Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2004-11-16-Speech-2-042"
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".
I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@en4
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"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@cs1
"Jeg er overordentlig glad for at få denne mulighed for at sige nogle få ord om Bosnien-Hercegovina kun to uger inden overdragelsen til EUFOR den 2. december. Althea-missionens iværksættelse er en vigtig begivenhed, især fordi den bliver den første betydelige militære mission under den europæiske sikkerheds- og forsvarspolitik. Overdragelsen fra NATO har krævet lange og indgående drøftelser, fordi det var afgørende, at alt foregik korrekt fra starten. Mine kolleger, hr. Solana og hr. de Hoop Scheffer, har i høj grad bidraget til, at disse forhandlinger lykkedes.
Jeg er klar over, at der kan være en vis bekymring for, at en helt ny militærmission i Bosnien kan sende et signal om, at landet fortsat er meget ustabilt. Det ville efter min opfattelse være en helt fejlagtig konklusion. Sidste forår noterede Det Nordatlantiske Råds ministermøde en forbedring af sikkerheden i Bosnien-Hercegovina. Man vedtog følgelig at reducere antallet af tropper afsat til SFOR fra 12.000 til 7.000. Jeg har besøgt Bosnien i flere år og kan personligt bevidne den forandring, der er sket i landet i den periode.
Det ville være uforsvarligt at tage de utvivlsomme forbedringer, der er sket, for givet. Det eneste, der sker, er, at Europa nu påtager sig et mere direkte ansvar for sit eget kontinent - hvilket ikke kan siges at være forhastet. Missionen vil blive evalueret hvert halve år, hvad angår varigheden såvel som størrelsen og sammensætningen heraf. Der er ikke tale om at bevare tropper i Bosnien uden grund. Så snart forholdene tillader det, kan antallet af tropper reduceres og missionen evt. bringes til ophør.
Det er vigtigt, at vi på nuværende tidspunkt erkender, at Bosniens europæiske fremtid vil få stadig større betydning, efterhånden som den militære tilstedeværelse mindskes. Bosnien har som de øvrige lande i det vestlige Balkan en klar mulighed for at søge om optagelse i EU. I november sidste år offentliggjorde Kommissionen en gennemførlighedsundersøgelse, hvori den opstillede 16 punkter, på hvilke landet skulle gøre betydelige fremskridt, inden der kunne gives en anbefaling til Det Europæiske Råd om at indlede forhandlinger om en stabiliserings- og associeringsaftale. Selv om der er sket fremskridt siden da, er jeg skuffet over at skulle afslutte mit mandat som kommissær uden at kunne give Bosnien grønt lys. Jeg håber meget, at min efterfølger, kommissær Rehn, vil kunne gøre det tidligt i sin nye mandatperiode. Når det er gjort, vil Rådet skulle acceptere hans vurdering og fastlægge et forhandlingsmandat. Først da vil forhandlingerne starte. Der er ingen begrundelse for, at det ikke kan ske i løbet af 2005. Hvis Bosnien skal komme videre i denne tidsplan, forudsætter det visse ting.
For det første skal myndighederne gøre yderligere fremskridt, hvad angår den lovgivning, der er omhandlet i de 16 punkter. Der er blevet gjort meget her, men der er fortsat blokeringer på områder såsom moms og offentlig radiospredning.
For det andet må Bosnien erkende, at det ikke nytter meget at vedtage love, hvis de ikke gennemføres korrekt. Der er stadig meget at gøre på dette område.
For det tredje anførte Kommissionen i gennemførlighedsundersøgelsen, at den ville forvente et regulært samarbejde med den højtstående repræsentant om dennes reformagenda, som angivet i Dayton-Paris-fredsaftalen. Et af de afgørende elementer i denne forbindelse er spørgsmålet om en politireform. Jeg håber meget, at hr. Wilfried Martens inden årets udgang vil kunne rapportere om, at en aftale er på vej.
Endelig er der spørgsmålet om Det Internationale Tribunal til Pådømmelse af Krigsforbrydelser i det Tidligere Jugoslavien. Bosnien-Hercegovina er medlem af De Forenede Nationer og har undertegnet Dayton-aftalen. Som jeg har gjort det klart ved flere lejligheder, kan der ikke blive tale om en udvanding af det utvetydige krav om fuldstændigt samarbejde med tribunalet. Det er grundlæggende for Bosniens mulighed for at bevæge sig videre gennem stabiliserings- og associeringsprocessen. Det er en afgørende prøve på Bosniens vilje til at overholde sine internationale forpligtelser og retsstatsprincipperne. Det er også en grundlæggende del af den proces, der giver ofrene for grusomhederne mulighed for at frigøre sig fra fortiden. Hvis de personer, der er anklaget for forfærdelige krænkelser af menneskerettighederne, får lov til at gå fri, vil det være umuligt at nå til en virkelig forsoning mellem de forskellige befolkningsgrupper. I næste uge vil chefanklager Clara del Ponte rapportere til De Forenede Nationers Sikkerhedsråd om landene i det vestlige Balkans samarbejde med tribunalet. Hidtil har hun klart tilkendegivet, at Republika Srpska slet ikke har samarbejdet. Det er på alle måder uheldigt, at ikke én tiltalt er blevet udleveret af Republika Srpska til Haag, selv om der nu er forlydender om, at nogle af de personer, der mistænkes for krigsforbrydelser, er blevet arresteret af Republika Srpska med henblik på lokal rettergang. Det er altid gode nyheder, men Republika Srpska vil blive bedømt af det internationale samfund på sit samarbejde med tribunalet i de sager, der hører under dets jurisdiktion. Det er dette spørgsmål, fru del Ponte skal rapportere om til Sikkerhedsrådet. Jeg har ingen forventning om, at hendes rapport vil blive positiv, hvad angår Republika Srpska. Hvis min antagelse er korrekt, vil lord Ashdown skulle overveje sit svar nøje, for det er klart uacceptabelt, at udsigterne for landet som helhed for at gøre fremskridt i retning af medlemskab af EU og NATO kompromitteres på denne måde. Jeg opfordrer indtrængende Republika Srpskas politiske ledere til øjeblikkeligt at træffe foranstaltninger, så landet kan opfylde sine forpligtelser. Hvis ikke de gør det, vil de være ansvarlige for alle eventuelle følger af deres fejltagelse.
Ærede medlemmer, det var befolkningen i Bosnien-Hercegovina, der led mest under Balkan-krigen i 1990'erne. Den er nu kommet gennem denne forfærdelige periode og har en klar mulighed for at skabe et virkeligt land med reel udsigt til at blive medlem af vores europæiske familie. Nu, hvor jeg forlader Kommissionen, vil jeg ønske den held og lykke, idet jeg håber, at den vil gøre fremskridt i de kommende måneder."@da2
".
Ich bin sehr froh über diese Gelegenheit, ganze zwei Wochen vor der Übergabe an die EUFOR am 2. Dezember einige Worte über Bosnien und Herzegowina verlieren zu können. Der Start der Mission ALTHEA ist ein wichtiges Ereignis. Es handelt sich dabei nämlich um die erste bedeutende militärische Operation, die im Rahmen der Europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik stattfindet. Für die Übergabe durch die NATO waren lange und eingehende Diskussionen erforderlich, denn es galt, von Anfang an alles richtig zu machen. Den Erfolg haben wir in hohem Maße meinen Kollegen Solana und de Hoop Scheffer zu verdanken.
Mir sind die stellenweise geäußerten Befürchtungen bekannt, dass durch eine in Bosnien durchgeführte, vollkommen neue Militärmission der Eindruck vermittelt werden könnte, in dem Land würde weiterhin große Instabilität herrschen. Meiner Ansicht nach wäre es jedoch völlig falsch, eine solche Schlussfolgerung zu ziehen. Im vergangenen Frühjahr wurde auf dem Ministertreffen des Nordatlantikrats festgestellt, dass sich die Sicherheitslage in Bosnien und Herzegowina verbessert hätte. Daraufhin wurde beschlossen, die Zahl der SFOR-Truppen von 12 000 auf 7 000 zu verringern. In den vergangenen Jahren habe ich Bosnien mehrmals besucht und kann persönlich bezeugen, dass sich während dieses Zeitraums Veränderungen in diesem Land vollzogen haben.
Es wäre vollkommen töricht, die zweifelsohne sichtbaren Verbesserungen für selbstverständlich zu halten. Jetzt übernimmt Europa eigentlich nur größere unmittelbare Verantwortung für seinen eigenen Kontinent – es wurde aber auch Zeit, werden manche dazu sagen. Alle sechs Monate erfolgt jedoch eine Überprüfung der Operation. Dabei werden sowohl ihre Dauer als auch die Truppenstärke und ihre Zusammensetzung berücksichtigt. Es steht außer Frage, dass die Truppen nicht unnötig lange in Bosnien stationiert bleiben. Sobald es die Verhältnisse erlauben, kann die Zahl der Truppen verringert und die Mission schließlich beendet werden.
Zu diesem Zeitpunkt ist es wichtig zu berücksichtigen, dass Bosniens europäische Zukunft in dem Maße an Bedeutung gewinnen wird, wie die militärische Präsenz abnimmt. Wie alle Länder des Westbalkans verfügt auch Bosnien als potenzieller Beitrittskandidat über eine eindeutige europäische Perspektive. Im vergangenen November veröffentlichte die Kommission eine Durchführbarkeitsstudie mit 16 Punkten, bei denen das Land noch bedeutende Fortschritte machen müsste. Erst dann könnte dem Europäischen Rat ein Vorschlag vorgelegt werden, um Verhandlungen über ein Stabilisierungs- und Assoziierungsabkommen einzuleiten. Seitdem wurden zwar Fortschritte erzielt, doch bin ich enttäuscht darüber, meine Amtszeit als Kommissar zu beenden, ohne Bosnien grünes Licht geben zu können. Ich hoffe sehr, dass dies mein Nachfolger, Kommissar Rehn, schon bald nach der Amtsübernahme tun kann. Wenn es dazu kommt, müsste zunächst der Rat seine Einschätzung akzeptieren, und daraufhin müsste ein Verhandlungsmandat vereinbart werden. Erst dann könnten die Verhandlungen beginnen. Es spricht nichts dagegen, dass dies im Laufe des Jahres 2005 geschehen könnte. Zur Erzielung von Fortschritten in diesem Zeitraum müsste Bosnien jedoch einige Bedingungen erfüllen.
Erstens müssen die Behörden weitere Fortschritte bei der Rechtsetzung im Zusammenhang mit den 16 Punkten machen. Hier wurde zwar bereits viel unternommen, doch auf Gebieten wie der Mehrwertsteuer und des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks stehen noch immer Hindernisse im Weg.
Zweitens muss Bosnien einsehen, dass die Verabschiedung von Gesetzen wenig bringt, wenn sie nicht ordnungsgemäß umgesetzt werden. Hier besteht noch erheblicher Handlungsbedarf.
Drittens wies die Kommission in der Durchführbarkeitsstudie darauf hin, dass sie gemäß dem Friedensabkommen von Dayton und Paris eine angemessene Zusammenarbeit mit dem Hohen Vertreter im Hinblick auf seine Reformagenda erwartet. Einen Schlüsselbereich bildet dabei die Reform des Polizeiwesens. Ich hoffe sehr, dass Herr Martens Ende dieses Jahres von einer Einigung über das weitere Vorgehen berichten kann.
Schließlich wäre da noch die Problematik des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs für das ehemalige Jugoslawien. Die Förderation Bosnien und Herzegowina ist Mitglied der Vereinten Nationen und Unterzeichnerstaat des Abkommens von Dayton. Wie ich bereits mehrmals klarstellte, darf das zwingende Erfordernis einer uneingeschränkten Zusammenarbeit mit dem Gerichtshof nicht abgeschwächt werden. Dies ist unverzichtbar, damit Bosnien den Stabilisierungs- und Assoziierungsprozess durchlaufen kann. Bosnien muss Farbe bekennen, ob es seine internationalen Verpflichtungen erfüllt und Rechtsstaatlichkeit gewährleistet. Dies macht auch einen wichtigen Teil des Prozesses aus, der die Opfer der Schreckenstaten in die Lage versetzt, die Vergangenheit zu bewältigen. Wenn diejenigen weiterhin in Freiheit sind, die gravierender Menschenrechtsverletzungen beschuldigt werden, dann ist eine vollständige Aussöhnung der Bevölkerungsgruppen unmöglich. Nächste Woche wird die Hauptanklägerin, Carla del Ponte, den Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen über die Zusammenarbeit der Länder des Westbalkans mit dem Gerichtshof unterrichten. Bisher hat sie unmissverständlich zum Ausdruck gebracht, dass sich die Republika Srpska überhaupt nicht kooperativ zeigt. Es ist ein Skandal, dass nicht ein einziger Angeklagter von der Republika Srpska nach Den Haag überstellt wurde. Heute wurde allerdings gemeldet, dass einige mutmaßliche Kriegsverbrecher von der Republika Srpska festgenommen wurden, um sich vor einem inländischen Gericht zu verantworten. Diese Neuigkeiten sind zwar zu begrüßen, doch die Republika Srpska wird von der internationalen Gemeinschaft danach beurteilt werden, inwieweit sie mit dem Gerichtshof bei Rechtssachen, die in seinen Zuständigkeitsbereich fallen, zusammengearbeitet hat. Über diese Frage wird Frau del Ponte den Sicherheitsrat unterrichten. Ich gehe nicht davon aus, dass ihr Bericht zugunsten der Republika Srpska ausfallen wird. Wenn dies tatsächlich der Fall sein sollte, dann muss Lord Ashdown seine Antwort überdenken. Sicherlich ist es nicht hinnehmbar, dass auf diese Weise dem gesamten Land die Aussichten versperrt werden, dem Beitritt zur Europäischen Union und zur NATO näher zu kommen. Ich fordere die politische Führung der Republika Srpska auf, nunmehr Maßnahmen zur Erfüllung ihrer Verpflichtungen zu ergreifen. Sollte sie dies nicht tun, dann wird sie für jegliche Folgen ihrer Weigerung die Konsequenzen tragen müssen.
Sehr geehrte Abgeordnete, die Menschen in Bosnien und Herzegowina haben unter den Balkankriegen in den 90er-Jahren am meisten gelitten. Nun haben sie diese schreckliche Zeit hinter sich gelassen und haben die echte Chance, einen richtigen Staat mit der realen Perspektive der Aufnahme in die europäische Familie aufzubauen. Da ich nun aus der Kommission ausscheide, wünsche ich ihnen viel Erfolg und sehe ihren Fortschritten in den kommenden Monaten erwartungsvoll entgegen."@de9
"Χαίρομαι ιδιαίτερα που μου δίνεται η ευκαιρία να πω λίγα λόγια για τη Βοσνία-Ερζεγοβίνη, μόλις δύο εβδομάδες πριν τη παράδοση στη EUFOR στις 2 Δεκεμβρίου. Η έναρξη της αποστολής ALTHEA είναι ένα σπουδαίο γεγονός: σπουδαίο επειδή θα είναι η πρώτη σημαντική στρατιωτική επιχείρηση που αναλαμβάνεται στο πλαίσιο της Ευρωπαϊκής Πολιτικής Ασφάλειας και Άμυνας. Η μεταφορά από το ΝΑΤΟ απαίτησε εκτενείς και διεξοδικές συζητήσεις διότι ήταν ζωτικής σημασίας να θέσουμε τα πράγματα σε σωστή βάση από την αρχή. Αξίζει να αναγνωριστεί στους συναδέλφους μου, κ. Solana και κ. de Hoop Scheffer, ότι διασφάλισαν ένα επιτυχές αποτέλεσμα.
Γνωρίζω ότι ορισμένοι εκφράζουν την ανησυχία ότι μία εντελώς νέα στρατιωτική αποστολή στη Βοσνία θα δώσει το σήμα ότι η χώρα συνεχίζει να πάσχει από σημαντική έλλειψη σταθερότητας. Αυτό, κατά τη γνώμη μου, είναι εντελώς λανθασμένο συμπέρασμα. Τη περασμένη άνοιξη η Υπουργική Διάσκεψη του Βορειοατλαντικού Συμβουλίου διαπίστωσε ένα “βελτιωμένο περιβάλλον ασφάλειας στη Βοσνία-Ερζεγοβίνη”. Ως αποτέλεσμα, αποφάσισαν να μειώσουν τον αριθμό των στρατευμάτων που ήταν δεσμευμένα στη SFOR από 12 000 σε 7 000. Επισκέπτομαι τη Βοσνία εδώ και αρκετά χρόνια και μπορώ να επιβεβαιώσω προσωπικά τη μεταμόρφωση που έχει συντελεστεί στη χώρα κατά τη διάρκεια αυτής της περιόδου.
Θα ήταν το άκρον άωτον του παραλογισμού να θεωρήσει κανείς δεδομένες τις αναμφίβολες βελτιώσεις που έχουν συντελεσθεί. Αυτό που συμβαίνει είναι ότι η Ευρώπη αναλαμβάνει πιο άμεση ευθύνη για τη δική της ήπειρο – κάτι που άργησε πολύ να κάνει, σύμφωνα με ορισμένους. Ωστόσο, η επιχείρηση θα επανεξετάζεται κάθε έξι μήνες λαμβάνοντας υπόψη τόσο τη διάρκειά της, όσο και το μέγεθος και τη διαμόρφωσή της. Δεν τίθεται ζήτημα διατήρησης στρατευμάτων στη Βοσνία άσκοπα· μόλις το επιτρέψουν οι συνθήκες, ο αριθμός των στρατευμάτων μπορεί να μειωθεί και κάποια στιγμή, η αποστολή θα λάβει τέλος.
Είναι σημαντικό σε αυτή τη φάση να αναγνωρίσουμε ότι το ευρωπαϊκό μέλλον της Βοσνίας θα προσλάβει αύξουσα σημασία καθώς η στρατιωτική παρουσία θα συνεχίσει να μειώνεται. Η Βοσνία, όπως όλες οι χώρες των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων, έχει μία σαφή ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική ως δυνάμει υποψήφια χώρα. Τον περασμένο Νοέμβριο η Επιτροπή δημοσίευσε μία μελέτη σκοπιμότητας θέτοντας 16 σημεία στα οποία η χώρα όφειλε να σημειώσει σημαντική πρόοδο πριν να μπορέσει να γίνει σύσταση προς το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο να αρχίσει τις διαπραγματεύσεις για μία συμφωνία σταθεροποίησης και σύνδεσης. Μολονότι έχει σημειωθεί πρόοδος έκτοτε, είμαι απογοητευμένος διότι τελειώνω τη θητεία μου ως Επίτροπος χωρίς να είμαι σε θέση να δώσω στη Βοσνία το πράσινο φως. Ελπίζω ότι ο διάδοχός μου, Επίτροπος Rehn, θα μπορέσει να το κάνει ήδη από την αρχή της νέας του θητείας. Μόλις γίνει αυτό, το Συμβούλιο θα πρέπει να δεχθεί την εκτίμησή του και θα πρέπει τότε να συμφωνηθεί μία διαπραγματευτική εντολή. Μόνο τότε θα μπορέσουν να αρχίσουν οι διαπραγματεύσεις. Δεν υπάρχει κανένας λόγος να μη μπορέσουν να κάνουν κάτι τέτοιο κάπου μέσα στο 2005. Για να σημειώσει η Βοσνία πρόοδο σε αυτό το χρονοδιάγραμμα, απαιτούνται κάποια πράγματα.
Πρώτον, οι αρχές πρέπει να σημειώσουν περαιτέρω πρόοδο σχετικά με τη νομοθεσία που σχετίζεται με τα 16 σημεία. Πολλά έχουν γίνει σε αυτόν τον τομέα, αλλά υπάρχουν συνεχή εμπόδια σε τομείς όπως ο ΦΠΑ και οι δημόσιες ραδιοτηλεοπτικές μεταδόσεις.
Δεύτερον η Βοσνία, πρέπει να αναγνωρίσει ότι η θέσπιση νόμων έχει μικρή χρησιμότητα εάν δεν εφαρμόζονται σωστά. Υπάρχει ακόμη αρκετή δουλειά να γίνει στον τομέα αυτό.
Τρίτον, η Επιτροπή κατέστησε σαφές στη μελέτη σκοπιμότητας ότι αναμένει τη δέουσα συνεργασία με τον Ύπατο Εκπρόσωπο στην ατζέντα των μεταρρυθμίσεων του, όπως προβλέπονται στις ειρηνευτικές συμφωνίες Ντέιτον-Παρισιού. Ένας τομέας ζωτικής σημασίας είναι το ζήτημα της μεταρρύθμισης της αστυνομίας. Ελπίζω ότι, μέχρι το τέλος του χρόνου, ο κ. Wilfried Martens θα είναι σε θέση να αναφέρει την επίτευξη συμφωνίας όσον αφορά τη μελλοντική προοπτική.
Τέλος, υπάρχει το ζήτημα του Διεθνούς Ποινικού Δικαστηρίου για την Πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβία. Η Βοσνία-Ερζεγοβίνη είναι μέλος των Ηνωμένων Εθνών και έχει υπογράψει τη συμφωνία του Ντέιτον. Όπως κατέστησα σαφές σε αρκετές περιπτώσεις, δεν μπορεί να υπάρξει ουδεμία χαλάρωση στην απόλυτη απαίτηση για πλήρη συνεργασία με το Δικαστήριο. Αυτό είναι θεμελιώδες για τις προοπτικές της Βοσνίας για περαιτέρω δράση μέσω της διαδικασίας σταθεροποίησης και σύνδεσης. Είναι μία κρίσιμη δοκιμασία για την προσήλωση της Βοσνίας στις διεθνείς υποχρεώσεις της και στο κράτος δικαίου. Αποτελεί επίσης κεφαλαιώδες μέρος της διαδικασίας η οποία θα επιτρέψει στα θύματα των φρικαλεοτήτων να αφήσουν πίσω τους το παρελθόν. Επιτρέποντας σε όσους κατηγορούνται για φοβερές καταπατήσεις των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων να παραμένουν ελεύθεροι καθίσταται αδύνατο για τις κοινότητες να συμφιλιωθούν πλήρως. Την επόμενη εβδομάδα, η Εισαγγελέας του Διεθνούς Ποινικού Δικαστηρίου, κ. Carla del Ponte, θα υποβάλει την έκθεσή της στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών σχετικά με τη συνεργασία των χωρών των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων με το Δικαστήριο. Μέχρι στιγμής ήταν σαφής, ότι η Republica Srpska δεν υπήρξε καθόλου συνεργάσιμη. Είναι πράγματι επονείδιστο ότι ούτε ένας κατηγορούμενος δεν έχει προσαχθεί από τη Republica Srpska στη Χάγη, παρόλο που υπάρχουν σήμερα πληροφορίες ότι ορισμένοι ύποπτοι για εγκλήματα πολέμου έχουν συλληφθεί από τη Republica Srpska για να δικαστούν σε τοπικό επίπεδο. Αυτά είναι ευπρόσδεκτα νέα, όμως η Republica Srpska θα κριθεί από τη διεθνή κοινότητα όσον αφορά τη συνεργασία της με το Δικαστήριο σε περιπτώσεις που εμπίπτουν στη δικαιοδοσία του. Αυτό είναι το θέμα της έκθεσης την οποία θα υποβάλει η κ. del Ponte στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας. Δεν έχω λόγους να πιστεύω ότι η έκθεσή της θα είναι θετικά διακείμενη προς τη Republica Srpska. Αν όντως έτσι έχουν τα πράγματα, ο Λόρδος Ashdown θα πρέπει να εξετάσει ποια θα είναι η αντίδρασή του. Βέβαια, είναι απαράδεκτο το γεγονός ότι οι προοπτικές ολόκληρης της χώρας να σημειώσει κάποια πρόοδο προς την κατεύθυνση της ένταξής της στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το ΝΑΤΟ διακυβεύονται κατ’ αυτόν τον τρόπο. Προτρέπω όμως την πολιτική ηγεσία της Republica Srpska να αναλάβει δράση τώρα προκειμένου να εκπληρώσει τις υποχρεώσεις της. Στην αντίθετη περίπτωση, θα φέρουν την ευθύνη για οποιεσδήποτε συνέπειες οι οποίες θα προκύψουν από την αποτυχία τους.
Αξιότιμοι κ. βουλευτές, ο λαός της Βοσνίας-Ερζεγοβίνης έχει υποστεί τα πάνδεινα από τους Βαλκανικούς πολέμους τη δεκαετία του 1990. Τώρα αναδύονται από αυτή τη φοβερή περίοδο και έχουν την ευκαιρία να δημιουργήσουν μία πραγματική χώρα με μία γνήσια προοπτική ένταξης στην ευρωπαϊκή οικογένεια. Ολοκληρώνοντας τη θητεία μου στην Επιτροπή, τους εύχομαι κάθε επιτυχία και ανυπομονώ να μάθω για την πρόοδό τους τους ερχόμενους μήνες."@el10
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Señor Presidente, me alegra mucho tener esta oportunidad de decir unas palabras acerca de Bosnia y Herzegovina, justo dos semanas antes del traspaso a EUFOR el 2 de diciembre. El lanzamiento de la misión ALTHEA es un acontecimiento importante: importante porque será la primera operación militar significativa emprendida en el marco de la Política Europea de Seguridad y Defensa. La transferencia de la OTAN ha exigido discusiones largas y detalladas porque era crucial hacer las cosas bien desde el principio. Dice mucho a favor de mis colegas, el señor Solana y el señor De Hoop Scheffer, que el proceso haya culminado con éxito.
Sé que algunos estarán preocupados por el hecho de que una misión militar totalmente nueva en Bosnia dé la impresión de que el país sigue sufriendo una notable inestabilidad. A mi juicio sería totalmente erróneo sacar esta conclusión. La pasada primavera, la Reunión del Consejo Ministerial del Atlántico Norte observó un «mejor entorno de seguridad en Bosnia y Herzegovina». Así decidieron reducir el número de tropas destinadas a la SFOR de 12 000 a 7 000. He estado visitando Bosnia durante algunos años y puedo dar fe de la transformación que ha experimentado el país durante este periodo.
Sería totalmente descabellado dar por sentadas las indudables mejoras que se han producido. Lo único que está sucediendo es que Europa está asumiendo una responsabilidad más directa en su propio continente; ya era hora, dirán algunos. Sin embargo, la operación se revisará cada seis meses. En esta revisión se tendrá en cuenta la duración, así como la magnitud y la configuración de la operación. No es cuestión de mantener innecesariamente tropas en Bosnia; en cuanto lo permitan las circunstancias se podrá reducir el número de tropas y con el tiempo se pondrá fin a la misión.
En este momento es importante reconocer que el futuro europeo de Bosnia irá adquiriendo una importancia cada vez mayor a medida que la presencia militar disminuya. Bosnia, al igual que los países de los Balcanes Occidentales, tiene una clara perspectiva europea como posible país candidato. El pasado mes de noviembre, la Comisión publicó un estudio de viabilidad que fijaba 16 puntos en que el país debía realizar progresos significativos antes de que se pudiera recomendar al Consejo Europeo el inicio de las negociaciones en torno a un acuerdo de estabilización y asociación. Aunque desde entonces se han realizado progresos, me decepciona acabar mi mandato de Comisario sin haber podido dar luz verde a Bosnia. Espero que mi sucesor, el Comisario Rehn, pueda hacerlo en una fase temprana de su nuevo mandato. Cuando lo haga, el Consejo tendrá que aceptar su juicio y habrá que acordar un mandato de negociación. Solo entonces podrán iniciarse las negociaciones. No hay razón alguna para que no lo hagan a lo largo de 2005. Si Bosnia quiere realizar progresos en este plazo, harán falta algunas cosas.
En primer lugar, las autoridades deberán hacer más progresos en la legislación relativa a los 16 puntos. Hay que cambiar muchas cosas en este ámbito, pero siguen existiendo bloqueos en aspectos como el IVA y la radiodifusión pública.
En segundo lugar, Bosnia ha de reconocer que de poco sirve aprobar leyes si no se aplican debidamente. Queda aún mucho trabajo por hacer en este terreno.
En tercer lugar, en el estudio de viabilidad, la Comisión indicó que esperaba la debida cooperación con el Alto Representante en su programa de reformas, de acuerdo con lo estipulado en los Acuerdos de Paz de Dayton-París. Un ámbito crucial en este sentido es la cuestión de la reforma política. Confío en que, hacia finales de año, el señor Martens pueda informar que se ha llegado a un acuerdo sobre la forma de avanzar.
Por último, está la cuestión del Tribunal Penal Internacional para la antigua Yugoslavia. Bosnia y Herzegovina es miembro de las Naciones Unidas y ha firmado el Acuerdo de Dayton. Como he dicho claramente en diversas ocasiones, no se puede suavizar la exigencia absoluta de una plena cooperación con el Tribunal. Es fundamental para las perspectivas de Bosnia de avanzar a través del proceso de estabilización y asociación. Es una prueba crucial del compromiso de Bosnia con sus obligaciones internacionales y el Estado de Derecho. Asimismo es una parte fundamental del proceso que permite a las víctimas de las atrocidades dejar atrás el pasado. Permitir que los acusados de terribles abusos contra los derechos humanos permanezcan en libertad imposibilita que las comunidades se reconcilien debidamente. La semana que viene, la Fiscal jefe, señora Del Ponte, informará al Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas sobre la cooperación de los países de los Balcanes Occidentales con el Tribunal. Hasta ahora ha dicho muy claramente que la Republika Sprska no ha cooperado en absoluto. En efecto, es lamentable que la Republika Srpska no haya transferido a ningún acusado a La Haya, aunque hoy hay informes que indican que algunos sospechosos de crímenes de guerra han sido detenidos por la Republika Srpska para ser juzgados allí. Es una buena noticia, pero la Republika Srpska será juzgada por la comunidad internacional a la luz de su cooperación con el Tribunal en casos que pertenecen a su jurisdicción. La señora Del Ponte informará al Consejo de Seguridad sobre esta cuestión. No tengo razones para esperar que presente un informe positivo sobre la Republika Srpska. Si este es realmente el caso, Lord Ashdown tendrá que considerar su respuesta. Sin duda es intolerable que las perspectivas de todo un país de progresar hacia la adhesión a la Unión Europea y la OTAN se comprometan de esta manera. Pido con insistencia a las autoridades políticas de la Republika Srpska que tomen medidas ahora para cumplir sus obligaciones. Si no lo hacen, serán responsables de las consecuencias que puedan derivarse de su inacción.
Señorías, el pueblo de Bosnia y Herzegovina fue el que más sufrió por las guerras de los Balcanes en la década de los noventa. Ahora han salido de ese terrible periodo y tienen una clara oportunidad de crear un país real con una perspectiva verdadera de unirse a nuestra familia europea. Ahora que dejo la Comisión les deseo mucho éxito y espero oír hablar de sus progresos en los próximos meses."@es20
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@et5
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Olen hyvin iloinen tästä mahdollisuudesta lausua muutama sana Bosnia ja Hertsegovinasta, kaksi viikkoa ennen operaation siirtymistä EU-joukoille 2. joulukuuta. Althea-operaation käynnistäminen on merkittävä tapahtuma: se on merkittävä, koska se on Euroopan turvallisuus- ja puolustuspolitiikan (ETPP) ensimmäinen merkittävä sotilaallinen operaatio. Operaation siirtyminen Natolta on edellyttänyt pitkiä ja yksityiskohtaisia keskusteluja, sillä asiat piti saada oikeille raiteille heti alusta lähtien. Kollegani Solana ja de Hoop Scheffer ansaitsevat suuren osan kunniasta menestyksekkään tuloksen varmistamisessa.
Tiedän joidenkin olevan huolissaan siitä, että Bosniassa toteutettava upouusi sotilasoperaatio on merkki siitä, että valtio kärsii edelleen merkittävästä epävakaudesta. Mielestäni tämä on täysin väärä johtopäätös. Viime keväänä Pohjois-Atlantin ministerineuvoston kokouksessa todettiin "Bosnia ja Hertsegovinan parantunut turvallisuusympäristö". Tämän seurauksena SFOR-joukkoja päätettiin vähentää 12 000 henkilöstä 7 000 henkilöön. Olen vieraillut Bosniassa useiden vuosien ajan ja voin henkilökohtaisesti todistaa muutoksen, joka maassa on tapahtunut tämän ajanjakson aikana.
Olisi aivan hullua pitää tapahtuneita kiistattomia parannuksia itsestäänselvyyksinä. Eurooppa vain ottaa suurempaa välitöntä vastuuta omasta maanosastaan – toiset voivat sanoa, että oli jo aikakin. Operaatiota kuitenkin tarkastellaan aina kuuden kuukauden välein. Tarkastelussa otetaan huomioon sen kesto, laajuus ja kokoonpano. Joukkoja ei pidetä Bosniassa tarpeettomasti; heti kun olosuhteet sen sallivat, joukkojen määrää voidaan vähentää ja lopulta operaatio päättyy.
Nyt on tärkeää tunnustaa, että Bosnian eurooppalaisen tulevaisuuden merkitys lisääntyy, kun sotilaiden määrä vähenee. Kuten kaikissa Länsi-Balkanin maissa, myös Bosniassa on selvä näkemys mahdollisesta jäsenyysehdokkuudesta. Komissio julkisti viime marraskuussa toteutettavuustutkimuksen, jossa esitettiin 16 seikkaa, joissa valtion on edistyttävä merkittävästi, ennen kuin Eurooppa-neuvostolle voidaan antaa suositus vakaus- ja assosiaatiosopimusta koskevien neuvottelujen aloittamisesta. Vaikka edistystä on sittemmin tapahtunut, olen pahoillani joutuessani päättämään kauteni komission jäsenenä voimatta näyttää Bosnialle vihreää valoa. Toivon todellakin, että seuraajani komission jäsen Rehn voi tehdä tämän uuden toimikautensa varhaisessa vaiheessa. Kun hän on sen tehnyt, neuvosto voi hyväksyä hänen arvionsa, minkä jälkeen voidaan sopia neuvotteluvaltuuksista. Vasta sitten voidaan aloittaa neuvottelut. Ei ole mitään syytä, miksi näin ei voitaisi tehdä vuoden 2005 aikana. Jos Bosnia aikoo edistyä tässä aikataulussa, useiden edellytysten on täytyttävä.
Ensinnäkin viranomaisten on edistyttävä mainittuja 16:ta seikkaa koskevan lainsäädännön laatimisessa. Tältä osin paljon on jo tehty, mutta alv:n ja julkisen yleisradiotoiminnan kaltaisilla aloilla on edelleen tukoksia.
Bosnian on myös tunnustettava, ettei lakien säätämisestä ole juuri hyötyä, jos niitä ei panna asianmukaisesti täytäntöön. Tällä alalla on vielä paljon tehtävää.
Kolmanneksi komissio esitti toteutettavuustutkimuksessaan odottavansa asianmukaista yhteistyötä korkean edustajan kanssa tämän esittämän uudistusohjelman yhteydessä, kuten Daytonin ja Pariisin rauhansopimuksissa määrätään. Muun muassa poliisivoimien rakenneuudistuksella on tässä tärkeä merkitys. Toivon todella, että vuoden loppuun mennessä Wilfried Martens voi kertoa edistymistä koskevasta sopimuksesta.
Lopuksi on vielä entisen Jugoslavian kansainvälinen rikostuomioistuin. Bosnia ja Hertsegovina on YK:n jäsen ja Daytonin rauhansopimuksen allekirjoittaja. Kuten olen moneen otteeseen tehnyt selväksi, rikostuomioistuimen kanssa tehtävää täydellistä yhteistyötä koskevasta vaatimuksesta ei voida tinkiä yhtään. Tämä on aivan ratkaisevaa, jotta Bosnia voi edistyä vakaus- ja assosiaatioprosessissa. Näin testataan ratkaisevalla tavalla Bosnian sitoutumista sen kansainvälisiin velvoitteisiin ja oikeusvaltion periaatteisiin. Kyse on myös merkittävästä osasta sitä prosessia, joka auttaa hirmutöiden uhreja selviytymään menneisyydestä. Hirvittävistä ihmisoikeusrikkomuksista syytettyjen jääminen vapaiksi estää yhteisöjen välisen asianmukaisen sovinnon. Ensi viikolla pääsyyttäjä Carla del Ponte raportoi YK:n turvallisuusneuvostolle Länsi-Balkanin valtioiden yhteistyöstä tuomioistuimen kanssa. Tähän asti hän on varsin selvästi tuonut julki, ettei Serbitasavalta ole lainkaan osallistunut yhteistyöhön. On häpeällistä, ettei yhtään syytteeseen asetettua ole toimitettu Bosnian serbitasavallasta Haagiin, vaikka nyt olemmekin saaneet kuulla, että Bosnian serbitasavalta on pidättänyt joitakin sotarikoksista epäiltyjä paikallisia oikeudenkäyntejä varten. Tämä on hyvä uutinen, mutta kansainvälinen yhteisö tuomitsee Bosnian serbitasavallan sen kansainvälisen rikostuomioistuimen kanssa tekemän yhteistyön perusteella asioissa, jotka kuuluvat sen toimivaltaan. Juuri tästä syyttäjä del Ponte raportoi turvallisuusneuvostolle. Minulla ei ole syytä olettaa, että hänen raporttinsa olisi Bosnian serbitasavallan kannalta myönteinen. Jos näin on, lordi Ashdownin on harkittava vastaustaan. On luonnollisesti mahdotonta hyväksyä, että koko valtion mahdollisuudet edetä kohti Euroopan unioniin ja Natoon liittymistä, vaarannetaan näin. Kehotan Bosnian serbitasavallan poliittisia johtajia ryhtymään toimiin täyttääkseen velvoitteensa. Jos he eivät näin tee, he kantavat vastuun tämän mahdollisista vaikutuksista.
Arvoisat parlamentin jäsenet, Bosnia ja Hertsegovinan väestö on kärsinyt eniten 1990-luvun Balkanin sodista. Se on nyt selvinnyt tästä kauheasta ajanjaksosta, ja sillä on selkeä mahdollisuus luoda oikea valtio, jolla on tosiasiallinen mahdollisuus liittyä eurooppalaiseen perheeseemme. Jättäessäni komission toivotan Bosnia ja Hertsegovinan väestölle onnea ja menestystä ja toivon kuulevani tulevina kuukausina sen edistymisestä."@fi7
".
Je suis extrêmement heureux de l’opportunité qui m’est offerte de dire quelques mots concernant la Bosnie-et-Herzégovine, à seulement deux semaines du transfert à l’EUFOR prévu le 2 décembre. Le lancement de la mission Althea constitue un événement important: il l’est parce qu’il s’agira de la première opération militaire d’envergure menée dans le cadre la politique européenne de sécurité et de défense. Le transfert de l’OTAN a nécessité des discussions longues et complexes, car il était crucial de mettre les choses au point dès le départ. La réussite des discussions est essentiellement à mettre au crédit de mes collègues M. Solana et M. de Hoop Scheffer.
Je sais que certains s’inquiéteront de voir la toute nouvelle mission militaire en Bosnie envoyer un signal indiquant que le pays continue à souffrir d’une importante instabilité. Ce serait à mon sens une conclusion tout à fait erronée. Au printemps dernier, la réunion ministérielle du Conseil nord-atlantique a pris acte de «l’amélioration de l’environnement sécuritaire en Bosnie-et-Herzégovine». Il a donc décidé de réduire les effectifs militaires affectés à la SFOR de 12 000 à 7 000 hommes. Je me rends en Bosnie depuis plusieurs années et je peux personnellement confirmer la transformation du pays durant cette période.
La plus grande folie serait de considérer comme irréversibles les améliorations indéniables qui sont intervenues. Ce qui se produit, c’est que l’Europe assume plus directement les responsabilités sur son continent - ce n’est pas trop tôt, pourrait-on ajouter. L’opération sera toutefois révisée tous les six mois. Cette révision tiendra compte de la durée, de la taille et de la configuration de la mission. Il n’est pas question de maintenir inutilement des troupes en Bosnie. Dès que les conditions le permettront, les effectifs pourront être réduits et la mission arrivera finalement à son terme.
Il importe actuellement de reconnaître que l’avenir européen de la Bosnie gagnera en importance à mesure que la présence militaire poursuivra sa diminution. La Bosnie, à l’instar de tous les pays des Balkans occidentaux, possède une perspective européenne évidente en tant que pays candidat potentiel. En novembre dernier, la Commission a publié une étude de faisabilité présentant 16 points sur lesquels le pays doit progresser de manière significative avant qu’une recommandation de lancement de négociations sur un accord de stabilisation et d’association puisse être soumise au Conseil européen. Même si des progrès ont été réalisés depuis lors, je suis déçu de terminer mon mandat de commissaire sans avoir la possibilité de donner le feu vert à la Bosnie. J’espère bien que mon successeur, le commissaire Rehn, aura la possibilité de le faire au début de son nouveau mandat. Une fois qu’il l’aura fait, le Conseil devra accepter son évaluation et un mandat de négociation devra être défini. Les négociations ne pourront débuter qu’à ce moment-là. Il n’y a aucune raison de croire qu’elles ne pourront pas démarrer dans le courant de l’année 2005. Si la Bosnie veut progresser durant cette période, plusieurs conditions doivent être réunies.
Premièrement, les autorités doivent faire des progrès supplémentaires dans le domaine de la législation liée aux 16 points. Bien des choses ont été mises en œuvre à ce niveau, mais des blocages persistent dans les domaines de la TVA et des médias publics, par exemple.
Deuxièmement, la Bosnie doit reconnaître que l’adoption de lois ne présente qu’un intérêt limité si elles ne sont pas mises en œuvre adéquatement. Il reste beaucoup à faire à ce niveau.
Troisièmement, la Commission a indiqué dans l’étude de faisabilité qu’elle attendait de voir figurer à l’agenda des réformes une coopération adéquate avec le haut-représentant, comme le stipulent les accords de paix de Dayton-Paris. La réforme de la police est l’une des questions essentielles dans cette optique. J’espère de tout cœur que M. Wilfried Martens sera en mesure de signaler un accord sur la voie à suivre d’ici la fin de l’année.
Reste enfin la question du Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie. La Bosnie-et-Herzégovine est membre des Nations unies et signataire des accords de Dayton. Il ne peut y avoir, comme je l’ai indiqué à plusieurs occasions, de concession concernant l’absolue nécessité de coopérer pleinement avec le Tribunal. Cette condition est essentielle quant aux perspectives d’évolution de la Bosnie dans le cadre du processus d’association et de stabilisation. C’est un test crucial pour vérifier l’engagement de la Bosnie à l’égard de ses obligations internationales et de l’État de droit. C’est également un élément central du processus devant permettre aux victimes des atrocités de tirer un trait sur le passé. Donner aux personnes accusées de terribles violations des droits de l’homme la possibilité de rester en liberté empêche les communautés de se réconcilier pleinement. La semaine prochaine, Mme Carla del Ponte, procureur du TPIY, fera rapport sur la coopération des pays des Balkans occidentaux devant le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU. À ce jour, elle a clairement fait savoir que la Republika Srpska n’avait absolument pas coopéré. Il est en effet scandaleux que la Republika Srpska n’ait transféré aucun accusé à La Haye, alors que certaines informations indiquent aujourd’hui qu’elle aurait arrêté certaines personnes accusées de crimes de guerre dans l’optique de procès locaux. C’est une bonne nouvelle, mais la Republika Srpska sera jugée par la communauté internationale sur la base de sa coopération avec le TPIY dans des dossiers qui sont du ressort de ce dernier. C’est sur cette question que Mme del Ponte fera rapport au Conseil de sécurité. Je n’ai aucune raison de croire que son rapport sera positif pour la Republika Srpska. Si tel est effectivement le cas, Lord Ashdown devra préparer sa réponse. Il est évidemment intolérable que les perspectives de progression de tout le pays sur la voie d’une adhésion à l’Union européenne et à l’OTAN soient hypothéquées d’une telle façon. Je prie les dirigeants politiques de la Republika Srpska d’agir dès maintenant afin de satisfaire à leurs obligations. Faute de quoi ils devront assumer toutes les conséquences de leur inaction.
Honorables Députés, le peuple de Bosnie-et-Herzégovine a le plus souffert des guerres balkaniques des années 90. Il en a désormais fini avec cette terrible période et dispose d’une belle occasion de fonder un véritable pays, jouissant d’une authentique perspective d’adhésion à notre famille européenne. À l’heure où je quitte la Commission, je lui souhaite bonne chance et j’attends avec impatience d’être informé de ses progrès dans les mois à venir."@fr8
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@hu11
"Sono estremamente lieto di avere quest’opportunità d’intervenire brevemente sulla Bosnia-Erzegovina, a solo due settimane dal passaggio delle consegne ad EUFOR, il 2 dicembre. Il lancio della missione Althea è un avvenimento importante, perché è la prima operazione militare significativa intrapresa a titolo della politica europea di sicurezza e difesa. Il trasferimento dalla NATO ha richiesto discussioni lunghe e dettagliate, perché era cruciale che tutto funzionasse fin dall’inizio. Ai colleghi Solana e de Hoop Scheffer va il merito di aver assicurato il successo dell’iniziativa.
So che alcuni saranno preoccupati che una missione militare completamente nuova in Bosnia possa inviare il segnale che questo paese continua a essere molto instabile. Dal mio punto di vista non potrebbe essere più sbagliato trarre una simile conclusione. Nella primavera scorsa, la riunione ministeriale del Consiglio del Nordatlantico ha preso atto del “miglioramento dell’ambiente di sicurezza in Bosnia-Erzegovina”. Di conseguenza ha deciso di ridurre il numero dei militari destinati al contingente SFOR da 12 000 a 7 000. Nel corso degli anni, mi sono recato più volte in visita in Bosnia, e posso testimoniare personalmente che nell’arco di questo periodo il paese si è trasformato.
Sarebbe paradossale considerare scontati gli indubbi miglioramenti realizzati. Quello che è successo è che l’Europa – alla buon’ora, potrebbe commentare qualcuno – si sta assumendo sempre più la responsabilità diretta del proprio continente. In ogni caso l’operazione sarà soggetta a un riesame a cadenza semestrale per valutarne la durata, nonché le dimensioni e la configurazione. E’ fuori discussione mantenere in Bosnia un contingente se non è necessario: non appena le condizioni lo consentiranno, il contingente potrà essere ridimensionato e alla fine la missione sarà conclusa.
In questa fase, è importante riconoscere che il futuro europeo della Bosnia assumerà un’importanza sempre maggiore mano a mano che la presenza militare si ridurrà. La Bosnia, al pari di tutti i paesi dei Balcani occidentali, ha una chiara prospettiva europea come potenziale paese candidato. Nel novembre scorso la Commissione ha pubblicato uno studio di fattibilità che indicava 16 punti sui quali il paese deve compiere progressi significativi prima che si possa formulare al Consiglio europeo una raccomandazione volta ad avviare i negoziati su un accordo di stabilizzazione e associazione. Nonostante i progressi compiuti da allora, sono deluso di concludere il mio mandato come Commissario senza poter dare il via libera alla Bosnia. Spero vivamente che il mio successore, il Commissario Rehn, possa farlo nella prima fase del suo nuovo incarico. Se così fosse, il Consiglio sarebbe tenuto ad accettare la sua valutazione e si dovrebbe concordare un mandato negoziale. Solo a questo punto potrebbero iniziare i negoziati. Non vi è motivo di escludere che ciò possa avvenire nel corso del 2005. E’ necessaria una serie di requisiti perché la Bosnia possa compiere tale progresso in quest’orizzonte temporale.
Innanzi tutto, le autorità devono far avanzare la legislazione relativa ai 16 punti. Si è fatto molto al riguardo, ma persiste l’
in settori quali l’IVA e il sistema pubblico di radiotelevisione.
Secondo, la Bosnia deve riconoscere che emanare leggi è un esercizio di scarsa utilità se queste non sono applicate correttamente. Questo è un punto che lascia ancora molto a desiderare.
Terzo, nello studio di fattibilità la Commissione ha indicato che si aspetta un’adeguata cooperazione con l’Alto rappresentante per la sua agenda di riforma, come previsto dagli accordi di pace di Dayton-Parigi. Un ambito cruciale in questo contesto è la riforma della polizia. Nutro la sincera speranza che, entro la fine dell’anno, Wilfried Martens potrà riferire in merito a un accordo sui passi futuri da compiere in tale direzione.
Infine, la questione del Tribunale penale internazionale per l’ex Jugoslavia. La Bosnia-Erzegovina è un paese membro delle Nazioni Unite e firmatario degli accordi di Dayton. Come ho avuto modo di precisare in svariate occasioni, non si può relativizzare il requisito assoluto della piena cooperazione con il Tribunale: ciò è fondamentale per le prospettive della Bosnia verso il processo di stabilizzazione e associazione. E’ un
cruciale per l’impegno della Bosnia a favore dei suoi obblighi internazionali e dello Stato di diritto, nonché una parte capitale del processo che deve consentire alle vittime delle atrocità di chiudere con il passato. Lasciare che quanti sono accusati di terribili abusi contro i diritti umani rimangano a piede libero rende impossibile una vera riconciliazione tra le comunità. La settimana prossima il Procuratore capo, Carla del Ponte, riferirà al Consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite sulla cooperazione dei paesi dei Balcani occidentali con il Tribunale. A tutt’oggi il Procuratore capo ha sempre affermato con chiarezza che la Repubblica Srpska non sta affatto cooperando. E’ davvero deplorevole che nessuno degli accusati sia stato consegnato dalla Repubblica Srpska all’Aia, anche se le notizie di oggi riferiscono che alcune persone sospettate di crimini di guerra sono state arrestate dalla Repubblica Srpska e saranno lì processate. E’ una buona notizia, ma la Repubblica Srpska sarà giudicata dalla comunità internazionale sulla base della sua cooperazione con il Tribunale in merito ai casi che rientrano nella giurisdizione di quest’ultimo. Su questa materia Carla del Ponte riferirà al Consiglio di sicurezza. Non ho motivo di presumere che il suo rapporto sulla Repubblica Srpska sarà positivo. Se invece lo fosse, Lord Ashdown dovrà valutare la sua risposta. Certamente è intollerabile che la prospettiva che tutto il paese compia progressi verso l’adesione all’Unione europea e alla NATO sia compromessa in questo modo. Invito i
politici della Repubblica Srpska ad agire subito per ottemperare ai propri obblighi. Se non lo faranno, si renderanno responsabili delle eventuali conseguenze di tale inadempienza.
Onorevoli parlamentari, gli abitanti della Bosnia-Erzegovina sono quelli che più hanno sofferto per le guerre dei Balcani degli anni ’90. Ora sono riemersi da questo terribile periodo e hanno una chiara occasione di costruire un vero paese con una reale prospettiva di entrare a far parte della nostra famiglia europea. Ora che lascio la Commissione auguro loro tanto successo e sono ansioso di sentire dei loro progressi nei prossimi mesi."@it12
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@lt14
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@lv13
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@mt15
"Het doet mij buitengewoon genoegen dat ik deze kans krijg om enkele opmerkingen te maken over Bosnië-Herzegovina, een kleine twee weken voor de overdracht aan de EU-troepenmacht EUFOR op 2 december. De start van operatie ALTHEA is een belangrijke gebeurtenis: belangrijk, omdat dit de eerste grote militaire operatie zal zijn die wordt uitgevoerd in het kader van het Europees veiligheids- en defensiebeleid. Aan de overdracht door de NAVO gingen lange en uitvoerige besprekingen vooraf, omdat het van cruciaal belang was de zaken van meet af aan goed aan te pakken. Dat er nu een geslaagd resultaat ligt, mag grotendeels op het conto van mijn collega’s de heren Solana en De Hoop Scheffer worden geschreven.
Ik besef dat sommige mensen zich bezorgd afvragen of we niet, door weer een geheel nieuwe militaire missie naar Bosnië-Herzegovina te sturen, het signaal afgeven dat het land nog steeds gebukt gaat onder aanzienlijke instabiliteit. Dat zou, in mijn ogen, een volkomen verkeerde conclusie zijn. In het afgelopen voorjaar wees de ministersvergadering van de Noord-Atlantische Raad op een “verbeterde veiligheidssituatie in Bosnië-Herzegovina”. Op basis daarvan besloot de vergadering het aantal troepen dat geleverd werd aan de stabilisatiemacht SFOR terug te brengen van 12 000 naar 7 000. Ik heb Bosnië-Herzegovina in de loop der jaren verscheidene malen bezocht en ik kan persoonlijk bevestigen dat zich in die periode een verandering heeft voltrokken in het land.
Het zou getuigen van grote dwaasheid als we de onmiskenbare verbeteringen die zich hebben voorgedaan, vanzelfsprekend zouden vinden. Het enige dat er gebeurt, is dat Europa een meer rechtstreekse verantwoordelijkheid voor zijn eigen continent op zich neemt – en dat werd ook wel eens tijd, zullen sommigen misschien zeggen. De operatie wordt echter om de zes maanden geëvalueerd. Daarbij zal worden gekeken naar de duur van de operatie en naar haar omvang en samenstelling. Er is geen sprake van dat we onnodig troepen in Bosnië-Herzegovina laten blijven; zodra de omstandigheden het toelaten, kan het aantal troepen verminderd worden en uiteindelijk zal de missie worden beëindigd.
Het is zaak op dit moment in te zien dat de Europese toekomst van Bosnië-Herzegovina van toenemend belang zal zijn naarmate de militaire aanwezigheid wordt afgebouwd. Net als alle andere landen van de westelijke Balkan heeft Bosnië-Herzegovina een duidelijk Europees toekomstperspectief als potentiële kandidaat-lidstaat. In november jongstleden heeft de Commissie een haalbaarheidsstudie het licht doen zien waarin zij aangaf dat het land op zestien punten aanmerkelijk beter zou moeten presteren voordat zij de Europese Raad zou kunnen aanbevelen onderhandelingen over een stabilisatie- en associatieovereenkomst te openen. Er is sindsdien weliswaar vooruitgang geboekt, maar tot mijn spijt zal ik mijn mandaat als commissaris moeten beëindigen zonder dat ik Bosnië-Herzegovina het groene licht heb kunnen geven. Ik hoop van ganser harte dat mijn opvolger, commissaris Rehn, dat in een vroeg stadium van zijn ambtsperiode wel zal kunnen doen. Zodra hij dat eenmaal gedaan heeft, kan de Raad niet anders dan zijn beoordeling overnemen en vervolgens zal dan overeenstemming moeten worden bereikt over een onderhandelingsmandaat. Pas dan kunnen de onderhandelingen van start gaan. Er is geen reden om aan te nemen dat dat niet ergens in 2005 zou kunnen gebeuren. Wil Bosnië-Herzegovina voortmaken met dit tijdschema, dan zal aan een aantal vereisten moeten worden voldaan.
Ten eerste zullen de autoriteiten de wetgeving die samenhangt met de zestien genoemde punten verder moeten verbeteren. Er is al veel bereikt, maar op gebieden als de BTW en de publieke omroep zijn er nog steeds obstakels die uit de weg geruimd moeten worden.
Ten tweede zal Bosnië-Herzegovina moeten inzien dat het weinig zin heeft wetgeving aan te nemen als die vervolgens niet naar behoren ten uitvoer wordt gelegd. Op dat punt moet nog veel gebeuren.
Ten derde, de Commissie heeft in haar haalbaarheidsstudie aangegeven van Bosnië-Herzegovina te verwachten dat het goed zal samenwerken met de Hoge Vertegenwoordiger wat betreft de verwezenlijking van zijn hervormingsagenda, zoals in de vredesakkoorden van Dayton en Parijs is vastgelegd. Een kwestie die in dit verband van cruciaal belang is, is de hervorming van het politieapparaat. Ik hoop ten zeerste dat de heer Wilfried Martens tegen het einde van het jaar zal kunnen melden dat er overeenstemming is bereikt over de te volgen koers.
Tot slot is er het punt van het Internationaal Oorlogstribunaal voor het voormalige Joegoslavië. Bosnië-Herzegovina is lid van de Verenigde Naties en heeft de Dayton-akkoorden ondertekend. Zoals ik bij meerdere gelegenheden al duidelijk heb gemaakt, kan er geen sprake van zijn dat de absolute eis tot volledige samenwerking met het Tribunaal ook maar enigszins wordt afgezwakt. Dit is van fundamenteel belang voor de vooruitzichten van Bosnië-Herzegovina op verdere ontwikkeling via het stabilisatie- en associatieproces. Het is de lakmoesproef voor de mate waarin Bosnië-Herzegovina zijn internationale verplichtingen en de rechtsstaat serieus neemt. Het is tevens een elementair onderdeel van het proces dat de slachtoffers van de gruweldaden in staat stelt het verleden los te laten. Wanneer degenen die beschuldigd worden van vreselijke mensenrechtenschendingen vrij rond mogen blijven lopen, wordt het onmogelijk de verschillende gemeenschappen daadwerkelijk met elkaar te verzoenen. Volgende week zal hoofdaanklager Carla del Ponte verslag uitbrengen aan de VN-Veiligheidsraad over de samenwerking van de landen van de westelijke Balkan met het Tribunaal. Tot nu toe heeft zij er geen doekjes om gewonden dat de Republiek Srpska in het geheel niet heeft meegewerkt. Het is zonder meer een schandelijke zaak dat niet één verdachte door de Republiek Srpska is overgedragen aan Den Haag, ofschoon er momenteel berichten de ronde doen dat de Republiek Srpska een aantal verdachten van oorlogsmisdaden heeft gearresteerd om hen in eigen land te berechten. Dit is op zich heuglijk nieuws, maar de Republiek Srpska zal door de internationale gemeenschap worden beoordeeld op haar medewerking in zaken die onder jurisdictie van het Tribunaal vallen. Het is over dat punt dat mevrouw Del Ponte verslag zal uitbrengen aan de Veiligheidsraad. Ik heb geen reden om te verwachten dat zij zich in haar verslag positief zal uitlaten over de Republiek Srpska. Als het verslag inderdaad negatief is, zal Lord Ashdown zich op een reactie moeten bezinnen. Het is volstrekt onaanvaardbaar dat de vooruitzichten van het gehele land op toetreding tot de Europese Unie en de NAVO op deze wijze worden gedwarsboomd. Ik doe een klemmend beroep op de politieke leiding van de Republiek Srpska om nú tot actie over te gaan en haar verplichtingen na te komen. Zo niet, dan zal zij verantwoordelijk zijn voor alle consequenties die eventueel uit haar nalatigheid voortvloeien.
Geachte leden van het Parlement, het volk van Bosnië-Herzegovina heeft het meest geleden onder de Balkanoorlogen in de jaren negentig. Nu zijn zij die verschrikkelijke periode te boven gekomen en hebben zij een uitgesproken kans om een echt land te creëren, met het daadwerkelijke vooruitzicht op het lidmaatschap van de Europese Unie. Nu ik terugtreed als lid van de Commissie, wil ik hun alle succes toewensen en ik zie ernaar uit in de komende maanden te horen over hun vorderingen."@nl3
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@pl16
".
Estou extremamente grato por esta oportunidade de dizer algumas palavras sobre a Bósnia-Herzegovina, a apenas duas semanas da transferência da missão para a EUFOR, a 2 de Dezembro. O lançamento da missão da ALTHEA é um acontecimento importante: importante, porque será a primeira operação militar de grande dimensão levada a cabo pela Política Europeia de Segurança e Defesa. A transferência da NATO exigiu longas e minuciosas discussões, cruciais para que tudo corresse bem desde o início. Os meus colegas, Javier Solana e de Hoop Scheffer, são merecedores de enorme crédito por terem conseguido garantir o êxito dos resultados.
Estou ciente de que há quem manifeste preocupação pelo facto de uma nova missão militar na Bósnia poder emitir um sinal de que o país continua a debater-se com uma instabilidade significativa. Essa seria, a meu ver, uma conclusão totalmente errada. Na sua reunião da Primavera passada, a reunião ministerial do Conselho do Atlântico Norte registou a existência de um “maior clima de segurança na Bósnia-Herzegovina”. Consequentemente, decidiu reduzir o número de soldados destacados na SFOR de 12 000 para 7 000. Tenho visitado, de há uns anos para cá, a Bósnia e posso atestar, pessoalmente, as transformações que ocorreram no país durante esse período.
Seria uma absoluta loucura dar por garantidos os progressos inegáveis que ocorreram. Trata-se, muito simplesmente, de a Europa assumir uma responsabilidade mais directa pelo seu próprio continente – já não era sem tempo, haverá quem diga. No entanto, proceder-se-á a uma análise da Operação de seis em seis meses. Nessa análise, ter-se-á em conta a sua duração, assim como a sua dimensão e configuração. Não há qualquer razão para manter tropas na Bósnia desnecessariamente; assim que as condições o permitam, o número de soldados poderá ser reduzido e, posteriormente, a missão será dada por encerrada.
Neste momento, é importante reconhecer que o futuro europeu da Bósnia assumirá uma importância crescente à medida que a presença militar continuar a diminuir. A Bósnia, como a totalidade dos países dos Balcãs Ocidentais, possui uma clara vocação europeia como potencial país candidato. Em Novembro último, a Comissão publicou um estudo de viabilidade, no qual identifica 16 pontos, relativamente aos quais o país precisa de realizar progressos consideráveis, antes de poder apresentar-se uma recomendação ao Conselho Europeu para que inicie negociações sobre o acordo de estabilização e associação. Apesar de, desde então, se terem registado progressos, lamento terminar o meu mandato como Comissário sem ter sido capaz de dar luz verde à Bósnia. Nutro vivas esperanças de que o meu sucessor, o Senhor Comissário Rehn, possa fazê-lo numa fase muito inicial do seu novo mandato. Assim que isso aconteça, o Conselho terá de aceitar a sua avaliação e chegar a acordo quanto a um mandato de negociação. Só então poderão iniciar-se negociações. Não há razão para que não possam começar ainda durante o ano de 2005. Se se quiser que a Bósnia faça progressos dentro desse calendário, então há uma série de exigências a cumprir.
Em primeiro lugar, as autoridades terão de realizar mais progressos no que respeita à legislação relacionada com os referidos 16 pontos. Muito foi já feito, mas são persistentes os entraves em áreas, tais como o IVA e os serviços públicos de radiodifusão.
Em segundo lugar, a Bósnia tem de reconhecer que a aprovação de leis tem pouca utilidade se as mesmas não forem adequadamente aplicadas. Há ainda muito a fazer a este respeito.
Em terceiro lugar, a Comissão indicou, no seu estudo de viabilidade, que esperava obter adequada cooperação com o Alto Representante, no que respeita à sua agenda de reformas, tal como o prevêem os Acordos de Paz Dayton Paris. Uma das áreas cruciais, a este respeito, é a reforma da polícia. Espero sinceramente que, até ao final do ano, Wilfried Martens possa dar-nos notícia de um acordo quanto ao rumo a seguir.
Por fim, põe-se a questão do Tribunal Penal Internacional para a ex-Jugoslávia. A Bósnia-Herzegovina é membro das Nações Unidas e signatário de Dayton. Como já deixei claro em diversas ocasiões, não poderá haver qualquer diluição do requisito absoluto de cooperação total com o Tribunal. Isso é fundamental para as perspectives de progresso da Bósnia, através do processo de estabilização e associação. Trata-se de um teste crucial ao empenhamento da Bósnia no que respeita ao cumprimento das suas obrigações internacionais, assim como para com a instauração de um Estado de direito. É também fundamental para que as vítimas das atrocidades possam enterrar o passado. Permitir que os acusados de terríveis violações dos direitos humanos permaneçam livres torna impossível uma reconciliação adequada entre as comunidades. Na próxima semana, a Procuradora-geral Carla del Ponte apresentará o seu relatório ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas sobre a cooperação dos países dos Balcãs Ocidentais com o Tribunal. Até à data, a Procuradora-geral Carla del Ponte tem deixado claro que a República Srpska não tem cooperado de todo. É, de facto, lamentável o facto de nenhum indiciado ter sido transferido pela República Srpska para a Haia, embora haja, hoje, notícia de que alguns suspeitos de crimes de guerra foram detidos pela República Srpska para serem julgados localmente. São boas notícias, mas a República Srpska será julgada pela comunidade internacional, com base na sua cooperação com o Tribunal, em casos abrangidos pela sua jurisdição. É a esse respeito que a Senhora del Ponte se dirigirá ao Conselho de Segurança. Não tenho qualquer razão para esperar que o seu relatório seja positivo relativamente à República Srpska. Se for esse, efectivamente, o caso, Lord Ashdown terá de ponderar a sua resposta. É, seguramente, intolerável que as perspectivas de progresso de todo o país rumo à União Europeia e à NATO sejam comprometidas desta forma. Exorto a liderança política da República Srpska a agir, no sentido de cumprir, agora, as suas obrigações. Se não o fizer, será responsável por quaisquer consequências que possam decorrer desse incumprimento.
Senhores Deputados, foi o povo da Bósnia-Herzegovina quem mais sofreu com as guerras nos Balcãs nos anos noventa. Saiu agora desse terrível período e dispõe de uma oportunidade clara para criar um verdadeiro país, com perspectivas genuínas de adesão à família europeia. Agora que deixo a Comissão, desejo-lhe êxito e aguardo com ansiedade os progressos nos próximos meses."@pt17
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@sk18
"I am extremely glad to have this opportunity to say a few words about Bosnia and Herzegovina, just two weeks before the handover to EUFOR on 2 December. The launching of the ALTHEA mission is an important event: important because it will be the first significant military operation undertaken under the European Security and Defence Policy. The transfer from NATO has required long and detailed discussions because it was crucial to get things right from the very start. My colleagues Mr Solana and Mr de Hoop Scheffer deserve a great deal of credit for securing a successful outcome.
I know some will be concerned that a brand new military mission in Bosnia sends a signal that the country continues to suffer from significant instability. That would, in my judgement, be an entirely wrong conclusion to draw. Last Spring the North Atlantic Council Ministerial Meeting noted an 'improved security environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina'. As a result they decided to reduce the number of troops committed to SFOR from 12 000 to 7 000. I have been visiting Bosnia for several years and I can personally attest to the transformation which has come over the country during that period.
It would be the height of folly to take for granted the undoubted improvements which have occurred. All that is happening is that Europe is taking on more direct responsibility for its own continent – not before time, some might say. However, there will be a review of the operation every six months. This will take account of its duration, as well as its size and configuration. There is no question of keeping troops in Bosnia unnecessarily; as soon as conditions permit, the number of troops can be reduced and eventually the mission will come to an end.
It is important at this time to recognise that Bosnia’s European future will assume growing importance as the military presence continues to reduce in size. Bosnia, like all the countries of the Western Balkans, has a clear European perspective as a potential candidate country. Last November the Commission published a feasibility study setting out 16 points on which the country needed to make significant progress before a recommendation could be made to the European Council to start negotiations on a stabilisation and association agreement. Although there has been progress since then, I am disappointed to end my mandate as Commissioner without being able to give Bosnia the green light. I very much hope that my successor, Commissioner Rehn, will be able to do so early in his new mandate. Once he did so, the Council would have to accept his assessment and a negotiating mandate would then have to be agreed. Only then could negotiations start. There is no reason why they could not do so some time during 2005. If Bosnia is to make progress on this timescale, a number of things are required.
First, the authorities have to make further progress on the legislation associated with the 16 points. Much has been done here, but there are continuing blockages in areas like VAT and public broadcasting.
Second, Bosnia has to recognise that passing laws has little utility if they are not implemented properly. There is still a great deal of work to be done here.
Third, the Commission indicated in the feasibility study that it would expect proper cooperation with the High Representative in his reform agenda, as provided for in the Dayton Paris Peace Accords. One crucial area here is the question of police reform. I very much hope that, by the end of the year, Mr Wilfried Martens will be able to report agreement on the way forward.
Finally, there is the question of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Bosnia Herzegovina is a member of the United Nations and a signatory to Dayton. As I have made clear on a number of occasions, there can be no dilution of the absolute requirement for full cooperation with the Tribunal. This is fundamental to Bosnia’s prospects for further movement through the stabilisation and association process. It is a crucial test of Bosnia’s commitment to its international obligations and to the rule of law. It is also a fundamental part of the process of allowing the victims of the atrocities to let go of the past. Allowing those accused of terrible human rights abuses to remain free makes it impossible for the communities to be properly reconciled. Next week the Chief Prosecutor, Mrs Carla del Ponte, will be reporting to the United Nations Security Council on the cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans with the Tribunal. Up until now, she has been quite clear that Republika Srpska has not been cooperating at all. It is indeed a disgraceful matter that not one indictee has been transferred by the Republika Srpska to The Hague, although there are reports today that some war crime suspects have been arrested by Republika Srpska for trial locally. This is welcome news, but Republika Srpska will be judged by the international community on its cooperation with the Tribunal on cases which fall under its jurisdiction. It is on that issue that Mrs del Ponte will be reporting to the Security Council. I have no reason to expect that her report will be positive on Republika Srpska. If that is indeed the case, Lord Ashdown will have to consider his response. Certainly, it is intolerable that the prospects for the whole country to make progress towards joining the European Union and NATO are being compromised in this way. I urge the political leadership of Republika Srpska to take action now to fulfil their obligations. If they do not, they will be responsible for any consequences which flow from their failure.
Honourable Members, the people of Bosnia Herzegovina suffered the most from the Balkan wars in the 1990s. Now they have emerged from that terrible period and have a clear chance of creating a real country with a genuine prospect of joining our European family. As I leave the Commission, I wish them every success and I look forward to hearing of their progress in the months to come."@sl19
".
Jag är mycket glad att få denna möjlighet att säga några ord om Bosnien och Hercegovina, bara två veckor före överlämnandet till EUFOR den 2 december. Igångsättandet av Althea-uppdraget är en viktig händelse: viktig, eftersom den kommer att vara den första betydande militära operation som företas inom ramen för den europeiska säkerhets- och försvarspolitiken. Överförandet från Nato har krävt långa och ingående diskussioner, eftersom det var av avgörande betydelse att få allting att fungera från första början. Mina kolleger Javier Solana och Jaap de Hoop Scheffer förtjänar ett stort erkännande för att de har åstadkommit ett framgångsrikt resultat.
Jag vet att några kommer att vara oroliga över att ett helt nytt militärt uppdrag i Bosnien sänder en signal om att landet fortfarande lider av betydande instabilitet. Detta skulle enligt min bedömning vara att dra alldeles fel slutsats. Vid Natos ministerrådsmöte noterades en ”förbättrad säkerhetssituation i Bosnien och Hercegovina”. Som en konsekvens av detta beslutade de att minska antalet trupper som avdelats för SFOR från 12 000 till 7 000. Jag har besökt Bosnien under många år, och jag kan personligen bekräfta den förvandling som har skett i landet under denna period.
Det skulle vara ytterst dåraktigt att ta de förbättringar som otvivelaktigt har ägt rum för givna. Allt som händer är att EU håller på att ta mer direkt ansvar för sin egen kontinent – inte för tidigt, kanske några skulle säga. Men det kommer att göras en översyn av operationen var sjätte månad. I denna översyn kommer man att göra en bedömning av operationens varaktighet såväl som av dess omfattning och sammansättning. Det kan inte bli tal om att behålla trupper i Bosnien i onödan; så snart som förhållandena tillåter kan antalet trupper minskas, och till sist kommer uppdraget att upphöra.
Nu är det viktigt att inse att Bosniens framtid i EU kommer att få växande betydelse i takt med att den militära närvaron fortsätter att minska i omfattning. Bosnien har, i likhet med alla länderna på västra Balkan, ett tydligt europeiskt perspektiv som potentiellt kandidatland. I november förra året offentliggjorde kommissionen en genomförbarhetsstudie som nämner 16 punkter där landet behövde göra betydande framsteg innan man skulle kunna rekommendera Europeiska rådet att inleda förhandlingar om ett stabiliserings- och associeringsavtal. Även om det har gjorts framsteg sedan dess är jag besviken över att behöva avsluta min ämbetsperiod som kommissionär utan att kunna ge Bosnien grönt ljus. Jag hoppas verkligen att min efterträdare, kommissionär Olli Rehn, kommer att kunna göra det tidigt under sin nya mandatperiod. Så snart han gjorde det skulle rådet vara tvunget att acceptera hans bedömning, och därefter skulle man vara tvungen att besluta om ett förhandlingsmandat. Först då skulle förhandlingarna kunna börja. Det finns ingen anledning till att de inte skulle kunna börja någon gång under 2005. Om Bosnien skall göra framsteg i fråga om denna tidtabell är det en rad saker som krävs.
För det första måste myndigheterna göra ytterligare framsteg i fråga om den lagstiftning som är förknippad med de 16 punkterna. Mycket har gjorts i detta avseende, men det finns fortfarande blockeringar på sådana områden som mervärdesskatt och statliga radio- och TV-sändningar.
För det andra måste Bosnien erkänna att det är till liten nytta att anta lagar, om de inte genomförs på rätt sätt. Här finns fortfarande en hel del arbete som behöver göras.
För det tredje antydde kommissionen i genomförbarhetsstudien att den skulle förvänta sig ett reellt samarbete med den höge representanten i hans reformprogram, så som det föreskrivs i fredsöverenskommelserna i Dayton och Paris. Ett mycket viktigt område här är frågan om en polisreform. Jag hoppas verkligen att Wilfried Martens före årets slut kommer att kunna rapportera om en överenskommelse om hur man kan komma vidare.
Slutligen har vi frågan om Internationella tribunalen för f.d. Jugoslavien. Bosnien och Hercegovina är medlem av Förenta nationerna och har undertecknat Daytonavtalet. Som jag vid ett flertal tillfällen har klargjort kan det inte bli tal om att tumma på det absoluta kravet på fullt samarbete med tribunalen. Detta är grundläggande för Bosniens utsikter till ytterligare framsteg genom stabiliserings- och associeringsprocessen. Det är ett avgörande test på Bosniens respekt för sina internationella åtaganden och för rättssamhället. Det är också ett grundläggande inslag i den process som kan få offren för grymheterna att göra sig kvitt sitt förflutna. Om man tillåter dem som anklagats för fruktansvärda kränkningar av de mänskliga rättigheterna att gå fria blir det omöjligt för de olika befolkningsgrupperna att försonas ordentligt. I nästa vecka kommer chefsåklagaren Carla del Ponte att avlägga en rapport för Förenta nationernas säkerhetsråd om de västra Balkanländernas samarbete med tribunalen. Hittills har hon mycket tydligt sagt att Republika Srpska över huvud taget inte har samarbetat. Det är verkligen skamligt att Republika Srpska inte har överlämnat en enda anklagad till tribunalen i Haag, även om det i dag finns rapporter om att några misstänkta krigsförbrytare har gripits av Republika Srpska för att ställas inför rätta på det lokala planet. Detta är en välkommen nyhet, men världssamfundet kommer att bedöma Republika Srpska utifrån dess samarbete med tribunalen i de fall som hör till dess jurisdiktion. Det är om denna fråga som Carla del Ponte kommer att rapportera till säkerhetsrådet. Jag har ingen anledning att förvänta mig att hennes rapport kommer att vara positiv i fråga om Republika Srpska. Om detta verkligen är fallet måste Lord Ashdown ta sitt svar under övervägande. Det är verkligen oacceptabelt att man på detta sätt försvårar hela landets utsikter att göra framsteg på vägen mot anslutning till EU och Nato. Jag vädjar till Republika Srpskas politiska ledning att agera nu för att uppfylla sina skyldigheter. Om de inte gör det kommer de att vara ansvariga för alla tänkbara konsekvenser av sin uraktlåtenhet.
Ärade ledamöter! Det var folket i Bosnien och Hercegovia som led mest under Balkankrigen på 1990-talet. Nu har det rest sig efter denna fruktansvärda period och har en klar möjlighet att skapa ett verkligt land med verkligt goda utsikter att kunna förenas med vår europeiska familj. När jag lämnar kommissionen önskar jag bosnierna all tänkbar framgång, och jag ser fram emot att få höra om deras framsteg under de kommande månaderna."@sv21
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