Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2005-06-23-Speech-4-017"
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".
Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@en4
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"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@cs1
"Hr. formand, hr. premierminister, hvilken ændring i retorikken siden 1997! Pludselig har vi en britisk premierminister fra Labour-Partiet, der taler om lav vækst i Europa, om arbejdsløshed i Europa og de fejlslagne europæiske økonomiske og fælles politikker. Det lyder rent faktisk lidt som det, Det Forenede Kongeriges Uafhængighedsparti har sagt i de sidste 10 år, og det glæder mig at høre det.
Der var De på topmødet i sidste uge, den seje britiske premierminister, og jeg er sikker på, at millioner af mennesker så de tidlige aftennyheder og sagde, der har vi ham! Det er vores mand, han er den, der skal forsvare britiske interesser. De virker efter min mening som en eurofil, der har været ude for et bagholdsangreb fra virkeligheden. Nu skal De føre an i en kamp for EU's fremtid. Adskillige gange i den sidste uge har De talt om det 21. århundrede og om behovet for at modernisere. Det virker, som om den enormt strålende tredje vej, De har indført i britisk politik, også vil blive indført under EU-formandskabet. Spørgsmålet er, om den vil fungere i EU?
Jeg er fælles leder for den eneste gruppe her i Parlamentet, som aktivt har ført kampagne for et nej ved folkeafstemningerne om forfatningstraktaten. Vi føler derfor, at vi måske er lidt mere i kontakt med den offentlige mening end resten af grupperne her i Parlamentet.
Jeg må imidlertid sige, at De stort set er den eneste europæiske leder, der virkelig forstår, hvorfor befolkningen i Frankrig og Holland stemte nej. Jeg er enig i det, De sagde tidligere, nemlig at de sagde nej til den retning, som EU går i. Jeg beder Dem om under det britiske formandskab at sørge for, at disse mennesker i Frankrig og Holland ikke behandles med foragt. Jeg beder Dem om at sørge for, at de dele af forfatningstraktaten, f.eks. den separate militære kommandostruktur, det europæiske rumprogram og oprettelsen af EU-ambassader over hele verden, bliver standset, fordi de kun har legitimitet i kraft af en forfatningstraktat, der nu for størstedelen er død.
I den sidste tid har De talt meget om Afrika, og jeg ved, at De er meget stolt af, at bistanden til Afrika stiger i værdi. Der er imidlertid en ting, jeg har talt om flere gange her i Parlamentet siden 1999 end noget andet emne, og det er de forfærdelige EU-fiskeriaftaler med det sorte Afrika. Der er nu indgået mere end 20 sådanne aftaler. De ødelægger ethvert håb og enhver udsigt for det lokale ikke-industrielle fiskeri. Vi slår faktisk flere hundrede lokale fiskere ihjel hvert år, og det, vi gør mod havene ud for Afrika, svarer til det miljømæssige modstykke til at sætte ild til Serengeti. Alle her har vendt det døve øre til det, jeg har sagt om det, men jeg tror, at der nu er bred støtte i Parlamentet til at gøre en ende på disse aftaler. Hvis De virkelig ønsker at hjælpe Afrika, bedes De standse disse aftaler.
Den store udfordring er selvfølgelig, og det vil De blive bedømt på, om De kan vende dette skib, om De kan gøre EU mere konkurrencedygtigt, om De kan få Lissabon-dagsordenen til at virke som mere end blot et barns ønskeseddel til julemanden.
Min holdning er selvfølgelig - vores holdning i UKIP og hos de fleste af os her i denne side af Parlamentet er - at vi meget hellere vil have et fælles marked. Vi så meget hellere en frihandelsaftale på tværs af Europa i stedet for Rom-traktaten og alt det, der er kommet til siden. Jeg ved, at De ikke gør det i løbet af de næste seks måneder, men jeg tror, at De har et virkeligt problem. De sagde tidligere, at De ønskede, at EU skulle gøre det, som det var oprettet for at gøre. Jean Monnet var hovedmanden bag dette, og han ønskede et system, i hvilket Fællesskabet efterhånden fik flere beføjelser inden for
. Jeg vil hævde, at når man nu taler til små og mellemstore virksomheder, ikke kun i Storbritannien, men over hele EU, er problemet, at
som er retspraksis, allerede er gået for langt. Udfordringen under det britiske formandskab er, hvordan De vil vende skibet, og det kan De måske forklare i Deres svar. Hvis De kan gennemføre en reform af EU, hr. Blair, skifter jeg måske oven i købet mening. Jeg kan måske komme til at mene, at det er umagen værd at blive ved med at være medlem."@da2
".
Herr Präsident, Herr Premierminister! Was für ein rhetorischer Wandel seit 1997! Auf einmal haben wir einen britischen Premierminister der Labour-Partei, der über langsames Wachstum in Europa, über Arbeitslosigkeit in Europa und über das Scheitern der europäischen Wirtschafts- und Gemeinschaftspolitiken spricht. Eigentlich klingt das alles ein bisschen nach dem, was die UK Independence Party seit zehn Jahren sagt, und ich bin hocherfreut, das zu hören.
Da waren sie letzte Woche auf dem Gipfel, der unerbittliche britische Premierminister, und ich bin mir sicher, dass zu Hause Millionen von Menschen die Vorabendnachrichten gesehen und gesagt haben: Schaut ihn euch an! Das ist einer von uns, das ist der Mann, der für die britischen Interessen eintreten wird. Eigentlich scheint mir, dass Sie ein Europhiler sind, dem die Realität ein Schnippchen geschlagen hat. Jetzt ziehen Sie für die Zukunft Europas ins Feld. Vergangene Woche haben Sie mehrmals vom 21. Jahrhundert gesprochen und über die notwendige Modernisierung. Es scheint, als ob Sie den umwerfend brillanten dritten Weg, den Sie in die britische Politik eingeführt haben, auch während Ihrer Präsidentschaft hier einbringen werden. Die Frage lautet, wird das in der Europäischen Union funktionieren?
Ich bin einer der beiden Vorsitzenden der einzigen Fraktion in diesem Parlament, die sich bei den Referenden zur Verfassung aktiv für ein „Nein“ eingesetzt hat. Daher sind wir der Ansicht, dass wir vielleicht stärker mit der öffentlichen Meinung in Verbindung stehen als alle übrigen Fraktionen in diesem Parlament.
Doch muss ich sagen, dass Sie fast der einzige führende europäische Politiker sind, der wirklich versteht, warum die Menschen in Frankreich und den Niederlanden mit „Nein“ gestimmt haben. Ich stimme dem zu, was Sie vorhin sagten, das heißt dass die Menschen die Richtung abgelehnt haben, in die sich die Europäische Union bewegt. Ich fordere Sie auf, während Ihres Vorsitzes dafür zu sorgen, dass diesen Menschen in Frankreich und den Niederlanden nicht mit Verachtung begegnet wird. Ich fordere Sie auf, dafür zu sorgen, dass die Teile der Verfassung, wie beispielsweise die gesonderte militärische Kommandostruktur, das europäische Raumfahrtprogramm und die Einrichtung von EU-Botschaften in der ganzen Welt gestoppt werden, da ihnen nur von einer Verfassung Legitimität verliehen wird, die größtenteils tot ist.
In jüngster Zeit haben Sie viel über Afrika gesprochen, und ich weiß, Sie sind sehr stolz darauf, dass die Hilfeleistungen für Afrika an Wert zunehmen. Jedoch habe ich in diesem Parlament seit 1999 mehr über die erschreckenden Fischereiabkommen der Europäischen Union mit Schwarzafrika gesprochen als über irgendein anderes Thema. Jetzt sind über 20 dieser Abkommen in Kraft. Sie zerstören jede Hoffnung, jede Zukunftsaussicht für die handwerklichen Fischer vor Ort. Tatsächlich töten wir jährlich aberhunderte von lokalen Fischern, und was wir an den afrikanischen Küsten treiben, kommt aus ökologischer Sicht einer Brandstiftung in der Serengeti gleich. Jeder hier war meinen Worten diesem Thema gegenüber taub, doch bin ich davon überzeugt, dass sich jetzt im gesamten Parlament Unterstützung zur Beendigung dieser Abkommen findet. Wenn Sie Afrika wirklich helfen wollen, machen Sie bitte Schluss mit diesen Abkommen.
Natürlich heißt die große Herausforderung, und daran wird man Sie messen, ob es Ihnen gelingt, dieses Schiff zur Umkehr zu bringen; ob Sie Europa wettbewerbsfähiger machen können; ob Sie aus der Agenda von Lissabon mehr machen können als nur den Wunschzettel eines Kindes an den Weihnachtsmann.
Selbstverständlich lautet mein Standpunkt – der Standpunkt in der UK Independence Party sowie der meisten auf dieser Seite des Hauses –, dass wir viel lieber einen gemeinsamen Markt hätten. Wir hätten viel lieber ein europäisches Freihandelsabkommen als den Vertrag von Rom und alles, was darauf folgte. Ich weiß, Sie werden das im Verlauf der nächsten sechs Monate nicht bewerkstelligen, doch meines Erachtens haben Sie ein echtes Problem. Vorhin sagten Sie, Sie wollten, dass Europa das tut, wozu es errichtet worden ist. Der Gedanke stammt von Jean Monnet, und er wollte ein System, bei dem im Rahmen des gemeinsamen Besitzstandes die Gemeinschaft im Laufe der Zeit mehr Zuständigkeiten erhält. Ich würde behaupten, wenn Sie sich jetzt mit kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen unterhalten – nicht nur in Großbritannien, sondern in der gesamten Europäischen Union –, das Problem darin besteht, dass die Rechtsvorschriften, der gemeinsame Besitzstand, das Gesetzeswerk bereits zu weit gehen. Die Herausforderung liegt für Ihre Präsidentschaft darin – und vielleicht könnten Sie mir das in Ihrer Antwort erklären –, wie sie das Schiff wenden werden. Wenn Sie die Europäische Union reformieren können, Herr Blair, dann könnte ich vielleicht sogar meine Meinung ändern. Ich könnte sogar der Ansicht sein, dass es sich lohnt, wenn wir weiterhin Mitgliedstaat bleiben."@de9
"Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε πρωθυπουργέ, οποία αλλαγή από το 1997 ως προς τη ρητορική! Ξαφνικά έχουμε έναν εργατικό βρετανό πρωθυπουργό να μιλά για χαμηλή ανάπτυξη στην Ευρώπη, να μιλά για ανεργία στην Ευρώπη, να μιλά για την αποτυχία των ευρωπαϊκών οικονομικών πολιτικών και των κοινών πολιτικών. Στην πραγματικότητα, όλα αυτά ακούγονται περίπου ίδια με αυτά που λέει το Κόμμα Ανεξαρτησίας του Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου τα τελευταία δέκα χρόνια και χαίρομαι που τα ακούω.
Παραβρεθήκατε στη σύνοδο κορυφής την περασμένη εβδομάδα, ως ο σκληρός βρετανός πρωθυπουργός, και είμαι βέβαιος ότι εκατομμύρια Βρετανοί παρακολουθούσαν τις απογευματινές ειδήσεις και έλεγαν: να τος! Να ο άνθρωπός μας, αυτός που θα υπερασπιστεί τα βρετανικά συμφέροντα. Στην πραγματικότητα, μου φαίνεται ότι είστε ένας ευρωπαϊστής που πιάστηκε κορόιδο από την πραγματικότητα. Τώρα, θα ηγηθείτε μιας μάχης για το μέλλον της Ευρώπης. Την περασμένη εβδομάδα μιλήσατε πολλές φορές για τον 21ο αιώνα, μιλήσατε για την ανάγκη για εκσυγχρονισμό. Φαίνεται ότι η σαρωτικά ευφυής τρίτη οδός που εισαγάγατε στη βρετανική πολιτική θα είναι η συνδρομή σας κατά τη διάρκεια της προεδρίας εδώ. Το ερώτημα είναι, θα είναι αποτελεσματική στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση;
Είμαι ο συμπρόεδρος της μόνης ομάδας στο Κοινοβούλιο που διεξήγαγε ενεργά εκστρατεία υπέρ του «όχι» στα συνταγματικά δημοψηφίσματα. Θεωρούμε λοιπόν ότι βρισκόμαστε ίσως πιο κοντά στην κοινή γνώμη από όλες τις υπόλοιπες ομάδες του Κοινοβουλίου.
Αλλά οφείλω να πω ότι είστε ο μόνος ίσως ευρωπαίος ηγέτης που πραγματικά καταλαβαίνει γιατί οι πολίτες της Γαλλίας και των Κάτω Χωρών ψήφισαν «όχι». Συμφωνώ με αυτό που είπατε προηγουμένως, δηλαδή ότι είπαν «όχι» στην κατεύθυνση προς την οποία βαδίζει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Σας ζητώ κατά την προεδρία σας να διασφαλίσετε ότι αυτοί οι πολίτες στη Γαλλία και τις Κάτω Χώρες δεν θα αντιμετωπιστούν με περιφρόνηση. Σας ζητώ να διασφαλίσετε ότι τα μέρη του Συντάγματος, όπως η ξεχωριστή στρατιωτική διοικητική δομή, το ευρωπαϊκό διαστημικό πρόγραμμα και η σύσταση πρεσβειών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης σε όλο τον κόσμο, θα σταματήσουν, διότι αντλούν τη νομιμότητά τους μόνο από ένα Σύνταγμα που είναι πλέον νεκρό κατά το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του.
Μιλήσατε πολύ πρόσφατα για την Αφρική και ξέρω ότι είστε υπερήφανος για το γεγονός ότι η ενίσχυση που προορίζεται για την Αφρική αυξάνεται σε αξία. Εντούτοις, το μόνο θέμα για το οποίο έχω μιλήσει περισσότερες φορές από οποιοδήποτε άλλο στο Κοινοβούλιο από το 1999 είναι οι σκανδαλώδεις αλιευτικές συμφωνίες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με τη μαύρη Αφρική. Σήμερα εφαρμόζονται περισσότερες από είκοσι τέτοιες συμφωνίες. Καταστρέφουν την ελπίδα, οποιαδήποτε προοπτική για τους τοπικούς αλιείς μικρής κλίμακας. Σκοτώνουμε στην πραγματικότητα εκατοντάδες τοπικούς αλιείς κάθε χρόνο και αυτό που κάνουμε στις θάλασσες της Αφρικής είναι το περιβαλλοντικό ισοδύναμο με το να βάζουμε φωτιά στο Serengeti. Όλοι εδώ κώφευαν σε όσα έλεγα για το θέμα αυτό, αλλά πιστεύω ότι υπάρχει τώρα ένα όργανο στήριξης στο Κοινοβούλιο που μπορεί να θέσει τέλος σε αυτές τις συμφωνίες. Αν θέλετε να βοηθήσετε πραγματικά την Αφρική, παρακαλώ σταματήστε αυτές τις συμφωνίες.
Αλλά βεβαίως η μεγάλη πρόκληση, και το κριτήριο σύμφωνα με το οποίο θα κριθείτε, είναι αν θα μπορέσετε να αλλάξετε την πορεία αυτού του σκάφους· αν θα μπορέσετε να κάνετε την Ευρώπη πιο ανταγωνιστική· αν θα μπορέσετε να κάνετε την ατζέντα της Λισαβόνας να φαίνεται κάτι περισσότερο από μια απλή λίστα δώρων που στέλνουν τα παιδιά στον Άγιο Βασίλη.
Βέβαια, η άποψή μου –η άποψη του Κόμματος Ανεξαρτησίας και των περισσότερων σε αυτή την πτέρυγα του Κοινοβουλίου– είναι ότι θα προτιμούσαμε να δούμε μια κοινή αγορά. Θα προτιμούσαμε να δούμε μια συμφωνία ελεύθερου εμπορίου στην Ευρώπη παρά τη συνθήκη της Ρώμης και όλα όσα ακολούθησαν έκτοτε. Ξέρω ότι δεν πρόκειται να το κάνετε αυτό κατά τους προσεχείς έξι μήνες, αλλά πιστεύω ότι έχετε να αντιμετωπίσετε ένα πραγματικό πρόβλημα. Είπατε προηγουμένως ότι θέλετε η Ευρώπη να επιτελέσει το έργο για το οποίο προορίζεται. Ο Jean Monnet ήταν ο εμπνευστής αυτού του έργου και ήθελε ένα σύστημα με το οποίο, στο πλαίσιο του κοινοτικού κεκτημένου, η Κοινότητα θα αύξανε τη δύναμή της στην πορεία αυτή. Εγώ θα έλεγα ότι αν μιλήσετε τώρα σε μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις –όχι μόνο στη Βρετανία αλλά σε όλη την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση– το πρόβλημα είναι ότι η νομοθεσία, το κοινοτικό κεκτημένο, το σώμα της νομοθεσίας, έχουν προχωρήσει ήδη υπερβολικά μακριά. Η πρόκληση για την προεδρία σας –και ίσως μπορείτε να μου το εξηγήσετε στην απάντησή σας– είναι πώς θα καταφέρετε να αλλάξετε την πορεία αυτού του σκάφους. Αν μπορέσετε να μεταρρυθμίσετε την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, κύριε Μπλερ, τότε μπορεί ακόμη και να αλλάξω γνώμη. Μπορεί ακόμη και να πιστέψω ότι αξίζει να παραμείνουμε κράτος μέλος."@el10
".
Señor Presidente, Primer Ministro ¡vaya cambio de retórica desde 1997! De repente tenemos un Primer Ministro británico laborista hablando de escaso crecimiento en Europa, de desempleo en Europa, de fracaso de las políticas económicas y de las políticas comunes europeas. De hecho, todo esto se parece a lo que el Partido por la Independencia del Reino Unido ha estado diciendo durante los últimos diez años y estoy encantado de oírlo.
Allí estaba usted en la Cumbre de la semana pasada, el duro Primer Ministro británico, y estoy seguro de que millones de personas estaban en casa mirando las noticias de la tarde y diciendo ¡ahí está! Ese es de los nuestros, es el hombre que va a defender los intereses británicos. De hecho, me parece que es usted un eurófilo golpeado por la realidad. Ahora va a dirigir la batalla por el futuro de Europa. La semana pasada habló varias veces del siglo XXI, de la necesidad de modernización. Parece que durante su Presidencia europea va a incorporar la brillante tercera vía que introdujo en la política británica. La pregunta es: ¿funcionará en la Unión Europea?
Soy codirigente del único Grupo en este Parlamento que ha defendido activamente el «no» en los referendos constitucionales. Así que creemos que estamos quizá más en contacto con la opinión pública que el resto de los Grupos de este Parlamento.
Pero tengo que decir que usted es el único dirigente europeo que realmente entiende la razón por la que los franceses y neerlandeses han votado «no». Estoy de acuerdo con lo que ha dicho antes, es decir, que han dicho que «no» al rumbo que está tomando la Unión Europea. Le pido que durante su Presidencia se asegure de que esas personas en Francia y los Países Bajos no sean tratadas con desprecio. Le pido que detenga la aplicación de partes de la Constitución como la estructura militar separada, el programa del Espacio Europeo y el establecimiento de embajadas de la Unión Europea en todo el mundo, porque su única legitimidad emana de una Constitución que ahora está medio muerta.
Últimamente ha hablado mucho de África y sé que está muy orgulloso de que la ayuda que se enviará a este continente esté aumentando. Sin embargo, el tema del que yo más he hablado en esta Cámara desde 1999 son los espantosos acuerdos pesqueros de la Unión Europea con el África negra. Tenemos más de veinte acuerdos de este tipo. Están destruyendo la esperanza y las perspectivas de los pescadores artesanales locales. Estamos matando a cientos y cientos de pescadores locales cada año y lo que estamos haciendo a los mares de África en términos medioambientales equivale a prender fuego al Serengeti. Todos han hecho oídos sordos a lo que he dicho al respecto, pero creo que ahora hay en este Parlamento un amplio apoyo a que se ponga fin a estos acuerdos. Si realmente quiere usted ayudar a África, por favor, anúlelos.
Pero el gran reto, por supuesto, y se le juzgará por ello, es si es usted capaz de cambiar el rumbo del barco; si puede logra aumentar la competitividad de Europa; si consigue que la Agenda de Lisboa parezca algo más que la carta de un niño a los Reyes Magos.
Mi opinión –nuestra opinión en el UKIP y la de la mayoría a este lado de la Cámara– es que preferiríamos un mercado común. Preferiríamos un acuerdo de libre comercio en toda Europa, en lugar del Tratado de Roma y todo lo que ha venido después. Ya sé que no va a hacer todo esto en los próximos seis meses, pero creo que tiene usted un verdadero problema. Antes ha dicho que quería que Europa hiciera aquello para lo que se constituyó. Jean Monnet fue el inspirador de todo esto y quería un sistema en el que, al amparo del acervo comunitario, la Comunidad fuera asumiendo competencias en el camino. Si usted habla ahora de pequeñas y medianas empresas –no solo en Gran Bretaña, sino también en toda la Unión Europea–, el problema es que la legislación, el acervo comunitario, el cuerpo legislativo, ya ha ido demasiado lejos. El reto para su Presidencia, y quizá pueda explicármelo en su respuesta, es cómo va a cambiar el rumbo del barco. Señor Blair, si logra usted reformar la Unión Europea, entonces quizás incluso yo cambie de opinión. Podría llegar a pensar que vale la pena que sigamos siendo un Estado miembro de la UE."@es20
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@et5
".
Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa pääministeri, mikä muutos retoriikassa onkaan tapahtunut vuoden 1997 jälkeen! Yhtäkkiä meillä on työväenpuoluetta edustava Yhdistyneen kuningaskunnan pääministeri, joka puhuu Euroopan hitaasta kasvusta, Euroopan työttömyydestä sekä Euroopan talouspolitiikan ja yhteisten menettelytapojen epäonnistumisesta. Itse asiassa tämä kaikki kuulostaa vähän samalta kuin mitä Yhdistyneen kuningaskunnan itsenäisyyspuolue (UKIP) on sanonut viimeisten kymmenen vuoden ajan, ja olen iloinen kuullessani tämän.
Viime viikolla olitte huippukokouksessa Yhdistyneen kuningaskunnan vahvana pääministerinä, ja olen varma, että miljoonat ihmiset katsoivat kotonaan alkuillan uutisia ja totesivat, että siellä hän nyt on! Tuo on meidän poikamme – hän on mies, joka puolustaa Yhdistyneen kuningaskunnan etuja. Itse asiassa minusta tuntuu, että olette vakaumuksellinen eurooppalainen, jota todellisuus on kohdellut kaltoin. Nyt aiotte johtaa taistelua Euroopan tulevaisuuden puolesta. Puhuitte viime viikolla useaan otteeseen 2000-luvusta ja uudistuksen tarpeesta. Näyttää siltä, että aiotte soveltaa puheenjohtajakaudellanne nimenomaan sitä valtavan nerokasta kolmatta tapaa, jonka otitte käyttöön Yhdistyneen kuningaskunnan politiikassa. Kysymys kuuluu: toimiiko se Euroopan unionissa?
Olen parlamentin ainoan perustuslakikansanäänestysten kielteisen tuloksen puolesta aktiivistesti kampanjoivan ryhmän toinen puheenjohtaja. Meistä tuntuukin, että olemme ehkä enemmän kosketuksissa julkiseen mielipiteeseen kuin mikään muu parlamentin ryhmä.
Minun on kuitenkin todettava, että olette jotakuinkin ainoa eurooppalainen johtaja, joka todella ymmärtää, miksi ranskalaiset ja alankomaalaiset torjuivat perustuslain. Olen kanssanne samaa mieltä siitä, mitä sanoitte aiemmin, nimittäin että he eivät hyväksyneet suuntaa, johon Euroopan unioni on menossa. Pyydän teitä varmistamaan puheenjohtajakaudellanne, ettei näitä ranskalaisia ja alankomaalaisia väheksytä. Pyydän teitä varmistamaan, että sellaisista perustuslain osista kuin erillisestä sotilasjohtorakenteesta, eurooppalaisesta avaruusohjelmasta ja Euroopan unionin ulkomaanlähetystöjen perustamisesta ympäri maailmaa luovutaan, koska ne ovat oikeutettuja vain perustuslain nojalla ja koska perustuslaki on nyt suurimmaksi osaksi kumoutunut.
Olette puhunut viime aikoina paljon Afrikasta, ja tiedän, että olette erittäin ylpeä siitä, että Afrikalle myönnettävän avun määrä lisääntyy koko ajan. Asia, josta olen puhunut Euroopan parlamentissa vuodesta 1999 lähtien useammin kuin mistään muusta, ovat kuitenkin Euroopan unionin ja mustan Afrikan väliset kauhistuttavat kalastussopimukset. Tällaisia sopimuksia on tehty nyt yli kaksikymmentä. Ne romuttavat kaikki pienimuotoista kalastusta harjoittavien paikallisten kalastajien toiveet ja mahdollisuudet. Tapamme itse asiassa monta sataa paikallista kalastajaa vuosittain, ja se, mitä teemme Afrikan edustalla oleville merille, on ympäristön kannalta vastaava asia kuin Serengetin sytyttäminen tuleen. Kukaan ei ole täällä kuunnellut, mitä olen jatkuvasti sanonut tästä asiasta, mutta uskon, että parlamentin eri ryhmissä on nyt henkilöitä, jotka kannattavat näiden sopimusten lopettamista. Jos todella haluatte auttaa Afrikkaa, olkaa hyvä ja kumotkaa nämä sopimukset.
Suuri haaste, jonka perusteella teitä arvioidaan, on kuitenkin luonnollisesti se, onnistutteko kääntämään tämän laivan ympäri, onnistutteko tekemään Euroopasta nykyistä kilpailukykyisemmän ja saatteko Lissabonin ohjelman näyttämään muulta kuin pelkältä lapsen joulupukille osoittamalta toivelistalta.
Minä tietenkin katson – ja UKIP-puolue sekä useimmat tällä puolella parlamenttia istuvat katsovat – että yhteismarkkinat olisivat parempi vaihtoehto. Haluaisimme mieluummin koko Euroopan laajuisen vapaakauppasopimuksen kuin Rooman sopimuksen ja kaiken sen jälkeen tapahtuneen. Tiedän, ettette tee tätä seuraavan puolen vuoden aikana, mutta teillä on mielestäni todellinen ongelma. Totesitte aiemmin, että haluatte Euroopan tekevän sen, mitä varten se on aikoinaan perustettu. Jean Monnet oli tämän hankkeen innoittaja, ja hän halusi järjestelmän, jossa yhteisö kerää itselleen valtaa matkan varrella noudattaen yhteisön säännöstöä. Uskallan väittää, että jos nyt puhutte pienille ja keskisuurille yrityksille – ei vain Yhdistyneessä kuningaskunnassa vaan kaikkialla Euroopan unionissa – ongelmana on, että lainsäädännössä, yhteisön säännöstössä, on menty jo liian pitkälle. Puheenjohtajakautenne haasteena on, miten aiotte muuttaa laivan kurssia – ja ehkäpä voisitte selvittää minulle tätä vastauksessanne. Arvoisa pääministeri Blair, jos onnistutte uudistamaan Euroopan unionin, saatan jopa muuttaa mieltäni. Saatan jopa ajatella, että meidän kannattaa pysyä Euroopan unionin jäsenenä."@fi7
".
Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Premier ministre, quel changement de rhétorique depuis 1997! Nous nous trouvons tout à coup face à un Premier ministre travailliste évoquant la faiblesse de la croissance et le chômage en Europe, l’échec des politiques économiques et des politiques communes européennes. En réalité, tout ceci est plus ou moins semblable à ce que clame le UKIP depuis dix ans et je suis ravi de l’entendre.
Vous étiez au sommet de la semaine dernière, vaillant Premier ministre britannique, et je suis persuadé que des millions de personnes regardaient chez elle le journal télévisé du début de soirée en disant «Le voilà! C’est notre gars, celui qui va défendre les intérêts britanniques!» En fait, vous me paraissez être un europhile désarçonné par la réalité. Vous êtes sur le point de livrer bataille pour l’avenir de l’Europe. Vous avez parlé du XXIe siècle, du besoin de modernisation à plusieurs reprises la semaine dernière. La troisième voie irrésistiblement brillante, introduite en politique britannique par vos soins, semble constituer l’apport que vous réaliserez durant cette présidence. Reste à savoir si elle fonctionnera dans l’Union européenne.
Je suis le chef commun du seul groupe de cette Assemblée ayant activement fait campagne pour le «non» aux référendums constitutionnels. Par conséquent, nous avons le sentiment d’être légèrement plus en phase avec l’opinion publique que les autres formations de ce Parlement.
Je dois toutefois admettre que vous êtes à peu près le seul dirigeant européen qui comprenne réellement pourquoi les peuples français et néerlandais ont voté «non». Je suis d’accord avec ce que vous avez déclaré précédemment, à savoir qu’ils ont refusé le cap mis par l’Union européenne. Je demande à votre présidence de faire en sorte que ces peuples de France et des Pays-Bas ne soient pas traités avec mépris. Je vous demande d’assurer l’abandon des volets de la Constitution prévoyant par exemple une structure de commandement militaire séparée, un programme spatial européen et l’établissement des ambassades étrangères de l’Union européenne dans le monde entier, car ils tirent leur unique légitimité d’une Constitution qui est maintenant presque morte.
Vous avez beaucoup parlé de l’Afrique récemment et je sais que vous êtes très fier de la progression en valeur de l’aide destinée à ce continent. Toutefois, le sujet que j’ai abordé dans cette Assemblée plus fréquemment qu’aucun autre concerne les monstrueux accords de pêche conclus entre l’Union européenne et l’Afrique noire. Plus de vingt accords de ce type sont en vigueur actuellement. Ils détruisent tout espoir, toute perspective pour les pêcheurs artisanaux locaux. En réalité, nous tuons des centaines de pêcheurs locaux chaque année et ce que nous faisons au large des côtes de l’Afrique revient, au niveau environnemental, à embraser le Serengeti. Personne n’a tenu compte de mes propos à ce sujet, mais je pense qu’il existe maintenant, au sein de ce Parlement, une base désireuse de mettre un terme à ces accords. Si vous souhaitez réellement aider l’Afrique, supprimez ces conventions, je vous en prie.
Mais bien entendu, le grand défi, celui à l’aune duquel vous serez jugé, concerne votre capacité à remettre ce train sur les bons rails, à rendre l’Europe plus compétitive, à faire de l’agenda de Lisbonne autre chose qu’une simple liste de cadeaux destinée au Père Noël.
J’estime bien évidemment, à l’instar du UKIP et de la plupart des députés siégeant de ce côté de l’Assemblée, qu’il serait nettement préférable d’avoir un marché commun. Il serait nettement préférable de mettre en place un accord de libre échange couvrant toute l’Europe au lieu du traité de Rome et de tout ce qui a vu le jour depuis lors. Je sais que vous n’œuvrerez pas dans ce sens au cours des six prochains mois, mais je pense que vous avez un vrai problème. Vous avez déclaré précédemment que vous vouliez voir l’Europe faire ce pour quoi elle a été créée. Jean Monnet est à l’origine de ce principe et voulait un système dans lequel la Communauté recueille des pouvoirs au fil du temps dans le cadre de l’acquis communautaire. À cela je répondrais que si l’on en croit les petites et moyennes entreprises - pas seulement en Angleterre, mais dans toute l’Union européenne -, la législation, l’acquis communautaire, le corpus législatif, va déjà trop loin, et c’est là que le bât blesse. Le défi de votre présidence - peut-être pourriez-vous me donner une explication dans votre réponse -, c’est de savoir comment vous allez remettre ce train sur les bons rails. Si vous parvenez à réformer l’Union européenne, Monsieur Blair, je pourrais même changer d’avis. Je pourrais même penser qu’il est bon pour nous de rester membres de l’Union européenne."@fr8
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@hu11
".
Signor Presidente, signor Primo Ministro, che cambiamento dal 1997 in termini di retorica! Improvvisamente abbiamo un Primo Ministro laburista che parla di bassa crescita e di disoccupazione in Europa, di fallimento delle politiche economiche europee e delle politiche comuni. In realtà, sembra un po’ di sentire tutto ciò che il partito indipendente del Regno Unito afferma da dieci anni e la cosa mi rallegra.
L’abbiamo vista al Vertice la scorsa settimana, l’inflessibile Primo Ministro britannico, e sono certo che milioni di persone guardavano il telegiornale della sera e dicevano “eccolo là!”. Ecco il nostro ragazzo, l’uomo che si ergerà a difesa degli interessi britannici. Per la verità, lei mi sembra un europeista caduto vittima della realtà. Ora guiderà una battaglia per il futuro dell’Europa. Diverse volte la scorsa settimana ha parlato del XXI secolo, ha parlato della necessità di modernizzazione. Sembra avere intenzione di introdurre in Europa, durante la sua Presidenza dell’Unione, l’irresistibile e folgorante terza via introdotta nelle politiche britanniche. Il punto è: funzionerà nell’Unione europea?
Sono il
congiunto dell’unico gruppo del Parlamento che ha condotto campagne attive per il “no” ai
sulla Costituzione. Riteniamo quindi di essere forse in maggior contatto con l’opinione pubblica rispetto agli altri gruppi del Parlamento.
Tuttavia, devo dire che lei è praticamente l’unico
europeo ad aver compreso il motivo per cui i cittadini francesi e olandesi abbiano votato “no”. Concordo con la sua analisi, cioè che hanno detto “no” alla direzione che sta prendendo l’Unione europea. Le chiedo di fare in modo, durante la sua Presidenza, che i cittadini della Francia e dei Paesi Bassi non siano tenuti in dispregio. Le chiedo di fare in modo che le parti della Costituzione riguardanti la struttura di comando militare separata, il programma spaziale europeo e l’istituzione di ambasciate estere dell’Unione europea nel mondo siano eliminate, in quanto trovano legittimità soltanto in una Costituzione che è ormai superata.
Di recente ha parlato molto dell’Africa e so che è molto fiero del previsto aumento degli aiuti destinati all’Africa. Tuttavia, il singolo argomento che ho affrontato in Aula più di qualsiasi altro dal 1999 riguarda i pessimi accordi di pesca dell’Unione europea con l’Africa nera. Esistono ora più di venti accordi di questo tipo. Stanno distruggendo ogni speranza, ogni prospettiva per i pescatori artigianali locali. Stiamo di fatto uccidendo centinaia e centinaia di pescatori locali ogni anno e ciò che stiamo facendo ai mari al largo delle coste africane equivale, sotto il profilo ambientale, a dar fuoco al Serengeti. Tutti sono stati sordi a ciò che continuo ad affermare al riguardo, ma ritengo esista ora ampio sostegno in tutto il Parlamento per porre fine a tali accordi. Se davvero vuole aiutare l’Africa, per favore ponga fine a tali accordi.
Tuttavia, come sappiamo la grande sfida – ciò per cui lei sarà giudicato – è se lei è in grado di invertire la rotta; se lei è in grado di rendere l’Europa più competitiva; se lei è in grado di trasformare l’agenda di Lisbona in qualcosa di più di una lista di desideri che un bambino spedisce a Babbo Natale.
Naturalmente, a mio parere – a parere del partito indipendente del Regno Unito e della maggioranza di quest’ala dell’Assemblea – è che preferiremmo di gran lunga un mercato comune. Preferiremmo di gran lunga un accordo di libero scambio in tutta Europa, anziché il Trattato di Roma e tutto ciò che ne è seguito. So che non intende farlo nel corso dei prossimi sei mesi, ma penso lei abbia un vero e proprio problema. Ha affermato di volere che l’Europa faccia ciò per cui è stata creata. Jean Monnet è stato l’ispiratore di tutto questo e voleva un sistema in base al quale, nel quadro dell’
la Comunità si rafforzasse lungo il cammino. Ritengo che, se lei parlasse ora alle piccole e medie imprese – non solo in Gran Bretagna, ma in tutta l’Unione europea – le direbbero che il problema è che la legislazione, l’
l’intero insieme di leggi, si è già spinto oltre. La sfida per la sua Presidenza è in che modo intende invertire la rotta, e forse me lo può spiegare nella sua risposta. Se lei è in grado di riformare l’Unione europea, signor Primo Ministro Blair, potrei persino cambiare idea. Potrei persino pensare che meriti rimanere uno Stato membro."@it12
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@lt14
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@lv13
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@mt15
".
Mijnheer de Voorzitter, mijnheer de premier, wat is de retoriek veel veranderd sinds 1997! Plots hebben wij een Britse Labour-premier die het heeft over de lage groei in Europa, over de werkloosheid in Europa, over het falen van Europees economisch beleid en gemeenschappelijk beleid. Het klinkt allemaal een beetje hetzelfde als wat de UK Independence Party al tien jaar lang zegt en het doet mij veel deugd het nu te horen.
Daar was u dan op de top van afgelopen week, de stoere Britse premier, en ik weet zeker dat miljoenen mensen die thuis naar het vroege avondjournaal zaten te kijken, zeiden “Kijk, daar heb je hem! Dat is onze jongen, hij is degene die zal opkomen voor de belangen van Groot-Brittannië.” U doet mij echter eerder denken aan een eurofiel die door de realiteit is bedrogen. En nu gaat u de strijd voor de toekomst van Europa leiden. De afgelopen week hebt u meerdere malen gesproken over de 21e eeuw, u hebt het gehad over de noodzaak tot modernisering. Het lijkt erop dat u de fabelachtig briljante "Derde Weg" die u in de Britse politiek hebt geïntroduceerd, ook hier tijdens dit voorzitterschap wilt invoeren. Het is echter nog maar de vraag of dit ook in de Europese Unie zal werken.
Ik ben een van de twee voorzitters van de enige fractie in dit Parlement die actief campagne heeft gevoerd voor een nee-stem in de referenda voor de Grondwet. Wij hebben dan ook het gevoel dat wij misschien wel een stuk dichter bij het publiek staan dan alle andere fracties in dit Parlement.
Maar ik moet ook zeggen dat u zo'n beetje de enige Europese leider bent die echt begrijpt waarom de bevolking van Frankrijk en Nederland 'nee' heeft gezegd. Ik ben het met uw eerdere woorden eens, namelijk dat zij 'nee' hebben gezegd tegen de richting waarin de Europese Unie zich beweegt. Ik verzoek u om er tijdens uw voorzitterschap voor te zorgen dat deze mensen in Frankrijk en Nederland niet met minachting worden behandeld. Ik vraag u ervoor te zorgen dat bepaalde onderdelen van de Grondwet, zoals de afzonderlijke militaire bevelstructuur, het Europees ruimteprogramma en de oprichting van ambassades van de Europese Unie over de hele wereld, worden stopgezet omdat zij hun legitimiteit uitsluitend ontlenen aan een Grondwet die op zijn zachtst gezegd half dood is.
U hebt recentelijk veel over Afrika gesproken en ik weet dat u trots bent op het feit dat de steun die aan Afrika wordt gegeven in waarde toeneemt. Ik heb sinds 1999 in dit Parlement echter over geen enkel onderwerp vaker gesproken dan over de afschuwelijke visserij-akkoorden van de Europese Unie met Zwart Afrika. Momenteel zijn er meer dan twintig van deze akkoorden van kracht. Zij vernietigen alle hoop, alle vooruitzichten voor de plaatselijke ambachtelijke vissers. Feitelijk ruïneren wij jaarlijks honderden en nog eens honderden plaatselijke vissers en wat wij aanrichten in de Afrikaanse kustwateren staat in ecologisch opzicht gelijk aan het in brand steken van de Serengeti-steppe. Iedereen is tot nu toe doof gebleven voor wat ik hierover heb gezegd, maar ik geloof dat er nu in dit Parlement een zekere mate van steun is voor de beëindiging van deze akkoorden. Als u Afrika echt wilt helpen, maak dan alstublieft een einde aan deze akkoorden.
Maar de grote uitdaging ligt in de vraag of u in staat zult zijn – en dat is waarop u beoordeeld zult worden – om de koers van dit schip te keren, of u Europa concurrerender kunt maken, of u de Lissabon-agenda meer kunt laten lijken dan een verlanglijstje voor de Kerstman.
Natuurlijk is mijn standpunt – ons standpunt in de UK Independence Party en dat van de meesten van ons aan deze kant van het Parlement – dat het veel belangrijker is om een gemeenschappelijke markt te hebben. Wij hebben veel liever een vrijhandelsakkoord in Europa, in plaats van het Verdrag van Rome en alles wat daarna nog gekomen is. Ik weet dat u dat in de komende zes maanden niet zult regelen, maar ik geloof wel dat u een ernstig probleem hebt. U zei eerder dat u wilde dat Europa zou doen waarvoor het oorspronkelijk bedoeld was. Jean Monnet was de inspiratie hierachter en hij wilde een systeem waarbij, in het kader van het acquis communautaire, de Gemeenschap gaandeweg meer macht zou krijgen. Denkende aan de kleine en middelgrote ondernemingen, niet alleen in Groot-Brittannië, maar in de hele Europese Unie, zeg ik dat het probleem is dat de wetgeving, het acquis communautaire, het geheel van rechtsnormen, al te ver is gegaan. De uitdaging voor uw voorzitterschap – en misschien kunt dit uitleggen in uw reactie – ligt erin hoe u de koers van het schip kunt keren. Als het u lukt om de Europese Unie te hervormen, mijnheer Blair, dan zou ik misschien zelfs van gedachten veranderen. Dan zou ik misschien zelfs kunnen gaan denken dat het loont om lid van de Unie te blijven."@nl3
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@pl16
"Senhor Presidente, Senhor Primeiro-Ministro, como as coisas mudaram desde 1997 no que toca à retórica! Subitamente, temos um Primeiro-Ministro britânico do Partido Trabalhista a falar do abrandamento do crescimento na Europa, do desemprego na Europa, do fracasso das políticas económicas e das políticas comuns europeias. Na verdade, tudo se assemelha um pouco ao que o UKIP tem vindo a afirmar de há dez anos a esta parte, pelo que muito me congratulo com o que ouvi.
Na Cimeira da semana passada, lá estava V. Exa., o Primeiro-Ministro britânico valentão, e estou certo de que milhões de pessoas assistiram, em casa, ao primeiro noticiário da noite, exclamando: "Ei-lo! É o nosso homem! É ele que vai defender os interesses britânicos!" Em boa verdade, a impressão que tenho é que V. Exa. é um eurófilo que foi acometido pela realidade. Dispõe-se, agora, a liderar uma batalha pelo futuro da Europa. Na semana passada, referiu-se várias vezes ao século XXI, à necessidade de modernizar. Dir-se-ia que a tremendamente brilhante terceira via que V. Exa. introduziu na política britânica é o que pretende agora trazer para esta Presidência. A questão é, será que funciona na União Europeia?
Sou o dirigente do único grupo político misto deste Parlamento que moveu uma campanha activa a favor do "não" nos referendos sobre a Constituição. Consideramos, pois, que estamos porventura mais em contacto com a opinião pública do que todos os restantes grupos deste Parlamento.
Mas devo dizer que V. Exa. é talvez o único governante europeu que compreende as verdadeiras razões que levaram os Franceses e os Holandeses a votar "não". Concordo com a sua opinião, aqui expressa anteriormente, de que eles disseram "não" ao rumo que a Europa está a tomar. Peço-lhe que durante a sua Presidência assegure que aquelas pessoas, em França e na Holanda, não sejam tratadas com desprezo. Solicito-lhe também que assegure que seja posto um travão à concretização de determinadas partes da Constituição, como as que dizem respeito à criação de uma estrutura de comando militar da UE, à instituição do programa espacial europeu e à abertura de embaixadas da União Europeia por esse mundo fora, pois trata-se de medidas apenas legitimadas por uma Constituição que, neste momento, está em grande parte morta.
Senhor Primeiro-Ministro, nos últimos tempos tem falado muito sobre a África, e sei que sente orgulho pelo facto de o montante da ajuda destinada àquele continente estar a aumentar. Todavia, se há questão sobre a qual eu me debrucei mais vezes do que qualquer outra nesta Câmara, desde 1999, são os acordos de pesca clamorosos que a União Europeia celebra com a África negra. Neste momento, estão em vigor mais de vinte desses acordos. Destroem todas as esperanças, todas as perspectivas de melhoria de vida dos pescadores artesanais locais. Com efeito, aniquilamos anualmente centenas e centenas de pescadores locais, e o que estamos a fazer aos mares ao largo das costas africanas é, em termos ambientais, o equivalente a lançar fogo ao Serengeti. Neste Parlamento, todos têm feito ouvidos de mercador ao que eu tenho dito a este respeito, mas quero crer que existe agora, em todos os quadrantes da Assembleia, uma força em apoio da supressão destes acordos. Senhor Primeiro-Ministro, se pretende realmente ajudar a África, por favor ponha cobro a estes acordos.
Mas obviamente que o grande desafio que V. Exa. tem pela frente, aquele em relação ao qual vai ser julgado, é a questão de saber se conseguirá inverter o rumo deste barco; se será capaz de tornar a Europa mais competitiva; se conseguirá fazer a Estratégia de Lisboa parecer algo mais do que uma simples lista de pedidos dirigida por uma criança ao Pai Natal.
Claro está que, do meu ponto de vista – do nosso ponto de vista, no UKIP, e da maior parte dos deputados deste lado da Assembleia -, seria muito preferível termos um mercado comum. Optaríamos, incontestavelmente, por um acordo de comércio livre à escala europeia, em lugar do Tratado de Roma e de tudo o que veio na sequência deste. Sei que V. Exa. não o fará no decurso dos próximos seis meses, mas creio que tem um verdadeiro problema pela frente. V. Exa. afirmou, anteriormente, que quer que a União Europeia faça aquilo que foi criada para fazer. Jean Monnet foi quem inspirou todo este projecto e a sua ideia era a criação de um sistema através do qual a Comunidade, ao abrigo do acervo comunitário, fosse adquirindo mais poder com o avançar do tempo. Quero crer que, se V. Exa. hoje interrogar as pequenas e médias empresas – não apenas no Reino Unido, mas em toda a União Europeia -, verá que o problema é que a legislação, o acervo comunitário, o corpo de leis, já foi demasiado longe. O desafio com que se depara a sua Presidência – e talvez mo possa explicar na sua resposta – é o de saber como irá inverter o rumo do navio. Senhor Tony Blair, se conseguir reformar a União Europeia, então, quem sabe, até talvez eu mude de opinião. Poderei mesmo chegar a achar que vale a pena continuarmos a ser um Estado-Membro da UE."@pt17
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@sk18
"Mr President, Prime Minister, what a change since 1997 in terms of the rhetoric! Suddenly we have a Labour British Prime Minister talking about low growth in Europe, talking about unemployment in Europe, talking about the failure of European economic policies and common policies. In fact it all sounds a bit like the same sort of thing UKIP has been saying for the last ten years and I am delighted to hear it.
There you were at the Summit last week, the tough British Prime Minister, and I am sure that millions of people at home were watching the early evening news saying there he is! That is our boy, he is the man that is going to stand up for British interests. In fact it seems to me that you are a europhile that has been mugged by reality. Now you are going to lead a battle for the future of Europe. Several times in the last week you have talked about the 21st century, you have talked about the need to modernise. It seems that the devastatingly brilliant third way that you introduced into British politics is what you are going to bring in during this presidency here. The question is, will it work in the European Union?
I am the joint leader of the only Group in this Parliament that has actively been campaigning for ‘no’ votes in the Constitutional referendums. So we feel that we are perhaps rather more in touch with public opinion than all the rest of the Groups in this Parliament.
But I have to say that you are just about the only European Leader who really understands why the people of France and Holland voted ‘no’. I agree with what you said earlier, i.e. that they were saying ‘no’ to the direction that the European Union is going in. I am asking you in your presidency to make sure that those people in France and Holland are not treated with contempt. I am asking you to make sure that the parts of the Constitution such as the separate military command structure, the European Space programme and the establishment of the European Union foreign embassies across the world are halted because they are only given legitimacy by a Constitution that is now best part dead.
You have talked much in recent times about Africa and I know you are very proud of the fact that the aid that will be going to Africa is going up in value. However, the one thing I have spoken on more times in this House since 1999 than any other subject are the appalling European Union fisheries deals with black Africa. There are now over twenty of these deals in place. They are destroying any hope, any prospect for the local artisanal fishermen. We are actually killing hundreds and hundreds of local fishermen every year and what we are doing to the seas off Africa is the environmental equivalent to setting fire to the Serengeti. Everybody here has been deaf to what I have been saying on this, but I believe there is now a body of support across this Parliament to end these deals. If you really want to help Africa, please, stop those deals.
But of course the big challenge, and what you will be judged by, is whether you can turn this ship around; whether you can make Europe more competitive; whether you can make the Lisbon Agenda appear to be rather more than just a child’s wish list to Father Christmas.
Of course my view – our view in UKIP and most of us here on this side of the House – is that we would much rather see a common market. We would much rather see a free trade deal across Europe, rather than the Treaty of Rome and all that has come since. I know that you are not going to do that over the course of the next six months, but I think you have got a real problem. You said earlier that you wanted Europe to do what it was set up to do. Jean Monnet was the inspiration behind this and he wanted a system whereby, under the
the Community picked up power along the way. I would argue that if you now speak to small and medium-sized businesses – not just in Britain, but right across the European Union – the trouble is that the legislation, the
the body of law, has gone too far already. The challenge for your presidency – and perhaps you could explain to me in your response – is how you are going to turn the ship around. If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind. I may even think it is worth us staying as a Member State."@sl19
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Herr talman, herr premiärminister! Vilken skillnad i retorik jämfört med 1997! Plötsligt har vi en brittisk premiärminister från labourpartiet som talar om låg tillväxt inom EU, som talar om arbetslöshet inom EU, som talar om misslyckandet av EU:s ekonomiska politik och den gemensamma politiken. Allt låter ungefär som samma sak som UK Independence Party (UKIP) har sagt under de senaste tio åren och det gläder mig att höra detta.
Där var ni på plats under toppmötet i förra veckan, den tuffe brittiske premiärministern, och jag är säker på att miljontals människor satt i sina hem och tittade på de tidiga kvällsnyheterna och sade ”där är han”! Detta är vår kille, han är mannen som kommer att försvara de brittiska intressena. Jag tycker att ni i själva verket verkar vara en EU-vän som har blivit nedslagen av verkligheten. Nu kommer ni att leda kampen för EU:s framtid. Flera gånger under förra veckan har ni talat om tjugohundratalet och ni har talat om behovet av att modernisera. Det verkar som om den förkrossande briljanta tredje vägen som ni introducerade i brittisk politik är det ni kommer att föra in här under detta ordförandeskap. Frågan är, kommer det att fungera i EU?
Jag är den gemensamma ledaren för den enda gruppen här i parlamentet som aktivt har fört en kampanj för nej-röster i folkomröstningarna om konstitutionsfördraget. Så vi anser att vi nog är mer i kontakt med den allmänna meningen än övriga grupper i parlamentet.
Men jag måste säga att ni i princip är den ende EU-ledare som verkligen förstår varför folket i Frankrike och Nederländerna röstade nej. Jag håller med om det ni sade tidigare, nämligen att de sade nej till den riktning som EU har tagit. Jag ber er att ni under ert ordförandeskap ser till att dessa människor i Frankrike och Nederländerna inte behandlas med förakt. Jag ber er att se till att de delar av konstitutionsfördraget – såsom den separata militärkommandostrukturen, det europeiska rymdprogrammet och upprättandet av EU:s utlandsambassader världen över – stoppas, eftersom de endast har legitimitet i en konstitution som nu till stora delar är död.
Ni har under den senaste tiden talat mycket om Afrika och jag vet att ni är mycket stolt över att biståndet som kommer att gå till Afrika ökar. Den sak som jag dock har talat mer om än någonting annat här i kammaren sedan 1999 är EU:s förfärliga fiskeriavtal med länderna mellan Nordafrika och Sydafrika. Det finns nu över tjugo sådana avtal. De förstör allt hopp och alla utsikter för de lokala fiskarna. Vi tar rentav död på flera hundratals lokala fiskare varje år och det vi gör mot haven utanför Afrikas kust är miljömässigt likställt med att sätta eld på Serengeti. Ingen här har lyssnat på det jag har haft att säga om detta, men jag anser att det nu finns ett samlat stöd i parlamentet för att stoppa dessa avtal. Om ni verkligen vill hjälpa Afrika, snälla, stoppa dessa avtal!
Men den stora utmaningen, och den ni kommer att dömas efter, är förstås om ni kan vända detta skepp, om ni kan göra EU mer konkurrenskraftigt, om ni kan göra så att Lissabonagendan blir mer än bara ett barns önskelista till jultomten.
Min åsikt – vår åsikt i UKIP och de flestas åsikt på denna sida av kammaren – är såklart att vi mycket hellre skulle se en gemensam marknad. Vi skulle mycket hellre se ett frihandelsavtal över hela EU än Romfördraget och allt som har tillkommit sedan dess. Jag vet att ni inte kommer att lyckas genomföra detta under loppet av de kommande sex månaderna men jag anser att ni står inför ett verkligt problem. Ni sade tidigare att ni ville att EU skulle göra vad det var ämnat att göra. Jean Monnet var inspirationskällan bakom detta och han ville ha ett system genom vilket gemenskapen, under gemenskapens regelverk, plockade upp makt längs vägen. Jag vill påstå att om ni nu talar till små och medelstora företag – inte bara i Förenade kungariket utan över hela EU – är problemet att lagstiftningen, gemenskapens regelverk, lagsamlingen, redan har gått för långt. Utmaningen för ert ordförandeskap – och ni kanske kan förklara det för mig i ert svar – är hur ni skall vända skeppet. Om ni kan reformera EU, herr Blair, så kanske även jag ändrar mig. Jag kanske till och med anser att det är mödan värt att vi kvarstår som medlemmar."@sv21
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