Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2004-11-18-Speech-4-112"

Predicate	Value (sorted: default)
rdf:type	lpv_eu:Speech⁶
dcterms:Date	"2004-11-18"^^xsd:date⁶
dcterms:Is Part Of	lp_eu:11 - Arutelud inimõiguste, demokraatia ja õigusnormide rikkumiste üle (kodukorra artikkel 115)⁶
dcterms:Language	"en"^^xsd:language⁶
lpv:document identification number	"en.20041118.11.4-112"⁶
lpv:hasSubsequent	lp_eu:2004-11-18-Speech-4-113⁶
lpv:speaker	lp:Glenys Kinnock⁶
lpv:spoken text	"Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites – as they see them – in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@en⁴
lpv:spokenAs	chair; Delegation to the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly (2004-09-15--2009-06-07)²² substitute; AFET (2004-07-21--2006-03-15)²² unknown; Labour Party (2004-07-20--2009-06-07)²² member; PES (2004-07-20--2009-06-07)²² member; Conference of Delegation Chairs (2004-09-22--2009-06-07)²² member; DEVE (2004-07-21--2007-01-14)²²
lpv:translated text	"Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@cs¹ "Hr. formand, de dramatiske begivenheder i Côte d'Ivoire har endnu en gang vist, hvor skrøbelig situationen er i det land, der før i tiden blev betragtet som en stor økonomisk succes i en ellers meget sårbar region i Afrika. Folk plejede at strømme dertil for at søge arbejde og velstand. Situationen er meget bekymrende, fordi der har været en klar tilskyndelse til vold. Det er især skræmmende, hvis man husker, at præcis den samme situation opstod i Rwanda, hvor militser blev opfordret til at angribe civile - især civile franskmænd - i meddelelser, der blev udsendt på både offentlige og private radiostationer. Det glæder mig, at FN-resolutionen tager fat på denne tilskyndelse til vold via radioen, men jeg så gerne, at FN som en del af sit mandat også blev tildelt fredsbevarende status til at håndtere sådanne situationer. Situationen i Côte d'Ivoire drejer sig især om at placere skylden. Da jeg for ca. et år siden var der på en AVS-EP-mission, var der meget snak i nord og syd, blandt rebeller og regeringsfolk, om, hvilken side der havde ansvaret for Linas-Marcoussis-aftalens sammenbrud. Modviljen i landet retter sig ikke blot mod Frankrig. Historiens vægt bruges nu som et slagkraftigt våben til at vække folkelig modvilje mod præsident Gbagbo og Frankrig. Nogle frygter, at Abidjan er ved at udvikle sig som Kinshasa i Den Demokratiske Republik Congo - et land, hvis skyskrabere og boulevarder nu ligger i ruiner. Mit synspunkt er baseret på det, jeg så, da jeg var i Côte d'Ivoire, og det er, at det i langt højere grad er afrikanere mod afrikanere. Der er tale om etniske grupper fra nord mod etniske grupper fra syd og jordbesiddere mod migrerende arbejdere, som ønsker at være jordbesiddere. Konfrontationen handler også om Côte d'Ivoires mest værdifulde aktiv, kakao. Det, der gør situationen særlig vanskelig, er, at der er spørgsmål, som ikke blev løst ved uafhængigheden, og som har ulmet under overfladen lige siden. Det er spørgsmål som: Helt præcis hvem er borger i Elfenbenskysten? Hvem kan regere Elfenbenskysten? Hvem kan stille op til valg i Elfenbenskysten? Hvem kan eje jord i Elfenbenskysten? Folk i nord hævder, at de fratages deres stemmeret og hele tiden diskrimineres af eliten - efter deres opfattelse - i syden. Problemerne i Côte d'Ivoire bliver ikke løst, før der er taget hånd om retten til jorden og andre spørgsmål. Til sidst vil jeg med henvisning til FN's resolution sige, at jeg er enig i, at våbenembargoen er af stor betydning. Det, den foregående taler imidlertid ikke nævnte, er den meget vigtige kendsgerning, at denne embargo faktisk fik stor støtte fra Den Afrikanske Union, hvilket er en meget positiv udvikling. Kapitel VII i FN's pagt tillader brugen af magt, hvis våbenembargoen ikke respekteres. Jeg vil derfor godt spørge Kommissionen, hvordan den vil sikre, at EU støtter og samarbejder med FN i indsatsen i Côte d'Ivoire og går kraftigere til værks, ud over Cotonou-aftalens artikel 96, for at gøre noget ved situationen der."@da² "Herr Präsident, die dramatischen Ereignisse in Côte d'Ivoire haben uns wieder einmal die Unsicherheit der Lage in diesem Land in Erinnerung gerufen, das in der Vergangenheit als großer wirtschaftlicher Erfolg in einer ansonsten sehr unbeständigen Region Afrikas galt. Die Menschen strömten scharenweise dorthin, um Arbeit und Wohlstand zu finden. Die Lage ist Besorgnis erregend, weil es eindeutig Aufwiegelungen zur Gewalt gegeben hat. Das weckt Erinnerungen, hat sich doch genau die gleiche Situation in Ruanda abgespielt, wo die Milizen in Botschaften, die sowohl über staatliche als auch über private Radiosender ausgestrahlt wurden, aufgefordert wurden, Zivilisten und insbesondere französische Zivilisten anzugreifen. Ich begrüße es, dass sich die UNO-Resolution mit Aufrufen zur Gewalt über den Rundfunk befasst, würde es aber auch befürworten, wenn die Vereinten Nationen im Rahmen ihres Mandats als friedenssichernde Kraft das Recht erhielten, solche Situationen zu regeln. In Côte d'Ivoire gibt derzeit einer dem anderen die Schuld. Als ich vor etwa einem Jahr im Rahmen einer AKP-EP-Reise dort war, haben der Norden und der Süden, die Rebellen und die Regierung viel darüber gesprochen, welche Seite nun für das Scheitern des Abkommens Linas-Marcoussis verantwortlich sei. Der Groll in diesem Land richtet sich nicht nur gegen Frankreich. Die Last der Geschichte wird jetzt als mächtige Waffe benutzt, um das Volk gegen Präsident Gbagbo und Frankreich aufzuwiegeln. Einige fürchten, dass Abidjan das Schicksal von Kinshasa in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo erleidet, einem Land, dessen Wolkenkratzer und Boulevards jetzt in Trümmern liegen. Meine Auffassung gründet sich auf dem, was ich bei meinem Besuch in Côte d'Ivoire gesehen habe, nämlich dass es sich hier im Wesentlichen um eine Konfrontation zwischen Afrikanern handelt. Hier kämpfen ethnische Gruppen aus dem Norden gegen ethnische Gruppen aus dem Süden und Landbesitzer gegen Wanderarbeiter, die Landbesitzer sein wollen. Es ist auch eine Auseinandersetzung um das wertvollste Gut von Côte d'Ivoire, den Kakao. Besonders verfahren ist die Situation noch durch Probleme, die bei Erlangung der Unabhängigkeit nicht gelöst wurden und seither weiter gären. Das betrifft Fragen wie: Wer genau ist Bürger der Elfenbeinküste? Wer darf die Elfenbeinküste regieren? Wer darf sich in der Elfenbeinküste zur Wahl stellen? Wer darf in der Elfenbeinküste Grund und Boden besitzen? Die Bewohner des Nordens behaupten, sie würden entrechtet und ständig von den Eliten – wie sie sie nennen – im Süden diskriminiert. Die Probleme in Côte d'Ivoire können nicht gelöst werden, solange nicht die Fragen der Eigentumsrechte und andere Forderungen geklärt sind. Im Zusammenhang mit der UNO-Resolution stimme ich ferner zu, dass das Waffenembargo eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Was mein Vorredner jedoch nicht erwähnt hat, ist der wesentliche Umstand, dass dieses Embargo von der Afrikanischen Union nachdrücklich unterstützt wurde, also eine sehr positive Entwicklung. Kapitel VII der UNO-Charta erlaubt die Anwendung von Gewalt für den Fall, dass das Waffenembargo nicht eingehalten wird. Deshalb frage ich die Kommission, wie sie sicherstellen will, dass die EU die UNO bei deren Bemühungen in Côte d'Ivoire unterstützt und mit ihr zusammenarbeitet und rigorosere Maßnahmen ergreift, die über den Artikel 96 des Abkommens von Cotonou in Bezug auf die Lage dort hinaus gehen."@de⁹ "Κύριε Πρόεδρε, τα δραματικά γεγονότα στην Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού μας θυμίζουν για άλλη μία φορά πόσο ευάλωτη είναι η κατάσταση στη χώρα αυτή, η οποία στο παρελθόν εθεωρείτο εξαιρετικά επιτυχημένη οικονομικά σε μια κατά τα άλλα πολύ ασταθή περιοχή της Αφρικής. Ο κόσμος συνέρεε εκεί σε αναζήτηση εργασίας και ευημερίας. Η κατάσταση είναι εξαιρετικά ανησυχητική, διότι υπήρξε προφανής υποκίνηση σε βία. Αυτό είναι ιδιαίτερα φανερό, αν αναλογιστεί κανείς ότι η ίδια ακριβώς κατάσταση ανέκυψε στη Ρουάντα, όπου μηνύματα τα οποία εκπέμπονταν από κυβερνητικούς και ιδιωτικούς ραδιοφωνικούς σταθμούς προέτρεπαν την πολιτοφυλακή να επιτεθεί σε αμάχους, και ιδιαίτερα γάλλους αμάχους. Χαιρετίζω το γεγονός ότι αυτή η υποκίνηση σε βία μέσω ραδιοφωνικών εκπομπών αντιμετωπίστηκε στο ψήφισμα του ΟΗΕ, αλλά θα ήθελα επίσης να δω να δίνεται στον ΟΗΕ, ως μέρος της αποστολής του, δικαίωμα αποστολής ειρηνευτικής δύναμης για να αντιμετωπίζει τέτοιες καταστάσεις. Η κατάσταση στην Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού έχει κατά κύριο λόγο να κάνει με το ποιος φταίει. Όταν ήμουν εκεί πριν από έναν χρόνο περίπου, σε μια αποστολή ΑΚΕ-ΕΕ, λεγόντουσαν πολλά από τον Βορρά και τον Νότο, τους επαναστάτες και την κυβέρνηση, για το ποια πλευρά ήταν υπεύθυνη για την αποτυχία της συμφωνίας Linas-Marcoussis. Η δυσαρέσκεια στη χώρα δεν στρέφεται μόνο κατά της Γαλλίας. Το βάρος της Ιστορίας χρησιμοποιείται τώρα ως ισχυρό όπλο για να ξεσηκώσει τη λαϊκή δυσαρέσκεια κατά του Προέδρου Γκμπάγκμπο και της Γαλλίας. Ορισμένοι φοβούνται ότι το Αμπιτζάν ακολουθεί τον δρόμο της Κινσάσα στη Δημοκρατία του Κονγκό, μια χώρα της οποίας οι ουρανοξύστες και οι λεωφόροι είναι πια ερείπια. Η άποψή μου, με βάση αυτά που είδα όταν ήμουν στην Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού, είναι ότι αυτή η σύγκρουση είναι πολύ περισσότερο μια σύγκρουση μεταξύ Αφρικανών. Θέτει εθνικές ομάδες από τον Βορρά εναντίον εθνικών ομάδων από τον Νότο και γαιοκτήμονες εναντίον μεταναστών εργατών οι οποίοι θέλουν να γίνουν γαιοκτήμονες. Είναι επίσης μια σύγκρουση για το πιο πολύτιμο αγαθό της Ακτής Ελεφαντοστού, το κακάο. Αυτό που κάνει την κατάσταση ιδιαίτερα δύσκολη είναι ότι υπάρχουν ζητήματα που δεν επιλύθηκαν ποτέ κατά την ανεξαρτησία και τα οποία συνεχίζουν έκτοτε να κακοφορμίζουν. Αυτά είναι ζητήματα όπως: ποιος ακριβώς είναι πολίτης της Ακτής Ελεφαντοστού; Ποιος μπορεί να διοικεί την Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού; Ποιος μπορεί να θέσει υποψηφιότητα στις εκλογές στην Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού; Ποιος μπορεί να έχει στην ιδιοκτησία του γη στην Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού; Οι βόρειοι ισχυρίζονται ότι τους αποστερείται το δικαίωμα ψήφου και ότι υφίστανται συνεχώς διακρίσεις από τις ελίτ –όπως τις βλέπουν– στον Νότο. Τα προβλήματα στην Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού δεν θα επιλυθούν ποτέ, αν δεν αντιμετωπιστούν τα δικαιώματα ιδιοκτησίας και άλλα αιτήματα. Τέλος, όσον αφορά το ψήφισμα του ΟΗΕ, συμφωνώ ότι το εμπάργκο όπλων είναι πολύ σημαντικό. Αυτό που δεν ανέφερε ο προηγούμενος ομιλητής, ωστόσο, είναι το πολύ σημαντικό γεγονός ότι το εμπάργκο υποστηρίχθηκε έντονα από την Αφρικανική Ένωση, κάτι που αποτελεί πολύ θετική εξέλιξη. Το Κεφάλαιο VII του Χάρτη του ΟΗΕ επιτρέπει τη χρήση βίας στην περίπτωση που δεν τηρείται το εμπάργκο όπλων. Θα ήθελα, συνεπώς, να ρωτήσω την Επιτροπή πώς θα διασφαλίσει ότι η ΕΕ θα υποστηρίξει τον ΟΗΕ και θα συνεργαστεί μαζί του στις προσπάθειές του στην Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού και στην ανάληψη σκληρότερων μέτρων, πάνω και πέρα από το άρθρο 96 της Συμφωνίας του Κοτονού, όσον αφορά την κατάσταση εκεί."@el¹⁰ "Señor Presidente, los dramáticos acontecimientos de Costa de Marfil han vuelto a alertarnos sobre la fragilidad de la situación en ese país, que en el pasado se consideraba un gran ejemplo de éxito económico en una región por lo demás muy inestable de África. Solía atraer a numerosos inmigrantes en busca de trabajo y prosperidad. La situación es muy preocupante porque se ha producido una evidente incitación a la violencia. Esto llama la atención especialmente cuando uno recuerda que lo mismo ocurrió en Ruanda, donde se animó a las milicias a atacar a los civiles, sobre todo a los franceses, en mensajes difundidos en emisoras de radio tanto públicas como privadas. Me satisface que una resolución de las Naciones Unidas haya abordado esta incitación a la violencia a través de la radio, pero quisiera que se concediera a las Naciones Unidas, en el marco de su mandato, el derecho de la fuerza pacificadora a hacer frente a estas situaciones. Lo que ocurre en Costa de Marfil es ante todo que todos se echan mutuamente las culpas. Cuando estuve allí hace más o menos un año en una misión de la ACP y el Parlamento Europeo, tanto el norte como el sur, tanto los rebeldes como el Gobierno se dedicaron sobre todo a hablar sobre qué bando era el responsable del fracaso del Acuerdo Linas-Marcoussis. El resentimiento en ese país no se dirige únicamente contra Francia. En estos momentos se está utilizando el peso de la historia como una potente arma para fomentar el resentimiento popular contra el Presidente Gbagbo y contra Francia. Hay quienes temen que Abiyán vaya por el mismo camino que Kinshasa, en la República Democrática del Congo, un país en el que los rascacielos y los bulevares están demolidos. Mi opinión se basa en lo que vi cuando estuve en Costa de Marfil: a mi juicio, esta confrontación es, más bien, una lucha entre africanos. Enfrenta a grupos étnicos del norte con grupos étnicos del sur y a propietarios de tierras con trabajadores inmigrantes que quieren ser propietarios de tierras. También es una lucha por el activo más valioso de Costa de Marfil, el cacao. Lo que hace que la situación sea especialmente complicada es que hay cuestiones que nunca se resolvieron tras la independencia y que han seguido enconándose desde entonces. Se trata de cuestiones como las siguientes: ¿Quién exactamente es ciudadano de Costa de Marfil? ¿Quién puede gobernar Costa de Marfil? ¿Quién puede presentarse a las elecciones en Costa de Marfil? ¿Quién puede poseer tierras en Costa de Marfil? Los habitantes del norte afirman que se les está privando de sus derechos civiles y que continuamente se les discrimina con respecto a las elites –como ellos las ven– del sur del país. Los problemas de Costa de Marfil no podrán solucionarse hasta que se aborde la cuestión del derecho a la propiedad y otras reivindicaciones. Por último, en lo que respecta a la resolución de las Naciones Unidas, estoy de acuerdo en que el embargo de armas es muy importante. Lo que no ha mencionado la oradora que me ha precedido, sin embargo, es el importante hecho de que este embargo cuenta con el fuerte respaldo de la Unión Africana, lo que considero muy positivo. El capítulo VII de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas autoriza el uso de la fuerza en el caso de que no se respete el embargo de armas. Por lo tanto, quisiera preguntar a la Comisión cómo va a garantizar que la Unión Europea apoye y trabaje conjuntamente con las Naciones Unidas en sus esfuerzos en Costa de Marfil y tome medidas más contundentes, más allá de lo previsto en el artículo 96 del Acuerdo de Cotonú, respecto de la situación que se da en ese país."@es²⁰ "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@et⁵ "Arvoisa puhemies, Norsunluurannikon dramaattiset tapahtumat saivat meidät jälleen huomaamaan, miten herkkä tilanne vallitsee maassa, jonka talous kehittyi aiemmin erittäin suotuisasti muutoin hyvin epävakaassa Afrikassa. Ennen ihmiset vaelsivat sinne etsimään työtä ja vaurautta. Tilanne on erittäin huolestuttava, sillä väkivaltaan on selvästi yllytetty. Tämä kuulostaa erityisen tutulta, kun muistaa, että täsmälleen sama tilanne oli Ruandassa, jossa miliisien käskettiin hyökätä siviilien, etenkin ranskalaisten siviilien, kimppuun sekä valtion että yksityisten omistamien radiokanavien lähetyksissä. Olen tyytyväinen siihen, että väkivaltaan yllyttäminen radiolähetyksissä on mainittu YK:n päätöslauselmassa. Haluaisin kuitenkin, että Yhdistyneiden Kansakuntien toimivaltuuksiin lisättäisiin rauhanturvaajien oikeus puuttua tällaisiin tilanteisiin. Norsunluurannikolla kaikki keskittyvät lähinnä osoittelemaan toisiaan syyttävästi. Kun kävin maassa noin vuosi sitten Euroopan parlamentin AKT-yhteistyön tiimoilta, pohjoinen ja etelä – kapinalliset ja hallitus – puhuivat paljon siitä, kumpi puoli oli vastuussa Linas–Marcoussis-sopimuksen epäonnistumisesta. Maassa ei kanneta kaunaa yksinomaan Ranskaa kohtaan. Menneisyyttä käytetään nyt voimakkaana aseena, jolla nostetaan yleistä kaunaa presidentti Gbagboa ja Ranskaa kohtaan. Jotkut pelkäävät, että Abidjanin käy samoin kuin Kongon demokraattisen tasavallan Kinshasan, jonka pilvenpiirtäjät ja bulevardit ovat raunioina. Kantani perustuu siihen, mitä näin Norsunluurannikolla. Konflikti on paljon enemmän afrikkalaisten välinen. Vastakkain ovat nousseet pohjoisen ja etelän etniset ryhmät sekä maanomistajat ja siirtotyöläiset, jotka haluavat tulla maanomistajiksi. Konfliktiin liittyy myös Norsunluurannikon arvokkain luonnonvara kaakao. Tilanteesta on tullut erityisen hankala, sillä on asioita, joita ei ratkaistu itsenäistymisen yhteydessä vaan jotka ovat saaneet kalvaa mieliä siitä lähtien. Tällaisia ovat esimerkiksi seuraavat kysymykset: kuka oikeastaan on Norsunluurannikon kansalainen? Kuka saa määrätä Norsunluurannikolla? Kuka saa asettua ehdolle Norsunluurannikon vaaleissa? Kuka saa omistaa maata Norsunluurannikolla? Pohjoisen asukkaat väittävät, että heiltä on riistetty äänioikeus ja että etelän eliitti – jollaisena he siis etelän asukkaat näkevät – syrjii heitä jatkuvasti. Norsunluurannikon ongelmia ei ratkaista ennen kuin omistusoikeuksiin ja muihin vaatimuksiin puututaan. Lopuksi totean pitäväni YK:n päätöslauselman mukaista asevientikieltoa erittäin tärkeänä. Edellinen puhuja jätti kuitenkin mainitsematta yhden tärkeän seikan. Afrikan unioni tuki asevientikieltoa vankasti, mikä on erittäin myönteinen käänne. YK:n peruskirjan VII luvussa annetaan oikeus voimakeinojen käyttöön, jos asevientikieltoa ei noudateta. Kysyisin näin ollen komissiolta, miten se aikoo varmistaa, että Euroopan unioni tukee YK:ta, tekee yhteistyötä YK:n kanssa Norsunluurannikolla ja toteuttaa tiukempia toimia Cotonoun sopimuksen 96 artiklan mukaisten toimien lisäksi maan tilanteen suhteen."@fi⁷ "Monsieur le Président, les événements dramatiques qui ont lieu en Côte d’Ivoire attirent, une fois encore, notre attention sur la fragilité de la situation dans ce pays, que l’on reconnaissait, dans le passé, comme une grande réussite économique, dans une région africaine par ailleurs très instable. Des personnes arrivaient en masse dans ce pays, à la recherche de travail et de prospérité. La situation est très préoccupante en raison d’incitations manifestes à la violence. Cela nous rappelle tout à fait la situation survenue au Rwanda, où des messages diffusés tant par la radio gouvernementale que par des radios privées incitaient les milices à attaquer des civils, en particulier les civils français. Je me réjouis que la résolution des Nations unies aborde cette incitation à la violence propagée par la radio, mais je souhaiterais également que les Nations unies soient investies, dans le cadre de leur mandat, du droit d’exercer un rôle de gardien de la paix afin de tenter de résoudre de telles situations. La situation en Côte d’Ivoire est principalement liée au jeu des responsabilités. Lorsque j’étais présente là-bas, il y a environ un an, pour une mission ACP-UE, de nombreuses discussions, menées respectivement dans le nord et dans le sud par les rebelles et le gouvernement, avaient pour but de déterminer le camp responsable de l’échec de l’accord Linas-Marcoussis. Le ressentiment dans ce pays ne vise pas uniquement la France. Le poids de l’histoire est aujourd’hui utilisé comme une arme puissante pour susciter le ressentiment de la population à l’égard du président Gbagbo et de la France. Certains craignent qu’Abidjan ne subisse le même sort que Kinshasa, en République démocratique du Congo, un pays où les gratte-ciel et les boulevards sont à présent en ruines. Mon point de vue, qui repose sur ce que j’ai vu lorsque j’étais en Côte d’Ivoire, est que cet affrontement implique bien davantage des Africains. Il oppose, d’une part, des groupes ethniques du nord à des groupes ethniques du sud et, d’autre part, des propriétaires terriens à des travailleurs migrants désireux de devenir propriétaires terriens. Cet affrontement porte également sur l’atout le plus précieux de la Côte d’Ivoire: le cacao. La situation est particulièrement insoluble à en raison des questions restées sans réponses à l’indépendance, qui couvent depuis lors. Ces questions sont: qui est à proprement parler un citoyen de la Côte d’Ivoire? Qui peut gouverner la Côte d’Ivoire? Qui peut se présenter aux élections en Côte d’Ivoire? Qui peut posséder des terres en Côte d’Ivoire? Les habitants du nord affirment qu’ils sont privés du droit électoral et qu’ils font continuellement l’objet de discriminations de la part des élites - comme ils les considèrent - du sud. Les problèmes en Côte d’Ivoire ne seront jamais résolus tant que l’on n’aura pas trouvé de solution aux droits de la propriété et à d’autres exigences. Enfin, en ce qui concerne la résolution des Nations unies, je suis d’accord avec le fait que l’embargo sur les armes est fondamental. Toutefois, l’orateur précédent n’a pas mentionné le fait essentiel que l’Union africaine a vigoureusement soutenu cet embargo, ce qui représente un grand progrès. Le chapitre VII de la charte des Nations unies autorise le recours à la force en cas de non-respect d’un l’embargo sur les armes. Je demande donc à la Commission de quelle manière elle veillera à ce que l’UE soutienne les Nations unies et collaborent à ses actions en Côte d’Ivoire et à ce que l’UE adopte des mesures plus strictes que ce que prévoit l’article 96 de l’accord de Cotonou, en tenant compte de la situation en Côte d’Ivoire."@fr⁸ "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@hu¹¹ "Signor Presidente, i drammatici eventi che stanno verificando in Costa d’Avorio ci hanno nuovamente allertato circa la fragilità della situazione di questo paese, che in passato era stato riconosciuto come un grande successo economico in una regione africana altrimenti assai instabile. Le persone erano solite accorrere laggiù in cerca di lavoro e di prosperità. La situazione è estremamente preoccupante perché c’è stato un chiaro incitamento alla violenza, fatto ancor più significativo se si pensa che in Ruanda si era presentata una situazione analoga, in cui, in messaggi trasmessi via radio da stazioni sia private che governative, i militari venivano incitati ad attaccare i civili e in particolar modo quelli di nazionalità francese. Plaudo al fatto che una risoluzione dell’ONU abbia denunciato questo incitamento alla violenza via radio. Gradirei tuttavia che venisse concesso alle Nazioni Unite, quale parte del proprio mandato, il diritto di intervenire in queste situazioni in qualità di forza di mantenimento di pace. La situazione in Costa d’Avorio è dovuta essenzialmente alla pratica dello scaricabarili generalmente invalsa tra i responsabili. Quando sono stata nella regione, un anno fa, nel corso di una missione ACP-PE, si faceva un gran parlare a nord e a sud, fra i ribelli e fra i governativi su chi fosse responsabile del fallimento dell’accordo di Linas-Marcoussis. Il risentimento di questo paese non è rivolto solo alla Francia. Il peso della storia viene ora usato quale potente arma per rinfocolare il risentimento popolare contro il presidente Gbagbo e contro la Francia. Alcuni temono che Abidjan rischi di ripetere la storia di Kinshasa, capitale della Repubblica democratica del Congo, un paese i cui viali e grattacieli ora giacciono in rovina. In base a quanto ho visto quando sono stata in Costa d’Avorio, ritengo che si tratti essenzialmente di una lotta tra africani, tra gruppi etnici del nord contro gruppi etnici del sud, tra proprietari terrieri e braccianti immigrati che aspirano a possedere la terra. E’ altresì una lotta per il prodotto più importante della Costa d’Avorio: il cacao. La situazione è particolarmente difficile da gestire a causa di questioni rimaste irrisolte con la dichiarazione di indipendenza e che da allora hanno continuato a ripresentarsi: chi esattamente ha il diritto di avere la cittadinanza ivoriana? Chi può governare il paese? Chi può candidarsi alle elezioni in Costa d’Avorio? Chi ha il diritto di possedere la terra? Gli abitanti del nord affermano che è stata loro negata la possibilità di votare e di essere stati vittime di continue discriminazioni nei confronti di quelle che loro considerano le del sud. I problemi della Costa d’Avorio non si risolveranno mai finché non si troverà una soluzione alla questione della proprietà e una risposta alle altre richieste. Per quanto riguarda la risoluzione ONU, infine, concordo nell’affermare l’estrema importanza dell’ sulle armi. L’oratrice che mi ha preceduto, tuttavia, ha commesso una grave dimenticanza. Non ha infatti detto che questo è stato fortemente sostenuto dall’Unione africana, sviluppo, questo, che è estremamente positivo. Il capitolo VII della Carta dell’ONU autorizza l’uso della forza, qualora un alle armi non venga rispettato. Desidero quindi chiedere alla Commissione come intende garantire il supporto e la collaborazione dell’Unione all’ONU nei suoi sforzi in Costa d’Avorio e in quale modo pensa di assicurare nel quadro ivoriano un’azione più forte da parte dell’UE, al di là di quanto previsto dall’articolo 96 dell’Accordo di Cotonou."@it¹² "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@lt¹⁴ "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@lv¹³ "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@mt¹⁵ "Mijnheer de Voorzitter, de dramatische gebeurtenissen in Ivoorkust hebben ons opnieuw attent gemaakt op de wankele situatie in dat land, dat in het verleden werd beschouwd als een oase van economische voorspoed in een verder uiterst explosieve regio. Mensen trokken naar Ivoorkust op zoek naar werk en welvaart. De situatie is uiterst zorgwekkend, omdat mensen duidelijk worden aangezet tot geweld. De omstandigheden doen sterk denken aan die van Rwanda destijds, waar milities via de staatsradio en particuliere radiostations werden opgehitst om burgers aan te vallen, met name burgers van Franse nationaliteit. Ik verwelkom de resolutie van de VN waarin oproepen tot geweld in radio-uitzendingen zijn aangepakt, maar daarnaast zou ik graag willen dat de VN, als onderdeel van haar mandaat, het recht wordt verleend de rol van vredeshandhaver op zich te nemen in dergelijke situaties. De situatie in Ivoorkust draait voornamelijk om de schuldvraag. Vorig jaar maakte ik deel uit van een missie naar Ivoorkust in het kader van overleg tussen de ACS-landen en het Europees Parlement. Er is toen heel veel gesproken over het noorden en het zuiden, over de rebellen en de regering, over wie verantwoordelijk was voor het mislukken van de Linas-Marcoussis-overeenkomst. De haat in dat land is niet alleen gericht tegen Frankrijk. De last van het verleden wordt nu ingezet als krachtig wapen om haat te zaaien onder de bevolking tegen president Gbagbo en Frankrijk. Sommigen vrezen dat Abidjan hetzelfde lot staat te wachten staat als Kinshasa in de Democratische Republiek Congo, een land waar de wolkenkrabbers vervallen zijn tot ruïnes en de boulevards vol scheuren en gaten zitten. Mijn oordeel is gebaseerd op wat ik in Ivoorkust heb gezien, en ik zag dat het eigenlijk veel meer gaat om een confrontatie tussen Afrikanen onderling. Etnische groepen uit het noorden staan tegenover etnische groepen uit het zuiden. Grondbezitters staan tegenover migrerende werknemers die grondbezitter willen worden. Het conflict draait ook om het kostbaarste bezit van Ivoorkust, cacao. Alsof het allemaal nog niet ingewikkeld genoeg is, zijn er nog kwesties die zich bij de onafhankelijkheid voordeden en nooit zijn opgelost. Problemen die tot op de dag van vandaag zijn voortgewoekerd. Het gaat daarbij om vragen als: wie zijn precies de burgers van Ivoorkust? Wie kan Ivoorkust besturen? Wie kan zich verkiesbaar stellen in Ivoorkust? De noorderlingen vinden dat zij rechtenloos zijn en voortdurend worden gediscrimineerd door wat zij zien als de elites in het zuiden. De problemen in Ivoorkust kunnen pas worden opgelost als er werk wordt gemaakt van de eigendomsrechten en andere aanspraken. Ten slotte ben ik het, met verwijzing naar de VN-resolutie, ermee eens dat het wapenembargo van groot belang is. Wat de vorige spreker echter niet noemde, was het zeer belangrijke feit dat dit embargo krachtig is ondersteund door de Afrikaanse Unie, wat een bijzonder positieve ontwikkeling is. Hoofdstuk VII van het VN-Handvest voorziet in robuuste maatregelen, ingeval het wapenembargo niet wordt geëerbiedigd. Ik wil derhalve van de Commissie weten op welke wijze zij denkt te verzekeren dat de EU steun biedt aan en samenwerkt met de VN in haar inspanningen in Ivoorkust en krachtigere maatregelen treft die, gezien de situatie ter plaatse, verder gaan dan wat bepaald wordt in artikel 96 van de overeenkomst van Cotonou."@nl³ "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@pl¹⁶ "Senhor Presidente, uma vez mais, os dramáticos acontecimentos ocorridos na Costa do Marfim alertaram-nos para a instabilidade da situação naquele país, que no passado foi reconhecido como um grande êxito económico, numa região de África sob outros aspectos muito instável. Nessa altura, as pessoas costumavam afluir em grande número ao país, em busca de trabalho e prosperidade. A situação é muito preocupante, pelo facto de ter havido nítido incitamento à violência. Isto tem profundas ressonâncias, se nos lembrarmos de que exactamente a mesma situação ocorreu no Ruanda, onde, em mensagens radiodifundidas, quer por estações governamentais, quer por estações privadas, as milícias eram incitadas a atacar civis, e, particularmente civis franceses. Aplaudo o facto de este incitamento à violência através de emissões radiofónicas ter sido tratada na resolução da ONU, mas gostaria também de ver conferir às Nações Unidas, como parte do seu mandato, o direito, inerente aos que têm a seu cargo a manutenção da paz, de tratar dessas situações. A situação na Costa do Marfim gira, essencialmente, em torno do jogo de acusações. Quando lá estive, há cerca de um ano, numa missão ACP-PE, falava-se muito do Norte e do Sul, dos rebeldes e do Governo, de qual dos lados era responsável pelo fracasso do Acordo Linas-Marcoussis. Nesse país, o ressentimento não é apenas contra a França. Actualmente, está a usar-se o peso da História como arma potente para estimular o ressentimento popular contra o Presidente Gbagbo e contra a França. Há quem receie que Abidjan esteja a seguir o rumo de Kinshasa, na República Democrática do Congo, país cujos arranha-céus e cujas avenidas jazem agora em ruínas. A minha opinião, que se baseia naquilo que vi quando estive na Costa do Marfim, é que esta confrontação é muito mais entre Africanos e Africanos e que lança grupos étnicos do Norte contra grupos étnicos do Sul, proprietários rurais contra trabalhadores migrantes que desejam ser proprietários rurais. Trata-se, além disso, de uma confrontação em torno do bem mais valioso da Costa do Marfim: o cacau. O que torna a situação particularmente incontrolável é o facto de existirem questões que nunca foram resolvidas por ocasião da independência, e que, desde então, têm continuado a mortificar. Essas questões são, por exemplo: quem é, exactamente, cidadão da Costa do Marfim? Quem pode governar a Costa do Marfim? Quem pode candidatar-se a um cargo governativo na Costa do Marfim? Quem pode possuir terras na Costa do Marfim? Os do Norte afirmam que estão a ser privados dos seus direitos cívicos e que são continuamente discriminados pelas elites - que é como os consideram - do Sul. Os problemas da Costa do Marfim jamais serão resolvidos enquanto os direitos à propriedade e outras reivindicações não forem tratados. Finalmente, no que se refere à proposta de resolução da ONU, concordo que o embargo às armas é muito importante. O que a oradora que me precedeu não mencionou, contudo, foi o facto extremamente importante de este embargo ser fortemente apoiado pela União Africana, o que constitui uma evolução muito positiva. O Capítulo VII da Carta da ONU autoriza o uso da força, caso o embargo das armas não seja respeitado. Gostaria, por conseguinte, de perguntar à Comissão de que modo vai assegurar que a UE apoie a ONU, e com ela colabore, nos esforços que está a envidar na Costa do Marfim, e pedir-lhe que, para além da aplicação do artigo 96º do Acordo de Cotonou, actue de forma mais incisiva a respeito da situação no país."@pt¹⁷ "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@sk¹⁸ "Mr President, the dramatic events in Côte d'Ivoire have once again alerted us to the fragility of the situation in that country, which in the past was recognised as a great economic success in an otherwise very volatile region of Africa. People used to flock there in search of work and prosperity. The situation is very worrying because there has been clear incitement to violence. This is particularly resonant when one recalls that exactly the same situation arose in Rwanda, where the militias were urged to attack civilians, and French civilians in particular, in messages broadcast both on government and private radio stations. I welcome the fact that this incitement to violence through broadcasts has been dealt with in the UN resolution, but would also like to see the United Nations being granted, as part of its mandate, a peacekeeper's right to deal with such situations. The situation in Côte d'Ivoire is primarily about the blame game. When I was there around a year ago on an ACP-EP mission, there was a great deal of talk from the North and the South, the rebels and the government, about which side was responsible for the failure of the Linas-Marcoussis Agreement. The resentment in that country is not just against France. The weight of history is now being used as a potent weapon to arouse popular resentment against President Gbagbo and France. Some fear that Abidjan is going the way of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country whose skyscrapers and boulevards now lie in ruins. My view is based on what I saw when I was in Côte d'Ivoire, and is that this confrontation is much more between African and African. It pits ethnic groups from the North against ethnic groups from the South and landowners against migrant workers who want to be landowners. It is also a confrontation over Côte d'Ivoire's most valuable asset, cocoa. What makes the situation particularly intractable is that there are issues that were never resolved at independence and which have continued to fester ever since. These are questions such as: who exactly is a citizen of the Ivory Coast? Who can rule the Ivory Coast? Who can stand for election in the Ivory Coast? Who can own land in the Ivory Coast? The northerners claim that they are being disenfranchised and are continuously being discriminated against by the elites - as they see them - in the South. The problems in Côte d'Ivoire will never be resolved until property rights and other demands are addressed. Finally, with reference to the UN resolution, I agree that the arms embargo is of great importance. What the previous speaker did not mention, however, was the very important fact that this embargo was strongly supported by the African Union, which is a very positive development. Chapter VII of the UN Charter authorises the use of force in the event of the arms embargo not being respected. I should therefore like to ask the Commission how it will ensure the EU supports and works with the UN in its efforts in Côte d'Ivoire and takes stronger action, over and above Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, in respect of the situation there."@sl¹⁹ "Herr talman! De dramatiska händelserna i Elfenbenskusten har återigen gjort oss medvetna om hur osäker situationen är i detta land, ett land som förr i tiden betraktades som en stor ekonomisk framgång i ett annars mycket instabilt område i Afrika. Människor brukade strömma dit på jakt efter arbete och välstånd. Situationen är mycket oroande, eftersom det har förekommit klara våldsprovokationer. Detta blir särskilt betydelsefullt om man minns att exakt samma situation uppkom i Rwanda, där milisgrupper hetsades att attackera civila, i synnerhet franska civila, i utsändningar från såväl statliga som privata radiostationer. Jag välkomnar att våldsprovokationer i radiosändningar har behandlats i FN-resolutionen, men jag skulle också vilja att FN som fredsbevarande styrka får rätt att hantera sådana här situationer som en del av sitt mandat. Situationen i Elfenbenskusten handlar först och främst om skuldfrågan. När jag var där för cirka ett år sedan på ett AVS–EG-uppdrag, talade man både i norra och i södra delen av landet, bland rebellerna och i regeringen, en hel del om vilken sida som var ansvarig för Linas-Marcoussis-avtalets misslyckande. Missnöjet i landet riktar sig inte enbart mot Frankrike. Historiens tyngd används nu som ett mäktigt vapen för att väcka ett folkligt missnöje mot president Gbagbo och Frankrike. Somliga fruktar att Abidjan skall gå samma öde till mötes som Kinshasa i Demokratiska republiken Kongo, ett land vars skyskrapor och avenyer nu ligger i ruiner. Jag grundar min åsikt på vad jag såg när jag var i Elfenbenskusten, dvs. att denna konfrontation i mycket högre grad är en konflikt mellan afrikaner. Den ställer etniska grupper från norr mot etniska grupper i söder och markägare mot gästarbetare som vill bli markägare. Det är också en konflikt om Elfenbenskustens mest värdefulla tillgång, kakao. Det som gör situationen så svårhanterlig är att det fortfarande finns frågor som inte löstes i samband med att landet blev självständigt och som har legat och grott sedan dess. Det gäller frågor som: Vilka räknas till Elfenbenskustens medborgare? Vem får styra Elfenbenskusten? Vem kan ställa upp i val i Elfenbenskusten? Vem får äga mark i Elfenbenskusten? Människorna från landets norra del menar att de har blivit berövade sina medborgerliga rättigheter och att de hela tiden diskrimineras av – vad de betraktar som eliten i söder. Problemen i Elfenbenskusten kommer inte att lösas om man inte tar itu med frågorna som gäller markägande och andra krav. När det så gäller FN-resolutionen håller jag med om att vapenembargot är av stor betydelse. Det som föregående talare emellertid inte nämnde var det mycket viktiga faktum att detta embargo fick starkt stöd i Afrikanska unionen, vilket är en klart positiv utveckling. Enligt kapitel VII i FN-stadgan är det tillåtet att bruka våld om vapenembargot inte respekteras. Jag skulle därför vilja fråga kommissionen hur den tänker se till att EU samarbetar med FN och stöder dess insatser i Elfenbenskusten och vidtar kraftfullare åtgärder, förutom dem som anges i artikel 96 i Cotonouavtalet, när det gäller situationen där."@sv²¹
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata	"Kinnock, Glenys (PSE )."^{5,19,15,1,18,14,16,11,13,4} "embargo"¹² "élite"¹²