alla Cina."@it12
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@lt14
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@lv13
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@mt15
".
Mijnheer de Voorzitter, de Alliantie van Liberalen en Democraten voor Europa streeft een gemeenschappelijk buitenlands en veiligheidsbeleid na dat de Europese waarden in de wereld bevordert en vrede en veiligheid brengt in onze buurlanden. Het is echter overduidelijk dat de Europese leiders op dat terrein tekortschieten.
De kwestie-Iran is de meest urgente. De raad van gouverneurs van het Internationaal Agentschap voor Atoomenergie (IAEA) komt morgen bijeen om te beslissen of de kwestie-Iran moet worden doorverwezen naar de Veiligheidsraad. Ons doel moet zijn Iran ervan te weerhouden kernwapens te produceren. Daarom moet Europa zich ertoe verbinden de bevindingen van de IAEA, die in maart worden verwacht, te eerbiedigen. De wijze waarop we echter het duidelijkste en meest overtuigende signaal kunnen afgeven is door vooruitgang te boeken bij de ontwapening van de huidige kernmachten, in overeenstemming met de toezeggingen die we hebben gedaan. Een Europa dat leert hoe het zijn spierballen moet gebruiken om goed te kunnen doen, zal pas echt een speler zijn om rekening mee te houden.
Als onze Unie had samengewerkt, had zij haar invloed kunnen gebruiken om democratie en stabiliteit te bevorderen. In plaats daarvan heeft zij met haar beleid stilzwijgend steun verleend aan dictatoriale regimes als in Tunesië, Egypte en Syrië. We hebben aan het onderhouden van diplomatieke contacten nooit de voorwaarde verbonden dat democraten als Ayman Nour in Egypte zouden worden vrijgelaten,; of in Azië dat de in ballingschap levende oppositieleider Sam Rainsy het recht zou krijgen om ongehinderd terug te keren naar zijn land, ofschoon we wel de dictatuur van Hun Sen financieel steunen.
Mevrouw Ferrero-Waldner, mijnheer Solana, waarom verbaast de uitslag van de Palestijnse verkiezingen u? De Europese Unie heeft in de Palestijnse gebieden lopen leuren met beloften van democratie, vrede en mensenrechten, terwijl onze ontwikkelingshulp in de zakken van Al-Fatah verdween. Overigens zijn het de leden van deze partij die nu afbeeldingen verbranden van een van onze premiers, en hebben de vredesonderhandelingen intussen niets opgeleverd. Europa vervult alles behalve een sleutelrol, mijnheer Solana, en de gevolgen van de onmacht van Europa op dat punt kunnen niemand ontgaan zijn.
Israël trekt onverschrokken een muur op rond Oost-Jeruzalem, hetgeen in strijd is met zijn verplichtingen in het kader van de routekaart, en met het internationaal recht. De Palestijnen, die de trage voortgang en de schandalige sociale voorzieningen zat zijn, hebben tijdens de verkiezingen hun heil gezocht bij Hamas. En nu zijn de vooruitzichten somberder dan ooit tevoren. Na hun roep om democratie hebben bepaalde EU-leiders het nu over het isoleren van een van de weinige democratisch gekozen regeringen in de Arabische wereld! Uiteraard moet Hamas het geweld afzweren en zich verplichten tot het vinden van een twee-statenoplossing. Maar dat geldt net zo goed voor Israël. Zoals Leila Shahid, de algemeen vertegenwoordiger van de Palestijnse Autoriteit vandaag zei: "
".
De commissaris heeft gesproken over een beleid op basis van de mensenrechten, de rechtsstaat en democratische beginselen, maar waaruit blijkt de nadruk op die verheven zaken? Pragmatisme zonder enige principes is immers aan de orde van de dag.
Een mondiale campagne voor vreedzame conflictoplossing zou een goed tegenwicht kunnen zijn voor de harde lijn van de VS. Daarmee zouden de veiligheid, de welvaart en de mondiale reputatie van Europa kunnen worden gewaarborgd. Ook zouden wij daarmee veel meer invloed kunnen verwerven in microstaten als de Maldiven of de Seychellen, waar regeringen aan de macht zijn die de mensenrechten schenden, ondanks het feit dat zij bijna volledig afhankelijk zijn van onze hulp en onze handel. Daarom is de ALDE-Fractie van mening dat de tijd rijp is voor een Europees buitenlands beleid dat te verantwoorden valt, naar behoren wordt gefinancierd en gebaseerd is op waarden. Volgens een Eurobarometerpeiling wordt deze wens gedeeld door 70 procent van onze burgers.
Mijnheer Solana, de ALDE-Fractie is het er helemaal niet mee eens dat de standpunten van het Parlement worden genegeerd of veronachtzaamd als het gaat om zaken van mondiaal belang. We zouden u graag wat minder op televisie zien en wat vaker in deze vergaderzaal. Ook hebben we genoeg van de vertrouwelijke aard van de vergaderingen van de Raad en zijn minachting voor het recht van het Parlement om over de prioritaire beleidsterreinen van tevoren te worden geraadpleegd. Deze rechten zijn immers verankerd in artikel 21 van het Verdrag en in het Interinstitutioneel Akkoord van 1999.
We staan voor een groot aantal serieuze uitdagingen: het democratiseren van onze directe omgeving - met name de voormalige sovjetrepublieken die momenteel met hun rug tegen de muur staan vanwege het Russische energiebeleid -, het waarborgen van vrije en eerlijke verkiezingen in Wit-Rusland, en garanderen dat de referenda in Kosovo en Montenegro niet uitmonden in gewelddadigheden.
Het buitenlands beleid moet echter een bredere rol gaan vervullen. Ik heb begrepen dat de verkoop van wapens aan China weer op de agenda van de Raad staat. Toch heeft China nooit spijt betuigd over het bloedbad op het Tiananmen-Plein, noch heeft het inmiddels 16 jaar na dato alle gevangen van destijds vrijgelaten. Daarom eisen we van u, mijnheer Winkler, de verzekering dat het Oostenrijkse voorzitterschap het wapenembargo van de Unie niet zal intrekken."@nl3
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@pl16
"Senhor Presidente, uma política externa e de segurança comum capaz de promover os valores da União Europeia no mundo e trazer paz e segurança aos nossos vizinhos é aquilo por que se bate o Grupo da Aliança dos Democratas e Liberais pela Europa. Mas é também o que os governantes europeus estão manifestamente a não conseguir assegurar.
A questão do Irão é de todas a mais premente. O Conselho de Governadores da Agência Internacional da Energia Atómica (AIEA) irá reunir-se amanhã para decidir se deve enviar oficialmente o dossiê do nuclear iraniano para o Conselho de Segurança da ONU. Impedir o Irão de fabricar armas nucleares tem de ser o nosso objectivo fulcral. Daí que a Europa se deva comprometer a respeitar as conclusões do relatório da AIEA, que serão divulgadas no próximo mês de Março. Mas a mais forte e mais convincente mensagem que podemos enviar é sem dúvida a de avançar na via do desarmamento das actuais potências nucleares, na linha dos compromissos por nós assumidos. Uma Europa que aprende a utilizar a sua força em prol do bem é verdadeiramente uma força com que se pode contar.
Actuando em conjunto, a nossa União poderia ter aproveitado a sua acção potenciadora para promover a democracia e a estabilidade. Ao invés, as políticas da UE apoiaram tacitamente regimes tirânicos como o da Tunísia, do Egipto e da Síria. Nunca exigimos que a diplomacia dependesse da libertação de democratas como o egípcio Ayman Nour, ou, na Ásia, do direito a um livre retorno ao seu país por parte do líder da oposição Sam Rainsy, actualmente no exílio enquanto nós financiamos a ditadura de Hun Sen.
Senhora Comissária Ferrero-Waldner, Senhor Alto Representante Javier Solana, por que vos surpreendem os resultados das eleições palestinianas? A União Europeia espalhou promessas de democracia, paz e direitos humanos na Palestina, enquanto a nossa ajuda ao desenvolvimento alimentou a Al-Fatah, cujos membros incendeiam agora imagens de um dos nossos primeiros-ministros, e as negociações para a paz não levaram a nada. Senhor Alto Representante Javier Solana, longe de ser um actor principal, a União Europeia fracassou, e as consequências desse fracasso estão bem à vista de todos.
Sem que ninguém o dissuada dos seus propósitos, Israel constrói um muro em redor da parte oriental de Jerusalém, violando assim as suas obrigações no âmbito do Roteiro para a paz bem como as normas de direito internacional. Os Palestinianos, cansados de um progresso que tarda em chegar e de vergonhosos serviços sociais, viraram-se, nas urnas, para o Hamas. Neste momento, o prognóstico é pior que nunca. Após terem exigido democracia, alguns dirigentes da União Europeia falam em rejeitar um dos únicos governos democraticamente eleitos do mundo árabe! Evidentemente que o Hamas terá de renunciar à violência e comprometer-se com a solução dos dois Estados. Mas o mesmo é verdade no que diz respeito a Israel. Como hoje afirmou Leila Shahid, Delegada Geral da Autoridade Palestiniana, “são precisos dois para dançar o tango”.
A Senhora Comissária falou de políticas baseadas nos direitos humanos, no primado do Direito e nos princípios democráticos, mas onde está a tónica nessas belas coisas quando o pragmatismo isento de princípios é tão frequentemente o que está na ordem do dia?
Um empenhamento colectivo no sentido da resolução pacífica dos conflitos seria um importante contrapeso para a política desastrosa dos Estados Unidos. Contribuiria para garantir a segurança, a prosperidade e a boa reputação da União Europeia à escala global. E potenciaria também enormemente a nossa capacidade de acção junto de pequenos Estados como as Maldivas ou as Seychelles, cujos governos violam os direitos do Homem apesar de serem quase totalmente dependentes da nossa ajuda e do comércio com a UE. Esta a razão por que o Grupo da Aliança dos Democratas e Liberais pela Europa crê que chegou o momento de a União se dotar de uma política externa responsável, adequadamente financiada e assente nos valores que se impõem. Segundo o Eurobarómetro, este é um desejo partilhado por 70% dos nossos cidadãos.
Senhor Alto Representante Javier Solana, o Grupo da Aliança dos Democratas e Liberais pela Europa opõe-se a que os pontos de vista do Parlamento Europeu sejam ignorados ou não tomados em consideração quando se trata de assuntos de importância à escala mundial. Gostaríamos de o ver menos vezes na televisão e mais vezes aqui, nesta Câmara. Estamos cansados do secretismo do Conselho e do desrespeito deste pelo direito do Parlamento a ser previamente consultado quando se trata de questões políticas prioritárias. Estes direitos encontram-se consignados no artigo 21º do Tratado e no Acordo Interinstitucional de 1999.
Enfrentamos actualmente inúmeros desafios de monta: democratizar os países que constituem a nossa Nova Vizinhança, especialmente as anteriores repúblicas soviéticas, hoje à mercê das políticas energéticas da Rússia; assegurar que as eleições na Bielorrússia sejam livres e justas; e assegurar que os referendos no Kosovo e Montenegro não acabem em violência.
O papel da nossa política externa não deve ficar por aí. Segundo me é dado entender, a venda de armas à China consta novamente na agenda do Conselho. Contudo, a China ainda não se retractou publicamente pelo massacre na Praça de Tiananmen, nem libertou, decorridos dezasseis anos, todos quantos na altura foram encarcerados. Instamo-lo pois, Senhor Presidente Hans Winkler, a garantir-nos que a Presidência austríaca não suspenderá o embargo da União Europeia à venda de armas à República Popular da China."@pt17
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@sk18
"Mr President, a Common Foreign and Security Policy that promotes Europe’s values in the world and brings peace and security to our neighbours is what Liberals and Democrats strive for. But it is what Europe’s leaders are manifestly failing to provide.
Most pressing is the question of Iran. The IAEA board of governors meets tomorrow to decide whether to report Iran to the Security Council. Stopping Iran building nuclear weapons must be our aim. That is why Europe must commit to respect the IAEA’s findings due in March. But making progress towards the disarmament of the current nuclear powers, in line with the commitments we have made, is the strongest and most convincing message we could possibly send. A Europe which learns to use its muscle as a force for good is truly a force to be reckoned with.
Acting together, our Union could have used its leverage to promote democracy and stability. Instead, its policies have given tacit support to tyrannies like Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. We never demanded that diplomacy depend on releasing democrats like Egypt’s Ayman Nour; or, in Asia, on the right to a free return to his country for opposition leader Sam Rainsy, now in exile while we fund the dictatorship of Hun Sen.
Mrs Ferrero-Waldner, Mr Solana, why are you surprised at the Palestinian poll? The European Union has peddled promises of democracy, peace and human rights in Palestine while our development aid has fed Al-Fatah, whose members now burn images of one of our prime ministers and peace negotiations have got nowhere. Far from being a key player, Mr Solana, the consequences of Europe’s failure are plain for all to see.
Israel, undeterred, builds a wall around East Jerusalem in violation of its roadmap obligations and international law. The Palestinians, tired of slow progress and shameful social services, turn to Hamas at the ballot box. And now the prognosis is worse than ever. After demanding democracy, some EU leaders talk of shunning one of the only democratically elected governments in the Arab world! Of course, Hamas must renounce violence and commit to a two-state solution. But so must Israel. As Leila Shahid, the General Delegate for the Palestinian Authority said today: ‘It takes two to tango’.
The Commissioner has spoken of policies based on human rights, the rule of law and democratic principles, but where is the emphasis on those fine things when pragmatism devoid of principles is so often the order of the day?
A global drive for peaceful conflict resolution would be a major counterweight to the heavy-handed US approach; it would assure Europe’s security, prosperity and global repute; and it would also give us far greater leverage over micro-states like the Maldives or the Seychelles, whose governments abuse human rights despite being almost totally dependent on our aid and trade. That is why Liberals and Democrats believe that the time has come for an accountable, properly funded and values-driven European foreign policy. According to Eurobarometer, it is a desire shared by 70% of our citizens.
Mr Solana, Liberals and Democrats object to Parliament’s views being ignored or disregarded on matters of global importance. We want to see less of you on television and more of you here in this Chamber. And we are tired of Council secrecy and its disregard for Parliament’s right to prior consultation on policy priorities. Those rights are enshrined in Article 21 of the Treaty and in the 1999 Interinstitutional Agreement.
We are facing many grave challenges: to democratise our Near Neighbourhood, especially former Soviet republics currently at the mercy of Russia’s energy politics; to ensure that the elections in Belarus are free and fair; and to ensure that the referendums in Kosovo and Montenegro do not end in violence.
The role of foreign policy must not end there. I understand that selling arms to China is back on the Council’s agenda, yet China has still not recanted the Tiananmen Square killings, nor released, after 16 years, all those jailed. So we demand an assurance from you, Mr Winkler, that the Austrian Presidency will not lift the Union’s arms embargo."@sl19
"Herr talman! En gemensam utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik som främjar EU:s värderingar i världen och ger våra grannar fred och säkerhet är vad liberaler och demokrater strävar efter. Men det är vad EU:s ledare uppenbarligen misslyckas med att tillhandahålla.
Mest brådskande är Iranfrågan. Internationella atomenergiorganets styrelse träffas i morgon för att besluta om man ska rapportera Iran till säkerhetsrådet. Att hindra Iran från att bygga kärnvapen måste vara vårt mål. Därför måste EU åta sig att respektera Internationella atomenergiorganets beslut som väntas i mars. Men det starkaste och mest övertygande budskap vi över huvud taget kan ge är att göra framsteg i nedrustningen av de nuvarande kärnvapenmakterna, i linje med de åtaganden vi har gjort. Ett EU som lär sig använda sin muskelstyrka som en kraft för det goda är sannerligen en kraft att räkna med.
Genom ett gemensamt handlande skulle vår union ha kunnat använda sitt inflytande för att främja demokrati och stabilitet. I stället har den genom sin politik gett sitt tysta stöd till förtryckande stater såsom Tunisien, Egypten och Syrien. Vi krävde aldrig att diplomatin skulle förutsätta ett frisläppande av demokrater såsom Egyptens Ayman Nour, eller, i Asien, rätten för oppositionsledaren Sam Rainsy att fritt återvända till sitt land. Han lever nu i exil, medan vi finansierar Hun Sens diktatur.
Fru Ferrero-Waldner, herr Solana, varför är ni förvånade över det palestinska valresultatet? EU har delat ut löften om demokrati, fred och mänskliga rättigheter i Palestina, medan vårt utvecklingsbistånd har finansierat al-Fatah, vars medlemmar nu bränner bilder av en av våra statsministrar. Samtidigt har fredsförhandlingarna inte kommit någonstans. Långt ifrån att vara en nyckelspelare, herr Solana, är konsekvenserna av EU:s misslyckande uppenbara för alla.
Israel låter sig inte avskräckas utan bygger en mur runt östra Jerusalem, vilket står i strid med landets åtaganden enligt färdplanen och internationell lag. Palestinierna, trötta på långsamma framsteg och undermålig social service, vänder sig till Hamas vid valurnan. Och nu är prognosen dystrare än någonsin. Efter att ha krävt demokrati talar några EU-ledare nu om att undandra sig en av de enda demokratiskt valda regeringarna i arabvärlden! Självklart måste Hamas avstå från våldshandlingar och ta ställning för en tvåstatslösning. Men det måste också Israel göra. Som den palestinska diplomaten Leila Shahid sa i dag: ”Det krävs två för att dansa tango.”
Kommissionsledamoten har talat om en politik baserad på de mänskliga rättigheterna, rättsstatsprincipen och demokratiska principer, men var finns tonvikten på dessa vackra ord när en pragmatism tom på principer så ofta är dagens sanning?
Ett globalt initiativ för fredlig konfliktlösning skulle vara en betydande motpol till den hårdföra amerikanska attityden. Detta är anledningen till att liberaler och demokrater anser att tiden är inne för en ansvarig, väl finansierad och värderingsdriven europeisk utrikespolitik. Enligt en Eurobarometerundersökning är detta en önskan som delas av 70 procent av våra medborgare.
Herr Solana! Liberaler och demokrater motsätter sig att man struntar i eller förbiser parlamentets åsikter i frågor av global betydelse. Vi vill se mindre av er på TV och mer av er här i parlamentet. Och vi är trötta på rådets förtegenhet och dess åsidosättande av parlamentets rätt att först rådfrågas om politiska prioriteringar. Dessa rättigheter finns nedskrivna i artikel 21 i fördraget om Europeiska unionen och i det interinstitutionella avtalet från 1999.
Vi står inför många svåra utmaningar: att demokratisera vårt grannskap, speciellt tidigare Sovjetrepubliker som nu är utelämnade åt Rysslands energipolitik, att se till att valet i Vitryssland sker på ett fritt och rättvist sätt, och att se till att folkomröstningarna i Kosovo och Montenegro inte leder till våld.
Utrikespolitikens roll får inte sluta där. Jag förstår att vapenförsäljning till Kina åter står på rådets dagordning, och ändå har Kina fortfarande inte avsvurit sig massakern på Himmelska fridens torg, och inte heller, efter 16 år, frisläppt alla dem som fängslades. Så vi kräver en försäkran från er, herr Winkler, att det österrikiska ordförandeskapet inte kommer att häva EU:s vapenembargo."@sv21
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